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A88244 Regall tyrannie discovered: or, A discourse, shewing that all lawfull (approbational) instituted power by God amongst men, is by common agreement, and mutual consent. Which power (in the hands of whomsoever) ought alwayes to be exercised for the good, benefit, and welfare of the trusters, and never ought other wise to be administered: ... In which is also punctually declared, the tyrannie of the kings of England, from the dayes of William the invader and robber, and tyrant, alias the Conqueror, to this present King Charles, ... Out of which is drawn a discourse, occasioned by the tyrannie and injustice inflicted by the Lords, upon that stout-faithful-lover of his country, and constant sufferer for the liberties thereof, Lieut. Col. John Lilburn, now prisoner in the Tower. In which these 4. following positions are punctually handled ... Vnto which is annexed a little touch, upon some palbable miscarriages, of some rotten members of the House of Commons: which house, is the absolute sole lawmaking, and law-binding interest of England. Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657. 1647 (1647) Wing L2172; Thomason E370_12; ESTC R201291 90,580 119

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Knaves Fooles Tyrants or Monopolizers or unjust wretched persons that must of necessity have their Prerogative to rule over all their wickednesses Secondly Observe from hence from what a pure Fountain our inslaving Lawes Judges and Practises in Westminster Hall had their originall namely from the will of a Conqueror and Tyrant for I find no mention in History of such Iudges Westminster Hall Courts and such French u●godly proceedings as these untill his dayes the burthen of which in many particulars to this day lies upon us But in the 21. of this Tyrants reigne After that the captivated Natives had made many struglings for their liberties and he having alwayes suppressed them and made himself absolute He began saith Daniel fol. 43. to govern all by the customes of Normandy whereupon the agrieved Lords and sad People of England tender their humble Petition beseeching him in regard of his Oath made at his Coronation and by the soule of St. Edward from whom he had the Crown and Kingdome under whose Lawes they were born and bred that he would not adde that misery to deliver them up to be judged by a strange Law wh●●h they underst●●d no● A●d saith he so earnestly they w●ought that he was pleased to confirme that by his Charter which he had twice ●ore-prom●●d by ●is Oath And gave commandment unto his I●stitiaries to see those Lawes of St. Edward to be invi●lably observed th●ough u● the Kingdome And yet notwithstanding this co●firmatio● 〈◊〉 the C●●r●ers afterward granted by Henry the secon● ●nd King Iohn to the same effect There followed a great Innovation b●th in Lawes and Government in England so that this seemes rather to h●ve b●en done to acquit the people with a shew of the confi●mation of their antient Customes and liberties then that they enjoyed them inessect For whereas before those Lawes they had were written in their tongue i●telligible unto all Now they are tra●slated into Latine and French And whereas the Causes of the Kingdome were before determined in every Shire And by a Law of King Edward s●nior all matters in question should upon speciall penalty w●tk●ut ●urther deferment be finally decided in their Gemote or Conventions held monethly in every Hundred A MOST GALLAN● LAW But he ●et up his ●udges four times a yeare where he thought good to he●● their Causes Again before his Conquest the inheritances descended not alone but after the Germane manner equally divided to all the children which he also altered And after this King alias Tyrant had a cruell and troublesome raign his own Son Robert rebelling against him yea saith Speed fol. 430. all things degenerated so in his cruell dayes that t●me and domestick● fowles as Hens Geese Peacocks and the like fled into the Forrests and Woods and became very wild in imitation of men But when he was dead his Favourites would not spend their pains to bury him and scarce could there be a grave procured to lay him in See Speed fol. 434. and Daniel fol. 50. and Martin fol. 8. WILLIAM THE SECOND to cheat and cosen his eldest brother Robert of the Crown granted relaxation of tribute with other releevements of their dolencies and restored them to the former freedome of hunting in all his Woods and Forrests Daniel fol. 53. And this was all worth the mentioning which they got in his dayes And then comes his brother Henry the first to the Crown and he also stepping in before Robert the eldest brother and the first actions of his government tended all to bate the people and suger their subjection as his Predecessour upon the like imposition had done but with more moderation and advisednesse for he not only pleaseth them in their releevement but in their passion by punishing the chiefe Ministers of their exactions and expelling from his Courtall dissolute persons and eased the people of their Impositions and restored them to their lights in in the night c. but having got his ends effected just tyrant-like he stands upon his Prerogative that is his will and lust but being full of turmoiles as all such men are his Son the young Prince the only hope of all the Norman race was at Sea with many more great ones drowned after which he is said never to have been seen to laugh and having besides this great losse many troubles abroad and being desirous to settle the Kingdome upon his daughter Maud the Empresse then the wife of Coffery Plantaginet in the 15. year of his reign he begins to call a Parliament being the first after the Conquest for that saith Dan. fol. 66. he would not wrest any thing by an imperiall power from the Kingdome which might breed Ulcers of dangerous nature he took a course to obtain their free consents to observe his occasion in their generall Assemblies of the three Estates of the Land which he convocated at Salisbury and yet notwithstanding by his prerogative resumed the liberty of hunting in his Forrests which took up much faire ground in England and he laid great penalties upon those that should kill his Deere But in this Henry the first ended the Norman race till Henry the second For although Henry the first had in Parliament caused the Lords of this Land to swear to his Daughter Maud and her Heires to acknowledge them as the right Inheritors of the Crown Yet the State elected and invested in the Crown of England within 30. dayes aftter the death of Henry Stephen Earle of Bolloign and Montague Son of Stephen Earl of Blois having no title at all to the Crown but by meer election was advanced to it The Choosers being induced to make choice of him having an opinion that by preferring one whose title was least it would make his obligation the more to them and so they might stand better secured of their liberties then under such a one as might presume of a hereditary succession And being crowned and in possession of his Kingdome hee assembleth a Parliament at Oxford wherein hee restored to the Clergie all their former liberties and freed the Laity from their tributes exactions or whatsoever grievances oppressed them confirming the same by his Charter which faithfully to observe hee took a publike Oath before all the Assembly where likewise the BBs swore fealty to him but with this condition saith Daniel folio 69. SO LONG AS HE OBSERVED THE TENOVR OF THIS CHARTER And Speed in his Chronicle fol. 468. saith that the Lay-Barons made use also of this polici● which I say is justice and honesty as appeareth by Robert Earl of Glocester who swore to be true Liege-man to the King AS LONG AS THE KING WOVLD PRESERVE TO HIM HIS DIGNITIES AND KEEPE ALL COVENANTS But little quiet the Kingdome had for rebellions and troubles dayly arose by the friends of Maud the Empresse who came into England and his Associates pitching a field with him where he fought most stoutly but being there taken hee was sent prisoner to Bristell And after this Victory thus
obtained saith Martin fol. 29. The Empresse with many honourable tryumphs and solemnities was received into the Cities of Circester Oxford Winchester and London but the Londoners desiring the restitution of King Edwards Lawes which she refused which proved her ruine and the restitution of King Stephen out of prison and to the Crown again and after some fresh bouts betwixt King Stephen and Duke Henry Mauds eldest Son a Peace was concluded betwixt them in a Parliament at Westminster and that Duke Henry should enjoy the Crown after King Stephen At the receiving of which he took the usuall oath and being like to have much work in France c. being held in thereby from all exorbitant courses he was therefore Wary to observe at first all meanes to get and retain the love and good opinion of this Kingdom by a regular and easie government and at Waldingford in Parliament saith Daniel fol. 80. made an act that both served his own turn and much eased the stomackes of his people which was the expulsion of strangers wherewith the Land was much pestered but afterwards was more with Becket the traytorly Arch-bishop of Canterbury And after him succeeds his Son Richard the first At the beginning of this mans Reigne a miserable massacre was of the Jewes in this Kingdom who went to the holy wars and was taken prisone by the Emperour as he came home of whom Daniel saith fol. 126. that he reigned 9 years and 9 moneths Wherein he exacted and consumed more of this Kingdome then all his Predecessours from the Norman had done before him and yet lesse deserved then any His brother Duke John being then beyond Seas with his Army was by the then Archbishop of Canterburies meanes endeavoured to be made King Who undertooke for him that he should restore unto them their Rights and govern the Kingdome as he ought with moderation and was thereupon after taking three oathes which were to love holy Church and preserve it from all Oppressours The Kings Oath to govern the State in justice and abolish bad Lawes not to assume this Royall honour but with full purpose to rerform that he had sworn Speed 534. crowned King And because the title was doubtfull in regard of Arthur the Posthumus Son of Geffery Duke of Brittain King Iohns eldest brother Speed fol. 532 he receives the Crown and Kingdome by way of election Daniel fol. 127. the Archbishop that crowned him in his Oration professing before the whole Assembly of the State That by all reason Divine and Humane none ought to succeed in the Kingdome but who should bee for the worthinesse of his vertues universally chosen by the State as was this man And yet notwithstanding all this he assumed power by his will and prerogative to impose three shillings upon every plough-land and also exacted great Fines of Offenders in his Forrests And afterwards summons the Farles and Barons of England to be presently ready with Horse and Arms to passe the Seas with him But they holding a conference together at Lecester by a generall consent send him word That unlesse he would render them their rights and liberties they would not attend him out of the Kingdome Which put him into a mighty rage but yet he went into France and there took his Nephew Arthur prisoner and put him to death by reason of which the Nobility of Britaigne Anjou and Poictou took Armes against him and summon him to answer at the Court of Justice of the King of France to whom they appeale Which he refusing is condemn●d to lose the Dutchy of Normandy which his Ancestors had held 300. yeares and all other his Provinces in France which he was accordingly the next yeare deposed of And in this disastrous estate ●aith Daniel fol. 130. he returnes into England ●nd charges the Earles and Barons with the reproaches of his l●sses in France and fines them by his Prerogative to pay the seventh part of all their goods for refusing his aid And after this going over into France to wras●le another fall was forced to a peace for two years and returnes into England for more supplies where by his will iust and prerogative he layes an imposition of the thirteenth part of all moveables and other goods both of the Clergie and Laitie who now saith Daniel seeing their substances consume and likely ever to be made liabl● to the Kings desperate courses began to cast about for the recovery of their ancient immunities which upon their former sufferance had been usurped by their late Kings And hence grew the beginning of a miserable breach between the King his people Which saith he folio 131. cost more adoe and more Noble blood then all the warres for raigne had done since the Conquest For this contention ceased not though it often had fair intermissions till the GREAT CHARTER made to keep the Beame right betwixt SOVERAIGNTY and SVBJECTION first obtained of this King JOHN in his 15. and 16. yeares of his yeares of his reigne and after of his sonne Henry the 3. in the 3. 8. 21. 36. 42. yeares of his reigne though observed truly of neither was in the maturity of a judiciall Prince Edward the first freely ratified Anno regni 27. 28. But I am confident that whosoever seriously and impartially readeth over the lives of King John and his sonne Henry the third will judge them Monsters rather then men Roaring Lions Ravening Wolves and salvadge Boares studying how to destroy and ruine the people rather then Magistrates to govern the people with justice and equity For as for King John he made nothing to take his Oath and immediatly to break it the common practice of Kings to grant Charters and Freedomes and when his turn was Consider compare and conclude served to annihilate them again and thereby and by his tyrannicall oppressions to embroyle the Kingdo●e in Warres Blood and all kind of miseries In selling and basely delivering up the Kingdome that was none of his own but the peoples as was decreed in the next Parliament Speed fol. 565. by laying down his CROWN Scepter Mantle Sword and Ring the Ensignes of his Royalty at the feet of Randulphus the Popes Agent delivering up therewithall the Kingdome of England to the Pope And hearing of the death of Geffery Fitz Peter one of the Patrons of the people rejoyced much and swore by the Feet of God That now at length he was King and Lord of England having a fre●r power to untie himselfe of those knots which his Oath had made to this great man against his will and to break all the Bonds of the late concluded peace with the people unto which he repented to have ever condescended And as Daniel folio 140. saith to shew the desperate malice this King and Tyrant who rather then not to have an absolute domination over his people to doe what he listed would be any thing himself● under any other that would but support him in his violences There is recorded an
the Realm granted him the ninth peny A● so deer a rate were they forced to buy their own Rights at the hands of him that was their servant and had received his Crown and Dignity from them and for them But the People of England not being content with the confirmation of their Liberties by his Deputies presse him at a Pa●l at Westminster the next year to the confirmation of their Charters he pressing hard to have the Clause Salvo Jure Coroae nostrae put in but the People would not endure it should be so Yet with much adoe he confirmes them according to their mind and ●hat neither he nor his heires shall procure or do any thing whereby the Liberties of the Great Charter contained shall be infringed or broken and if any thing be procured by any person contrary to the premises i● shall be held of no force nor effect And this c●st them dear as I said before So that here you have a true relation of the begetting the conception and birth of Magna Charta The English-Mans Inheritance And how much blood and money it cost our fore-fathers before they could wring it out of the hands of their tyrannicall Kings and yet alas in my judgment it falls far short of Edward the Confessors Laws for the ease good and quiet of the people which the Conqueror robbed England of for the Norman practises yet in Westminster-Hall by reason of their tediousnesse ambiguities uncertainties the entries in Latine which is not our own Tongue their forcing men to plead by Lawyers and no● permitting ☞ themselves to plead their own causes their compelling of persons to come from all places of the Kingdom to seek for Justice at Westminster is such an Iron Norman yoak with fangs and teeth in it as Lieutenant Colonell Lilburn in his late printed Epistle to Judge Reeves cals it That if we werefree in every particular else that our hearts can think of yet as the same Author saith were we slaves by this alone the burthen of which singly will pie●ce gaul our shoulders make us bow stoop even down to the ground ready to be made a prey not only by great men but even by every cunning sharking knave Oh therefore that our Honourable Parliament according to their late Declaration would for ever annihilate this Norman innovation reduce us back to that part of the antient frame of government in this Kingdome before the Conquerors dayes That we may have all cases and differences decided in the County or Hundred where they are committed or do arise without any appeale but to a Parliament And that they may monethly be judged by twelve men of free and honest condition chosen by themselves with their grave or chiefe Officer amongst them and that they may swear to judge every mans cause aright without feare favour or affection upon a severe and strict penalty of those that shall do unjustly And then farewell jangling Lawyers the wildfire-destroyers and bane of all just rationall and right-governed Common-wealths And for the facilitating of this work and the prevention of frauds I shall onely make use of Mr. John Cookes words a Lawyer in Grays-Inne in the 66. page of his late published Book called A Vindication of the Professours and Profession of the Law where he prescribes A ready remedy against Frauds which is That there might be a publike office in every Countie to register all Leases made for any Land in that County and also all conveyances whatsoever and all charges upon the Lands and all Bonds and Contracts of any value for saith he It is a hard matter to find out Recognizances Judgments Extents and other Charges and too chargable for the Subject that so for 12. d. or some such small matter every man might know in whom the Interest of Land remains and what incu●brances lie upon it and every estate or charge not entered there to be void in Law And that the Country have the choosing of the Registers in their respective Counties onc● a yeare upon a fixed day and that they have plaine rules and limitations made by authority of Parliament and severe penalties enacted for transgressing them But after this digression let us return to Mag. Charta whosoever readeth i● which eve●● man may at large at the beginning of the book of Statu●es sha●l fi●d it an absolute Contract betwixt the Kings of England and the People thereof which at their Coronations ever since they take an Oath inviolable to observe And we shall find in the dayes of ●his P●inc● who is noted for one of the best that we have that English-men understood themselves so well that when the Pope endeavoured to meddle in a businesse betwixt the Scots and the Crown of England there was letters sent from Lincoln at a Parliament which did absolutely tell the Pope that the King their Lord should i● no sort undergo his Holinesse judgement therein Neither send his P●ocurators as was required ●bout that businesse whereby it may seeme that doub●s were made of their Kings title to the prej●dice of the Crowne the Royall Dignity the Liberties Custom●s and Lawes of England which by their oath and duty they were bound to observe and would defend with their lives Neither would they permit nor could any usuall unlawful and detrimental proceeding but that which is most observable is in the next clause viz. nor suffer their King if he would to do or any way to attempt the same Daniel fol. 199. After the warlike King succeeded his Son Edward the second who was continually at variance with his people although never any before him was received with greater love of the people then he as saith Daniel fol. 204. nor ever any that sooner le●t it His very first actions discovered a head-strong wilfulnesse that was unconcealable regarding no other company but the base Parasites of of the times the head of which was Gaveston which made his Nobles at Westminster when he and his Queen was to be crowned to assemble together and require him that Gaveston his darling might be removed from out of the Court and Kingdome otherwise they purposed to hinder his Coronation at that time Whereupon the King to avoid so great a disgrace promises on his saith to yeeld to what they desired in the next Parliament And at the next Parliament the whole Assembly humbly besought the King to advise and treat with his Nobles who then it seemes were abundantly honester then these are now concerning the state of the Kingdome for the avoiding of iminent mischiese likely to ensue through the neglect of Government and so far urged the matter as the King consents thereunto and not only grants them liberty to draw into Articles what was requisite for the King●ome but takes his Oath to ratifie whatsoever th●y should c●nclude Whereupon they elect certain choice men both of the Clergy Nobility and Commons to compose those Articles which don● the Archbishop of Canterbury lately recalled from exile with
left to do what is aright in his own eyes without either guide or rule the wisdome of this State hath intrusted the Parliament with a power to supply what shall bee wanting on the part of the Prince as is evident by the constant custome and practice thereof in cases of nonage naturall disability and captivity and the like reason doth and must hold for the exercise of the same power in such cases where the Royall Trust cannot bee or is not discharged and that the Kingdome runs an evident and eminent danger thereby which danger having been declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament there needs not the authority of any person or Court to affirme nor is it in the power of any person or Court to revoke that judgment for as they well say in their Declaration of the 26. of May 1642. page 281. it is not agreeable to reason or conscience that it should be otherwise seeing men should be put upon an impossibility of knowing their duty if the Judgment of the highest Court should not be a rule and guide to them And if the Judgment therefore should be followed where the question is who is King as before in that Declaration they have rpoved it ought much more what is the best service of the King and Kingdome and therefore those that shall guide themselves by the judgment of Parliament ought what ever happen to be secure and free from all account and penalties upon the grounds and equity of this very Statute of 11. Hen. 7. Chap. 1. And again page 697. they say very rationally There must be a Judge of the question wherein the safety of the Kingdome depends for it must not lie undetermined And if then there be not an agreement betwixt his Majesty and the Parliament either his Majesty must be Judge against his Parliament or the Parliament without his Majesty It is unsound and irrationall to give it to his Majestie who out of the Courts is not Judge of the least dammage or trespasse done to the least of his Subjects but the Parliament is the Representative Body of the whole Kingdome and therefore the absolute proper and legall Judge Besides If his Majesty in the difference of Opinions should be Judge he should be Judge in his own case but the Parliament should be Judges between his Majesty and the Kingdome And if his Majesty should be Judge hee should be Judge out of his Courts yea and against his highest Court which he never is nor can be but the Parliament should only judge without his Majesties personall consent which as a Court of Judicature it alwayes doth and all other Courts as well as it Therefore if the King be for the Kingdome and not the Kingdome for the King And if the Kingdome best knowes what is for its own good and preservation and the Parliament be the Representative Body of the Kingdome It is easie to judge who in this case should be Judge And therefore the Parliament are bound in duty to those that trust them to see that the king dispose aright of his trust being that right that the King hath as King in the things he enjoyes is of a different nature and for different ends to the right of propriety which a particular man hath in his Goods and Lands c. That of propriety is a right of propriety which a particular man may dispose of as hee pleaseth according to his own discretion for his own advantage so it bee not contrary to the publike good but the right of the King is only a right of trust which he is to mannage in such wayes and by such Councels as the Law doth direct and only for the publike good and not to his private advantages nor to the prejudice of any mans particular Interests much lesse of the Publike page 700. And therefore say they page 687. The King hath not the like liberty in disposing of his own person or of the persons of his children in respect of the Interest the Kingdome hath in them as a private man may have But if it shall be objected that the Parliament the representative of the Kingdome are not to intermeddle in the managing of his Maj●sties trust because of the Oaths that they have taken wherein they swear that His Majesty is supreame Head and Governour over all persons and over all causes within his Dominions to which I shal return partly their own answer p. 703. That notwithstanding this they are bound to see it managed according to the true intent condition therof for no man doth nor can give a power to destroy himself and therefore say they If we should say the King hath in the Government of his People Superiors to wi● the Law by which he is made and his Courts c. It were no new Doctrine We have an antient Author for it viz. Fleta Book 1. Chap. 17. of substituting of Iudges If we should say the King is the single greatest but lesse then the whole it were no new learning it being an undeniable rule in reason that they that make a thing are alwayes greater then the thing made by them and certainly this of supreame Head and Governour over all persons in all causes as it is meant singular or single persons rather then of Courts or of the Body collective of the whole Kingdome so it is meant in curia non in camera in his Courts that his Majesty is supreame Head and Governour over all persons in all causes and not in his private capacity and to speak properly It is only in his High Court of Parliament wherein and wherewith his Majesty hath absolutely the supream power and consequently is absolutely supreame Head and Governour from whom there is no Appeale And if the High Court of Parliamen may take an account of what is done by his Majesty in his inferiour Courts much more of what is done by him without the Authority of any Courts And for my part say that though the King be the Supream Officer which is all and the most he is yet he is not the supreame Power for the absolute Supream Power is the People in generall made up of every individuall and the legall and formall supream Power is only their Commissioners their collective or representative Body chosen by them and assembled in Parliament to whom the King is and ought to give an account both of his Office and Actions yea and to receive rules directions and limitations from them and by them And although King John the 7. from William the Rogue aiias the chiefe Robber or Conquerour was so Atheistically and impiously wicked as to give away his kingdome of England unto the Pope as is before declared * pag. which was none of his owne to give or dispose of either to him or any other whatsoever which the people that lived in those dayes very well knew and understood and therefore as Speed in his Chronicles records fol. 565. in a generall Parliament held
as formerly they have done Read the fore-mentioned Discourse of John Vowel printed in Hollinsheds Chronicles of Ireland pag. 123 Sir Edward Cookes 4. part Institutes chap. 1. pag. 2. and the fore-mentioned book called Vox Plebis pag. 39 40. Yea though conditionally they might sit as Peers yet they ought not to do it for this were for the Peoples Trustees the House of Commons to give away their true and legislative power which originally is only inhe●ent in them THE PEOPLE which is the next and the last thing I should prove But in regard the Discourse is swolne so big already and the present time being the season for publishing what I have already said which were impossible to come out this Moneth or sixe Weekes if I should throughly handle this Proposition as by Gods assistance I intend which will take up a Discourse almost half as big as the fore-going For first I must shew and prove That the people in generall are the originall sole legislaters and the true fountain and earthly will spring of all just power And Secondly That all the power which the house of Commons hath is mee●ly derivative and bounded within this tacit Commission to act only for the good of thosothat betrusted them and not for their mischiefe in the least And here I shall propound some Queries Whether or not they have not done and acted some things prejudiciall and mischievous so the generality of the Kingdome and destructive to the fund ment all Lawes and Liberties thereof Which in the affirmative I shall answer Yea and prove it in divers particulars our of their own late published large book being the second part of the Collection of Ordinances Declar. c. where I finde three Ordinances viz. That for the Merchant-Adventurers pag. 361. That for the Turkie-Merchants pag. 439. Thirdly That for the Greenland Merchants pag. 646. Of all three of which I say as Sir Edward Cooke in the second part of his Institutes fol. 51. And the fourth part Institutes fol. 41. saith of the Statute of the 11. of Henry 7. chap. 3. for executing of which Justice Dudley and Empson lost their lives that they are made in the fac● of the ancient and fundamentall Law of the 29. and 30. chapters of Magna Charta c. And that they are unjust and injurious Ordinances which in duty they are bound to abrogate and to punish the procurers of them in regard those very Ordinances if continued will ●ender the Parliament the Commissioners of the people and the great interest of their preservation odious abominable and 〈◊〉 ble in their eyes and do them more mischiefe then an Army of twenty thousand Cavaliers for such palpable injustice as in these very Ordinances is done to the whole Kingdome will in time destroy the Parliament though now they had never a professed enemy in the world and true friends to their professed enemy the King they are who put them upon this work And let them take warning by those that were formerly the setters up of Pattentees and therby destroyers of the peoples legal and just liberties for it was not only that they were set up by an unbinding authority of the Kings which made them illegall but that they were against destructive to the fundamentall Lawes and liberties of the Land And therefore the house of Commons in its first purity before any of them was corrupted with assessing treasuring and disposing of the Common-wealths money in Clandestine Wayes not in the least allowed by the known and just Law of the Land and which to the Common-wealth they are not able to give an account of as indeed and in truth they ought of all the monies they have raised I say the house of Commons at the first beginning of their straights when they would render themselves amiable and lovely in the eyes of their Impowrers the people that trusted them They tell them in their first and most excellent Declaration 1. par Col. Declar. pag. 14. That they have supprest all Monopolies whereof some few did prejudice the Subject above a Million yearly the Soap an hundred thousand pounds the Wine three hundred thousand pounds the Le●ther must needs exceed both and salt could be no lesse then that besides the inferiour Monopolies Was this an excellency in the peoples Commissioners at the beginning And can it be lesse now then the greatest of basenesse in them to do the quite contrary Yea and that after so much bloud hath been shed and so much money spent and so many Oaths and Covenants sworn and taken to preserve the fundamentall Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdom And here I must fall extreamly foule upon Sr. WALTER EARLE GILES GREENE IOHN ROLL GEORGE TOMPSON ALEXANDER BENCE all Parliament men for their unjust and illegall Order made at the Committee of the Navy and Customes Novemb. 12. 1646. which is published in print on purpose to conjure the Officers of the Customs to take care to put the aforesaid patentee M●●op●lizing Ordinance of the GREENLAND COMPANY in d●e execution according to its true intent and meaning and that before they passe any en●ry or other warrant for any F●ns or gills wrought or unwrought or for any sort of W●●le O●le or other Oyle to call to their assistance the Officer or the Officers of the Greenland Company if any such be appointed for the place to view the same thereby to proc●ed according to the Ordinance of Parliame●● which Ordinance is dated the 6. of May 1646. which AVTHORISETH THEM TO CEISE UPON ALL SVCH COMMODITIES that are brought in by any other free Merchants that are not of this Company by m●anes of which they ing●osse all the trade into their own hands and sell their Commodities for double the rate that others if they might be suffered to bring them in would sell them O brave and gallant slavery and bondage The dear but unwelcome purchase of all our blood and money The next querie that will arise will be this Whether some particular Parliament men have not outstript the bounds of their Commission And here I shall answer affirmatively likewise or else as Samuel said to Saul what meanes this bleating of the Sheepe in my eares and the lowing of the Oxen which I heare So say I if all be right what meanes MAJOR GEORGE WITHERS Complaint against Sir Richard Onsley and Sir Poynings Moore and Mr. IOHN MVSGRAVES loud Complaint and impeachment of treason against Mr. Richard Barwis which he hath largely published in severall bookes to the view of the world called A WORD TO THE WISE ANOTHER WORD TO THE WISE YET ANOTHER WORD TO THE WISE In which he also accuseth Mr. Lisle the Chairman of the Committee of great injustice for making a false Report to the House And what meanes the grievous Complaint of divers Gentlemen of the County of Durham against OLD SIR HENRY VANE which is printed in ENGLANDS BIRTHRIGHT pag. 19. 20. 21 And Lieutenant Collonel Lilburne● Complaint against him in