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A51196 Great Britain's just complaint for her late measures, present sufferings, and the future miseries she is exposed to with the best, safest, and most effectual way of securing and establishing her religion, government, liberty, and property upon good and lasting foundations : fully and clearly discovered in answer to two late pamphlets concerning the pretended French invasion. Montgomery, James, Sir, d. 1694. 1692 (1692) Wing M2504; ESTC R30525 61,135 64

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these Errors the Punishments we deserve will certainly overtake us We have turned away our King whose Right and Title was certain and unquestioned nay we have chased him from us with unspeakable Indignities upon the Pretence of Errors in Government which he was put upon by the Artifice of his Enemies and which he was willing to have repair'd at our own Sight He courted us by repeated Applications to carve out our own Securities for our Religion and Civil Rights but we have obstinately refused any Treaty with him We have set our selves up for a Mark of Reproach to future Ages by our foolish and invincible Malice and matchless Impudence in Vacating a Throne by a pretended Abdication which imports a Voluntary Resignation and yet the Abdicated M narch never made any but asserts his ●itle to this day We have ground d this Abdication upon a wilful Desertion in our Prince when we forced him away for the Preservation of his Life and upon Mistakes in Government which he was trapan'd into and which he was willing to have repaired but we would not as if every Error in Government had been a Sin against the Holy Ghost which neither can be attoned for nor forgotten The Injury done to our Sovereign is very visible from what I have written and so Reparation ought to be speedily made notwithstanding all the Reasons given by these two Pamphleteers against it But before I enter upon answering their Objections I shall discourse upon the other three Motives assigned for the King's Restauration and make them equally plain with the first I have already handled which will in a great measure prevent or take off all Objections can be made The second Motive was the Setling the Government upon its old Basis which is visibly interrupted and quite unhinged by this Abdication We have turned our Hereditary Monarchy into an Elective We have cut the Royal Line interrupted the Succession and destroyed the just Rights of innocent Persons upon a pretended Abdication which thô well founded is but personal and cannot be extend d any farther To this it is answered by the Author of The Pretences of the French Invasion examined p 10. l. 1. and downwards That the Breach as to the Person of the Reigning King was made by himself having deserted That the Convention did not make but found the Throne vacant That in Regard there were so many clear Indications of the Imposture of the Prince of Wales the Conventi●n applied to the present Queen who was the next and undoubted Heir and at her Request a Title was given to her Husband and that 〈◊〉 for Life though he was much nearer in Blood than Henry IV. and Henry VII successively made Kings of England That much greater Breaches have been made since the Conquest in the Lineal Succession by deposing the Reigning King and setting up his Son or a remoter Person which he acknowlegeth an Injury to the King so deposed and that the saving the Succession to the Princess of Denmark and her Heirs shews how far the Convention was from any such thing as is alledged By such Reasonings the Author of this Pamphlet discovers but small Knowlege in History and the Affairs of his own Country little Judgment and Veracity joyned with a great deal of Disingenuity and Impudence How truly the Breach made in our Monarchy by the Abdicating Vote is to be laid at King James's door upon the Account of his Desertion may appear from what I have already said And though this Author doth very confidently assert That the Throne was void by Desertion it seems the Convention were not of that Opinion but found it necessary to declare it so by a Vote before there was Access to fill it again and the E●rl of Nottingham was then quite another Man and of other Principles than we find him now as an Author or Licenser only A Regency was not in the least akin to a Vacancy But to humour the Author suppose there was a Vacancy either before or after the Vote which he pleaseth a Vacancy in a Monarchy is a certain infallible Mark of its being elective For in a Hereditary Monarchy such as this of England upon the Natural or Civil Death too if the Author pleaseth of the Regnant Monarch the Right of the next Successour doth immediately take place and the People whether by their Representatives in Parliament or otherwise do humbly submit to and acknowledge not declare and authorize his Native Title Our Law-books teach us That the Kings of England can never dye The meaning is That in an Hereditary Monarchy the Throne cannot be without a Possessor were it but for a Moment so that where either there is the least Vacancy or where the next Possessor wants a Sentence of the People to give him a Title that very Sentence however disguised is an Election and together with the preceeding Vacancy doth certainly and indispensably stamp the Monarchy Elective Is it not highly impudent in this Author to tell us that there are many clear Indications of the Prince of Wales being an Imposture and at the same time not to let us know what they are and upon what Grounds they are so clear and evident Can this Author be so vain as to think we must take his Word for a Thing upon which so much depends no less than the justice or injustice of a Sentence which must stand the Nation in so much Blood and Treasure so many Perjuries and repeated Acts of Violence and Oppression to support and maintain Or doth he therein follow the Example of the Prince of Orange in his Declaration Which tells us of many just and visible Grounds of Suspicion that the Prince of Wales was not Born of the Queen and refers the Inquiry of that Truth to a free Parliament King James also hath made the same reference in a Letter from St. Germains nay desired the last Parliament to look narrowly into that Affair and yet the Prince hath never to this day desired the Parliament to fall about this important Search nor acquainted us with any of those just and visible Grounds of Suspicion Is it not very strange That the only plausible Pretence in all the Declaration for his undertaking should be so much over-look'd wh●n a clear and plain discovery of such an infamous Cheat and Imposture would have fully justified the Proceedings of the Convention of Estates the present Settlement of the Crown given us all peace of Conscience and Satisfaction under it and would really and truly have Abd cated King James for ever in the H●arts and Affections of every honest Englishman The Prince in Honor was concerned to have press'd it and the supr●am Senate was oblig'd in 〈◊〉 and Ju tice to have made a fu●● Discovery of the Truth or Fals hood o●●t esp●cially when they have 〈◊〉 so much press'd and challeng'd 〈◊〉 it were in the face of the World 〈…〉 about it by King James and 〈◊〉 Petitioned so to do by seve●●● rio●s of Honor
and from thence foretels our Success in Flanders they were still but Undisciplined Irish we subdued with difficulty enough in some of those Places and our Victories over the French in Ireland or Flanders have not as yet burdened our Gazettes We have already expended many Millions of Morey and lost many Thousands of Men and have nothing in return for all this Consumption of Blood and Treasure but the Reduction of Ireland which vigorous and early Measures could have secured unto us at the begining and prevented the utter Ruin and Desolation of that Countrey and our late Victory at Sea over the French to comfort us for our two former Disgraces at Bantry and Beachy the shameful loss of many of our Navy Royal to the Enemy the seizure of so many Hundreds of our Merchant Ships and our Misfortunes in Flanders Some of our former Princes with a far less Expence of Men and Money when Affairs were managed with true English Councils and executed by English Men have subdued whole Provinces and given Law to Europe But we go now upon Politicks and are governed by Measures which are Calculated rather for the Interest of Foreign Confederate Princes than adjusted to the Honor Profit and Good of England This Confederacy hath cost us already a great deal of Money and it 's plain that the particular Interests Ambition and Pretences of these Foreign Princes gave Birth to the Prince's Undertaking rather than any kind regard to our Religion Rights and Liberties It is pleasant enough to imagine that the Pope the Fathers of the Spanish Inquisition and the Authors of the Hungarian and Piedm●ntish Persecutions against those of our Religion should be so concerned to establish the Protestant Belief amongst us and that those Foreign Princes who have extinguished the least shadow of Liberty and Property in their own Dominions have such pangs of Conscience and tender Regard for our expiring Liberties They wanted our Money and our Troops to carry on their several Pretences and if they could be still sure of Feasting and making War at our Expence the Favour would be as acceptable from the Hands of King James as from the Prince of Orange But the Prince who must stand equally obliged to them for his mounting the Throne and support in it was judged a fitter Instrument more humble obedient and active for emptying the English Treasures i● to Dutch Excheq●ers than ever they could expect from our Native King whom they were afraid would be found m●re steady to a true English Interest than to gratifie their un●atiable and boundless Pretences King James was a good Husband of his Treasure and they were afraid would never be induced to part with any of it to them but for equivalent Returns of Glory and Profit to the Nation They knew the Prince had a w●●k side which might be better ●●ought upon His towring Ambition and v●st unlimited Desires after Command and a noisy Fame exposed him continually to the bait they designed him which was to pay him in a●y Titles empty Compliments and feigned Pretences of Service and Obs●quiousness for our good English Gold and brave English Troops The Plot hath succeeded and we paid them very handsomly for the Trick they put upon us we have made vast Issues of Men and Money we have liberally fed those needy Princes and their Troops it is probable that more Money will be expected and demanded from us what are we to have for all this Expence we have already made and yet can see no end of What Cities what Provinces are we to have Is the French Navy to be burnt or put into our hands Are our old Pretences to the French Crown at least to the Maritime Provinces to be made good unto us Or are we to reap nothing but the vain Honour of having contributed towards the Establishment of our Neighbours by our own Ruine The Duties of Neighbourhood are mutual and suppose them as strong and binding as the Author of A Letter to a Friend concerning the French Invasion would make them they plead as strongly for us as against us There lies as great an Obligation upon the Confederates to assist us in the Recovery of Normandy and Guyen as upon us to recover the lost Provinces in Flanders and upon the Rhine for them No doubt our present King hath taken Care for it in his Treaties with the Confederates if he have not it is a plain Discovery that the Interest of Foreigners is dearer to him than that of England How unjust is it to ●ob us of the fruits of so many Millions spent and of so many which are in hazard with our Religion Liberties and our All to boot If there be any effectual care taken for this by his Treaties it were very fit the Nation were made acquainted with it and that we certainly knew what we were to have and what Security the Confederate Princes have given for making good such Treaties it must be more than Words and common Security that can ballance the real Deeds and Kindnesses which we are daily conferring upon them But I am afraid we have not so much as a bare Promise of any thing The encrease and growing Strength of our Monarchy lies so visibly cross to the several Pretences and Interests of the Confederates that they would be deaf to any such Proposal and the Prince depends too much upon them for the support of his present Title to press such ungrateful things Can any Man of Reason believe that the Dutch and the House of Austria will agree to have the French Fleet put into our hands which would render us Sovereigns of the Ocean as well as of the Narrow Seas Or is it not next to Frenzie to imagine that the House of Austria will ever give way that we should recover our antient Footing in France either in whole or in part by which so many Catholick Cities and Provinces would be subjected to Hereticks the Communication betwixt Spain and Flanders cut off by shutting up the Channel on both sides and our Monarchy put into such a condition as would visibly shock the ambitious designs of that House which they would again resume upon recovery of their lost Provinces So that we are not to expect any new Acquisitions with all this vast Expence but are to rest satisfied with the Honour or Folly rather of raising the House of Austria to its antient Greatness and building up a Power which would more fatally threaten us and the rest of Europe than that which we must be at such Pains and Expence to pull down If the Prospect of a successful War be so little encouraging what have we to fear and feel from an unfortunate Issue How sadly may we come to be whipt when we shall be obliged to take back our Abdicated Monarch whether we will or no There will be nothing then to trust to for the Safety of our Religion and Liberties but the good Nature and true English Temper of a Prince whom in