published that all men might plead it for their advantage but a Charter was left in deposito in the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury for the time and so to his successours Stephen Langthon who was ever a Traytor to the King produced this Charter and shewed it to the Barons thereby encouraging them to make war against the King Neither was it the old Charter simply the Barons sought to have confirmed but they presented unto the King other articles and orders tending to the alteration of the whole commonwealth which when the King refused to signe the Barons presently put themselves into the field and in rebellious and outragious fashion sent the King word except he confirmed them they would not desist from making war against him till he had satisfied them therein And in conclusion the King being betrayed of all his Nobility in effect was forced to grant the Charter of Magna Charta and Charta de Forestis at such time as he was invironed with an Army in the Meadowes of Staynes which harters being procured by force Pope Innocent afterward disavowed and threatned to curse the Barons if they submitted not themselves as they ought to their Soveraigne Lord which when the Lords refused to obey the King entertained an army of strangers for his own defence wherewith having mastered and beaten the Barons they called in Lewes of France a most unnaturall resolution to be their King Neither was Magna Charta a Law in the 19. of Henry the 2d but simply a Charter which hee confirmed in the 21. of his reigne and made it a Law in the 25. according to Littletons opinion Thus much for the beginning of the Great Cbarter which had first an obscure birth from usurpation and was secondly fostered and shewed to the world by rebellion JUST I cannot deny but that all your Lordship hath said is true but seeing the Charters were afterwards so many times confirmed by Parliament and made Lawes and that there is nothing in them unequall or prejudicial to the King doth not your Honour think it reason they should be observed COUNS. Yes and observed they are in all that the state of a King can permit for no man is destroyed but by the Lawes of the land no man disseized of his inheritance but by the Lawes of the land imprisoned they are by the prerogative where the King hath cause to suspect their loyalty for were it otherwise the King should never come to the knowledge of any conspiracy or Treason against his Person or state and being imprisoned yet doth not any man suffer death but by the Law of the land JUST But may it please your Lordship were not Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins imprisoned being no suspition of Treason there COUNS. They were but it cost them nothing JUST And what got the King by it for in the conclusion besides the murmure of the people Cornewallis Sharpe and Hoskins having greatly overshot themselves and repented them a fine of 5 or 600l. was laid on his Majesty for their offences for so much their diet cost his Majesty COUNS. I know who gave the advice sure I am that it was none of mine But thus I say if you consult your memory you shall find that those Kings which did in their own times comfirme the Magna Charta did not onely imprison but they caused of their Nobility and others to be slain without hearing or tryall JUST My good Lord if you will give me leave to speak freely I say that they are not well advised that perswade the King not to admit the Magna Charta with the former reservations For as the King can never lose a farthing by it as I shall prove anon So except England were as Naples is and kept by Garrisons of another Nation it is impossible for a King of England to greaten and inrich himself by any way so assuredly as by the love of his people For by one rebellion the King hath more losse then by a hundred years observance of Magna Charta For therein have our Kings been forced to compound with Roagues and Rebels and to pardon them yea the state of the King the Mouarchie the Nobility have been endangered by them COUNS. Well Sir let that passe why should not our Kings raise mony as the Kings of France do by their letters and Edicts onely for since the time of Lewes the 11. of whom it is said that he freed the French Kings of their wardship the French Kings have seldome assembled the states for any contribution JUST I will tell you why the strength of England doth consist of the people and Yeomanry the Pefants of France have no courage nor armes In France every Village and Burrough hath a castle which the French call Chasteau Villain every good City hath a good Cittadell the King hath the Regiments of his guards and his men at armes alwayes in pay yea the Nobility of France in whom the strength of France consists doe alwayes assist the King in those leavies because themselves being free they made the same leavies upon ther Tennants But my Lord if you marke it France was never free in effect from civill wars and lately it was endangered either to be conquered by the Spaniard or to be cantonized by the rebellious French themselves since that freedome of Wardship But my good Lord to leave this digression that wherein I would willingly satisfie your Lordship is that the Kings of England have never received losse by Parliament or prejudice COUNS. No Sir you shall find that the subjects in Parliament have decreed great things to the disadvantage and dishonour of our Kings in former times JUST My good Lord to avoid confusion I will make a short repitition of them all then your Lordship may object where you see cause And I doubt not but to give your Lordship satisfaction In the sixt year of Henry the 3d there was no dispute the house gave the King two shillings of every plough land within England and in the end of the same year he had escuage payed him to wit for every Knights fee two marks in silver In the fifth year of that King the Lords demaunded the confirmation of the Great Charter which the Kings Councell for that time present excused alleadging that those priviledges were exhorted by force during the Kings Minoritie and yet the King was pleased to send forth his writ to the Sheriffes of every Countrey requiring them to certifie what those liberties were and how used and in exchange of the Lords demaund because they pressed him so violently the King required all the castles and places which the Lords held of his and had held in the time of his Father with those Manors and Lordships which they had heretofore wrested from the Crown which at that time the King being provided of forces they durst not deny in the 14 year he had the 15. peny of all goods given him upon condition to confirme the Great Charter For by reason
Lords A contrained consent is the consent of a Captive and not of a King and therefore there was nothing done their either legally or royally For if it be not properly a Parliament where the subject is not free certainely it can be none where the King is bound for all Kingly rule was taken from the King and twelve Peeres appointed and as some Writers have it 24. Peeres to governe the Realme and therefore the assembly made by Iack Straw and other rebels may aswell be called a Parliament as that of Oxford Principis nomen habere non est esse princeps for thereby was the K. driven not only to compound all quarrels with the French but to have meanes to be revenged on the rebell Lords but he quitted his right to Normandy Anjou and Mayne COUNS. But Sir what needed this extremity seeing the Lords required but the confirmation of the former Charter which was not prejudiciall to the King to grant JUST Yes my good Lord but they insulted upon the King and would not suffer him to enter into his own Castles they put down the Purveyor of the meat for the maintenance of his house as if the King had been a bankrupt and gave order that without ready money he should not take up a Chicken And though there is nothing against the royalty of a King in these Charters the Kings of England being Kings of freemen and not of slaves yet it is so contrary to the nature of a King to be forced even to those things which may be to his advantage as the King had some reason to seek the dispensation of his oath from the Pope and to draw in strangers for his own defence yea jure salvo coronae nostrae is intended inclusively in all oathes and promises exacted from a Soveraigne COUNS. But you cannot be ignorant how dangerous a thing it is to call in other Nations both for the spoil they make as also because they have often held the possession of the best places with which they have been trusted JUST It is true my good Lord that there is nothing so dangerous for a King as to be constrained and held as prisoner to his vassals for by that Edward the second and Richard the second lost their Kingdomes and their lives And for calling in of strangers was not King Edward the sixth driven to call in strangers against the Rebels in Norfolke Cornwall Oxfordshire and elsewhere Have not the Kings of Scotland been oftentimes constrained to entertain strangers against the Kings of England And the King of England at this time had he not bin diverse times assisted by the Kings of Scotland had bin endangered to have been expelled for ever COUNS. But yet you know those Kings were deposed by Parliament JUST Yea my good Lord being Prisoners being out of possession and being in their hands that were Princes of the blood and pretenders It is an old Countrey Proverbe that Might overcomes Right a weak title that weares a strong sword commonly prevailes against a strong title that weares but a weak one otherwise Philip the second had never been Duke of Portugal nor Duke of Millayne nor King of Naples Sicily But good Lord Errores non sunt trahendi in exemplum I speak of regall peaceable and lawfull Parliaments The King at this time was but a King is name for Glocester Leicester and Chichester made choise of other Nine to whom the rule of the Realme was committed and the Prince was forced to purchase his liberty from the Earle of Leicester by giving for his ransome the Countey Pallatine of Chester But my Lord let us judge of those occasions by their events what became of this proud Earle was he not soon after slain in Evesham was he not left naked in the field and left a shamfull spectacle his head being cut off from his shoulders his privie parts from his body and laid on each side of his nose And did not God extinguish his race after which in a lawfull Parliament at Westminster confirmed in a following Parliament of Westminster were not all the Lords that followed Leycester disinheried And when that fool Glocester after the death of Leycester whom he had formerly forsaken made himself the head of a second Rebellion and called in strangers for which not long before he had cried out against the King was not he in the end after that he had seen the slaughter of so many of the Barons the spoil of their Castles and Lordships constrained to submit himself as all the survivers did of which they that sped best payed their fines and ransomes the King reserving his younger Son the Earledomes of Leycester and Derby COUNS. Well Sir we have disputed this King to the grave though it be true that he out-lived all his enemies and brought them to confusion yet those examples did not terrifie their successors but the Earle Marshall and Hereford threatned King Edward the first with a new War IUST They did so but after the death of Hereford the Earle Marshall repented himself and to gain the Kings favour he made him heir of all his Lands But what is this to the Parliament for there was never King of this land had more given him for the time of his raign then Edward the Son of Henry the third had COUNS. How doth that appear JUST In this sort my good Lord in this Kings third year he had given him the fifteenth part of all goods In his sixt year a twentyeth In his twelfth year a twentyeth in his fourteenth year he had escuage to wit forty shillings of every Knights Fee in this eighteenth year he had the eleventh part of all moveable goods within the Kingdome in his nineteenth year the tenth part of all Church livings in England Scotland and Ireland for six years by agreement from the Pope in his three and twentieth year he raised a taxe upon Wool and fels and on a day caused all the religious houses to be searched and all the treasure in them to be seized and brought to his coffers excusing himself by laying the fault upon his Treasurer he had also in the end of the same year of all goods of all Burgesses and of the Commons the 10th part in the 25th year of the Parliament of St. Edmundsbury he had an 18th part of the goods of the Burgesses and of the people in generall the tenth part He had also the same year by putting the Clergie out of his protection a fifth part of their goods and in the same year he set a great taxe upon Woolls to wit from half a marke to 40s upon every sack whereupon the Earle Marshall and the Earle of Hereford refusing to attend the King into Flanders pretended the greevances of the people Put in the end the King having pardoned them and confirmed the great Charter he had the ninth penny of all goods from the Lords and Commons of the Clergie in the South he had the tenth penny and in
inhabitants that assisted the Lords in his Minority of the 17. shires which offence he had long before pardoned his blank Charters and letting the Realme to farme to meon persons by whom he was wholly advised increased the peoples hatred towards the present government IUST You say well my L. Princes of an ill destiny do alwayes follow the worst counsell or at least imbrace the best after opportunity is lost Qui consilia non ex suo corde sed alienis viribus colligunt non animo sed auribus cogillant And this was not the least grief of the subject in generall that those men had the greatest part of the spoil of the commonwealth which neither by virtue valour or counsell could adde any thing unto it Nihil est sordidius nihil crudelius saith Anto Pius quamsi Remp. iâ— arrode qui nihil in eam suo labore conferent COUNS. Indeed the letting to farm the Realm was very grievous to the subject IUST Will your Lordship pardon me if I tell you that the letting to farm of his Majesties Customes the greatest revenue of the Realm is not very pleasing COUNS. And why I pray you doth not the King thereby raise his profits every third yeare one farmer outbids another to the Kings advantage IUST It is true my Lord but it grieves the subject to pay custome to the subject for what mighty men are those Farmers become and if those Farmers get many thousands every yeare as the world knows they do why should they not now being men of infinite wealth declare unto the King upon oath what they have gained and henceforth become the Kings collectours of his Custome did not Queen Elizabeth who was reputed both a wise and juft Princesse after she had brought Customer Smith from 14000l a yeare to 42000l a yeare made him lay down a recompence for that which he had gotten and if these Farmers do give no recompence let them yet present the King with the truth of their receivings and profits But my Lord for conclusion after Bullingbrook arriving in England with a small troop Notwithstanding the King at his Landing out of Ireland had a sufficient and willing army yet he wanting courage to defend his right gave leave to all his Souldiers to depart and put himself into his hands that cast him into his grave COUNS. Yet you see he was depos'd by Parliament IUST Aswell may your Lordship say he was knock't in the head by Parliament for your Lordship knows that if King Richard had ever escaped out of their fingers that deposed him the next Parliament would have made all the deposers traitours and Rebels and that justly In which Parliament or rather unlawfull assembly there appeared but one honest man to wit the B. of Carlile who scorned his life and estate in respect of right and his allegiance and defended the right of his Soveraigne Lord against the Kings elect and his partakers COUNS. Well I pray goe on with the Parliaments held in the time of his successor Henry the fourth IUST This King had in his third year a subsedv and in his fift a tenth of the Clergy without a Parllament In his sixt year he had so great a subsedie as the House required there might be no record thereof left to posterity for the House gave him 20s of every Knights Fee and of every 20l. land 20d and 12d the pouud of goods COUNS. Yea in the end of this year the Parliament prest the King to annex unto the Crown all temporall possessions belonging to Church-men within the land which at that time was the third foot of all England But the Bishops made friends and in the end saved their estates IUST By this you see my Lord that Cromwell was not the first that thought on such a business And if King Henry the 8. had reserved the Abbeyes and other Church lands which he had given at the time the revenue of the Crown of England had exceeded the revenue of the Crown of Spaine with both the Indies whereas used as it was a little enriched the Crown served but to make a number of pettifoggers and other gentlemen COUNS. But what had the King in steed of this great revenue IUST He had a 15th of the Commons and tenth and a half of the Clergy and withall all pensions graunted by King Edward and King Richard were made void It was also moved that all Crown lands formerly given at least given by King Edw and King Richard should be taken back COUNS. What think you of that Sir would it not have been a dishonour to the King and would not his Successors have done the like to those that the King had advanced IUST I cannot answer your Lordship but by distinguishing for where the Kings had given land for services and had not been over reached in his gifts there it had been a dishonour to the King to have made void the graunts of his predecessors or his graunts but all those graunts of the Kings wherein they were deceived the very custome and policy of England makes them voyd at this day COUNS. How mean you that for his Majestie hath given a great deal of Land among us since he came into England and would it stand with the K. honour to take it from us again IUST Yea my Lord very well with the Kings honour if your Lordship or any Lord else have under the name of 100l land a year gotten 500l land and so after that rate COUNS. I will never believe that his Majesty will ever doe any such thing IUST And I believe as your Lordship doth but we spake e're while of those that disswaded the King from calling it a Parliament And your Lordship asked me the reason why any man should disswade it or fear it to which this place gives me an opportunity to make your Lordship answer for though his Majesty will of himself never question those grants yet when the Commons shall make humble petition to the King in Parliament that it will please his Majesty to assist them in his relief with that which ought to be his own which if it will please his Majesty to yeild unto the house will most willingly furnish supply the rest with what grace can his Majesty deny that honest suit of theirs the like having been done in many Kings times before This proceeding may good Lord my perchance prove all your phrases of the Kings honour false English COUNS. But this cannot concern many and for my self I am sure it concerns me little IUST It is true my Lord there are not many that disswade his Majestie from a Parliament CO. But they are great ones a few of which will serve the turn wel enough IUST But my Lord be they never so great as great as Gyants yet if they disswade the King from his ready and assured way of his subsistence they must devise how the K. may be elsewhere supplied for they otherwise â—â—nne into a dangerous fortune COUNS.
Hold you contented Sir the King needs no great disswasion IUST My Lord learn of me that â—here is none of you all than can â—erce the King It is an essentiall property of a man truely wise not to oâ—en all the boxes of his bosome even â—o those that are near'st dear'st unto him for when a man is discovered to the very bottome he is after the lesse esteemed I dare undertake that when your Lordship hath served the King twice twelve years more you will find that his Majesty hath reserved somewhat beyond all your capacities his Majesty hath great reason to put off the Parliament at his last refuge and in the mean time to make tryall of all your loves to serve him for his Majesty hath had good experience how well you can serve your selves But when the King finds that the building of your own fortunes and factions hath been the diligent studies and the service of his Majesty but the exercises of your leasures He may then perchance cast himself upon the generall love of his people of which I trust he shall never be deceived and leave as many of your Lordships as have pilfered from the Crown to their examination COUNS. Well Sir I take no great pleasure in this dispute goe on pray IUST In that Kings 5th year he had also a subsedy which is got by holding the house together from Easter to Christmas and would not suffer them to depart He had also a subsedy in his ninth year In his eleventh year the commons did again presse the King to take all the temporalities of the Church men into his hands which they proved sufficient to maintain 150. Earls 1500. Knights and 6400. Esquiers with a hundred hospitals but they not prevailing gave the king a subsedy As for the notorious Prince Henry the fift I find that he had given him in his second year 300000. markes and after that two other subsedies one in his fifth year another in his ninth without any disputes In the time of his successor Henry the sixt there were not many subsedies In this third year he had a subsedy of a Tunnage and poundage And here saith Iohn Stow began those payements which we call customes because the payement was continued whereas before that time it was granted but for a year two or three according to the Kings occasions He had also an ayde gathering of money in his fourth year and the like in his tenth year and in his thirteenth year a 15th He had also a fifteenth for the conveying of the Queen out of France into England In the twenty eight year of that King was the act of Resumption of all honours towns castles Signeuries villages Manors lands tenements rents reversions fees c. But because the wages of the Kings servants were by the strictness of the act also restrained this act of Resumption was expounded in the Parliament at Reading the 31th year of the Kings reigne COUNS. I perceive that those 〈◊〉 of Resumption were ordinary in former times for King Stephen resumed the lands which in former times he had given to make friends during the Civill wars And Henry the second resumed all without exception which King Stephen had not resumed for although King Stephen took back a great deal yet he suffered his trustiest servants to enjoy his gift IUST Yes my Lord and in after times also for this was not the last nor shall be the last I hope And judge you my Lord whether the Parliaments doe not only serve the King whatsoever is said to the contrary for as all King Henry the 6. gifts graunts were made void by the Duke of York when he was in possession of the Kingdome by Parliament So in the time of K. H. when K. Edw. was beaten out again the Parliament of Westminster made all his acts voyd made him and all his followers traytors and gave the King many of their heads lands The Parliaments of England do alwayes serve the King in possession It served Rich. the second to condemne the popular Lords It served Bollingbrooke to depose Rich. When Edw. the 4. had the Scepter it made them all beggars that had followed H. the 6. And it did the like for H. when Edw. was driven out The Parliaments are as the friendship of this world is which alwayes followeth prosperity For King Edw. the 4. after that he was possessed of the Crown he had in his 13. year a subsedy freely given him and in the year following he took a benevolence through England which arbitrary taking from the people served that ambitious traytor the Duke of Bucks After the Kings death was a plausible argument to perswade the multitude that they should not permit saith Sir Thomas Moore his line to raigne any longer upon them COUNS. Well Sir what say you to the Parliament of Richard the third his time IUST I find but one and therein he made diverse good Laws For King Henry the seventh in the beginning of his third year he had by Parliament an ayde granted unto him towards the relief of the Duke of Brittain then assailed by the French King And although the King did not enter into the warre but by the advice of the three estates who did willingly contribute Yet those Northern men which loved Richard the third raised rebellion under colour of the money impos'd and murthered the Earle of Northumberland whom the King employed in that Collection By which your Lordship sees that it hath not been for taxes and impositions alone that the ill disposed have taken Armes but even for those payments which have been appointed by Parliament COUNS. And what became of these Rebels IUST They were fairly hang'd the money levied notwithstanding in the Kings first year he gathered a marvailous great masse of money by a benevolence taking pattern by this kind of levie from Edw. 4th But the King caused it first to be moved in Parliament where it was allowed because the poorer sort were therein spared Yet it is true that the King used some art for in his Letters he declared that he would measure every mans affections by his gifts In the thirteenth year he had also a subsedy whereupon the Cornish men took Armes as the Northern men of the Bishoprick had done in the third year of the King COUNS. It is without example that ever the people have rebelled for any thing granted by Parliament save in this Kings dayes IUST Your Lordship must consider that he was not over much beloved for he took many advantages upon the people and the Nobility both COUNS. And I pray you what say they now of the new impositions lately laid by the Kings Majesty do they say that they are justly or unjustly laid IUST To Impose upon all things brought into the Kingdome is very ancient which imposing when it hath been continued a certain time is then called Customes because the subjects are accustomed to pay it and yet the great taxe upon wine is
not more honourable and more safe for the King that the Subject pay by perswasion then to have them constrained If they be contented to whip themselves for the King were it not better to give them the Rod into their hands then to commit them to the Executioner Certainly it is farre more happy for a Soveraigne Prince that a Subject open his purse willingly then that the same be opened by violence Besides that when impositions are laid by Parliament they are gathered by the authority of the Law which as aforesaid rejecteth all complaints and stoppeth every mutinous mouth It shall ever be my prayer that the King embrace the Councel of Honour and safety and let other Princes imbrace that of force COUNS. But good Sir it is his Prerogative which the King stands upon it is the Prerogative of the Kings that the Parliaments do all diminish IUST If your Lordship would pardon me I would say then that your Lordships objection against Parliaments is ridiculous In former Parliaments three things have been supposed dishonour of the King The first that the Subjects have conditioned with the King when the King hath needed them to have the great Charter confirmed The second that the Estates have made Treasurers for the necessary and profitable disbursing of those sums by them given to the end that the Kings to whom they were given should expend them for their own defence for the defence of the Common-wealth The third that these have prest the King to discharge some great Officers of the Crown and to elect others As touching the first my Lord I would fain learn what disadvantage the Kings of this Land have had by confirming the great Charter the breach of which have served onely men of your Lordships rank to assist their own passions and to punish and imprison at their own discretion the Kings poor Subjects Concerning their private hatred with the colour of the Kings service for the Kings Majestie take no mans inheritance as I have said before nor any mans life but the Law of the Land according to the Charter Neither doth his Majesty imprison any man matter of practice which concerns the preservation of his estate excepted but by the law of the land And yet he useth his prerogative as all the Kings of England have ever used to for the supream reason cause to practise many things without the advice of the law As insurrections and rebellions it useth the marshall and not the common law without any breach of the Charter the intent of the Charter considered truely Neither hath any Subject made complaint or been grieved in that the Kings of this land for their own safeties and preservation of their estates have used their Prerogatives the great Ensigne on which there is written soli Deo And my good Lord was not Buckingham in England and Byron in France condemned their Peers uncalled And withall was not Byron utterly contrary to the custome priviledges of the French denyed an advocate to assist his defence For where lawes forecast cannot provide remedies for future dangers Princes are forced to assist themselves by their Prerogatives But that which hath been ever grievous and the cause of many troubles very dangerous is that your Lordships abusing the reasons of state do punish and imprison the K. Subjects at your pleasure It is you my Lords that when Subjects have sometimes need of the Kings prerogative do then use the strength of the Law and when they require the law you afflict them with the prerogative and tread the great Charter which hath been confirmed by 16 Acts of Parliament under your feet as a torn parchment or waste paper COUNS. Good Sir which of us do in this sort break the great Charter perchance you mean that we have advised the King to lay the new impositious IUST No my Lord there is nothing in the great Charter against impositions and besides that necessity doth perswade them And if necessity do in somewhat excuse a private man à fortiori it may then excuse a Prince Again the Kings Majesty hath profit and increase of revenue by the impositions But there are of your Lordships contrarie to the direct Letter of the Charter that imprison the Kings Subjects and deny them the benefit of the Law to the Kings disprofit And what do you otherwise thereby if the impositions be in any sort grievous but Renovare dolores And with all digg out of the dust the long buried memorie of the Subjects former intentions with their Kings COUNS. What mean you by that IUST I will tell your Lordship when I dare in the mean time it is enough for me to put your Lordship in mind that all the Estates in the World in the offence of the people have either had profit or necessity to perswade them to adventure it of which if neither be urgent and yet the Subject exceedingly grieved your Lordship may conjecture that the House will be humble suitors for a redresse And if it be a Maxime in policy to please the people in all things indifferent and never suffer them to be beaten but for the Kings benefit for there are no blows forgotten with the smart but those then I say to make them Vassals to Vassals is but to batter down those mastering buildings erected by K Henry the 7. fortified by his Son by which the people the Gentry of England were brought to depend upon the King alone Yea my good Lord our late dear Soveraign Q. Eliz. kept them up to their advantage as wel repaired as ever Prince did Defend me spend me faith the Irish Churle COUNS. Then you think that this violent breach of the Charter will be the cause of seeking the conformation of it in the next Parliament which otherwise could never have bin moved IUST I know not my good Lord perchance not for if the House presse the King to graunt unto them all that is theirs by the Law they cannot in Iustice refuse the King all that is his by the Law And where will be the issue of such a contention I dare not divine but sure I am that it will tend to the prejudice both of the King and Subject COUNS. If they dispute not their own liberties why should they then the Kings liberties which we call his Prerogative IUST Among so many and so divers Spirits no man can foretell what may be propounded but howsoever if the matter be not slightly handled on the Kings behalf these disputes will soon dissolve for the King hath so little need of his Prerogative so great advantage by the Lawes as the fear of imparing the one to wit the Prerogative is so impossible and the burthen of the other to wit the Law so weighty as but by a branch of the Kings Prerogative namely of his remission and pardon the Subject is no way able to undergo it This my Lord is no matter of flourish that I have said but it is the truth