but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platformes of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not hâ—re by which they did invest the King with a Supreme Auâ—hority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in exâ—cution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which firmly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a paralled Case in the Roman Empire in which there had bâ—â—n once a time when the Supreme Majesty of the Sâ—ate was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor was as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plâ—bisâ—ita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Iustinians Iustitutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigâ—rem The like may be affirmâ—d of the Church of England immediately before and in the reign of K. Henry 8. The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did binde all the subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their supreme Head and by the Act of submission not long after follâ—wing they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successoâ—s By doâ—ng wherâ—of they did not only diâ—able themselves from concluding any thing in their Convocations or puâ—ting â—heir results into execution without his conâ—ent but put him into the actual pâ—ssession of that Authoriâ—y which properly beâ—onged to the supremacy or the supreme Head in as â—ull manner as 〈◊〉 the Pâ—pe of Rome or any dâ—lâ—gated by and under him did before enjoy it After which 〈◊〉 whatsoever the King or his Successors did in the Râ—formâ—tion as it had vertually the power of the Convocations so was it as effectual and goâ—d in law as if the Clergy in their Câ—nvocation particularly and in terminis had agreed upon it Not that the King or his Successors were hereby enabled to exercise the Kâ—iâ—s and determine Heresies much lesse to 〈◊〉 the Word â—nd administer the Sacramentâ— as the Papists â—alsly gave it out but as the Heads of the Ecclesiastical Body of this Realm to see that all the members of that Body 〈◊〉 perform their duties to rectifie what was found amisse amongst them to preserve peace between them on emergent differences to reform such errors and corruptions as are expresly contrary to the word of God and finally to give strength and motions to their Councels and Determinations tending to Edification and increase of Piety And though in most of their proceedingâ— toward Reformation the Kiâ—gs advised with such Bishops as they had about them or could assâ—mble without any great trouble or inconvenience to advise witâ—all yet was there no necâ—ssity that all or the greatest partâ— of the Bishops should be drawn together for that purpose no more then it was anciently in the Primitive Times for the godly Emperors to câ—ll together the most part of the Bishops in the Roman Empire for the â—stâ—blishing of the matters which comâ—erned the Church or for the godly Kings of Iudah to call together the greatest part of the Priests and Levites before they acted any thing in the Reformation of those corruptions and abuses which were crâ—pt in amongst them Which being so and then withâ—â—l considering as we ought to do that there was nothing aâ—tered here in the state of Râ—ligion till either the whole Clergy in their 〈…〉 the Bâ—shops and most eminent Church-men had resolved upon it our Religion is no more to be called a Regal then a Parliament-Gospel 6 That the Clergy lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of Submission and the pâ—wer of calling and confirming Councels did anciently belong to the Christian Princes If you conceive that by ascribing to the King the Supreme Authority taking him for their Supreme Head and by the Act of Submission which ensued upon it the Clergy did unwittingly ensnare themselves and drew a Vasâ—allage on these of the times succeeding inconsistent with their native Rights and contrary to the usage of the Primitive Church I hope it will be no hard matter to remove that scruple It 's true the Clergy in their Convocation can do nothing now but as their doings are confirmed by the Kings authority and I conceive it stands with reason as well as point of State that it should be so For since the two Houses of Parliament though called by the Kings Writ can conclude nothing which may binde either King or Subject in their Civil Rights untill it be made good by the Royal Assent so neither is it â—it nor safe that the Clergy should be able by their Constitutions and Synodical Acts to conclude both Prince and People in spiritual matters untill the stamp of Royal Authority be imprinted on them The Kings concurrence in this case devesteth not the Clergy of any lawful power which they ought to have but restrains them only in the exercise of some part thereof to make it more agreeable to Monarchical Government to accommodate it to the benefit both of Prince and People It 's true the Clergy of this Realm can neither meet in Convocation nor conclude any thing therein nor put in execution any thing which they have concluded but as they are enabled by the Kings authority But then it is as true withall that this is neither inconsistent with their native Rights nor contrary unto the usage of the Primitive Times And first it is not inconsistent with their native Rights it being a peculiar happinesse of the Church of England to be alwaies under the protection of Christian Kings by whose encouragement and example the Gospel was received in all parts of this Kingdome And iâ— you look into Sir Henry Spleman's Collection of the Saxon Councels I believe that you will hardly finde any Ecclesiastical Canons for the Government of the Church of England which were not either originally promulgated or after approved and allowed of either by the Supreme Monarch of all the Saxons or by some King or other of the several 〈◊〉 directing in their National or Provincial Synods And they enjoyed this Prerogative without any dispute after the Norman Conquest also till by degrees the Pope ingrossed it to himself as before was shewn and then conferred it upon such as were to exercise the same under his authority which plainly manifests that the Act of Suâ—mission so much spoke of was but a changing of their dependance from the Pope to the King from an usurped to a lawful power from one
of Christ And so S Augustine hath resolved it in his thiâ—d Book against Cresâ—onius In hoc Reges sicut iis divinitus praecipitur pray you note that well Deo serviunt in quantum Reges sunt si in suo Regno bona jubeant mala prohibeant non solum quae pâ—rtinent ad humanam societatem verum etiam ad Divinam Religionem Which words of his â—â—emed so significant and convincing unto Hart the Iesuite that being shewed the Tractate writ by Dr. Nowell against Dorman the Priest in the beginning of Q Elizabeths time and finding how the case was stated by that reverend person he did ingenuâ—usly confesse that there was no authority ascribed to the Kings of England in Ecclesiastical affaire but what was warranted unto them by that place of Augustine The like affirmed by him that calleth himself Francisâ—us de S. Clâ—ra though a Iesuite too that you may see how much more candid and ingenuous the Iesuites are in this point then the Presbyterians in his Examen of the Articles of the Church of England But hereof you may give me opportunity to speak more hereafter when you propose the Doubts which you say you have relating to the King the Pope and the Churches Protestant and therefore I shall say no more of it at the present time SECT. II. The manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified HItherto I had gone in order to your satisfaction and communicated my conceptions in writing to you when I received your letter of the 4. of Ianuary in which you signified the high contentment I had given you in condâ—scending to your weaknesse as you pleased to call it and freeing you from those doubts which lay heaviest on you And therewithall you did request me to give you leave to propound those other Scruples which were yet behinde relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much looked after in the Reformation And first you say it is complained of by some Zelots of the Church of Rome that the Pope was very hardly and unjustly dealt with in being deprived of the Supremacy so long enjoyed and exercised by his predecessors and that it was an innovation no lesse strange then dangerous to settle it upon the King 2. That the Church of England ought not to have proceeded to a Reformation without the Pope considered either as the Patriarch of the Western world or the Apostle in particular of the English Nation 3. That if a Reformation had been found so necessary it ought to have been done by a General Councel at least with the consent and co-operation of the Sister-Churches especially of those who were engaged at the same time in the same designs 4. That in the carrying on of the Reformation the Church proceeded very unadvisedly in letting the people have the Scriptures and the publique Liturgie in the â—ulgar tongue the dangerous consequents whereof are now grown too visible 5. That the proceedings in the point of the Common-prayer Book were meerly Regall the body of the Clergy not consulted with or consenting to it and consequently not so Regular as we fain would have it And 6. That in the power of making Canons and determining matters of the Faith the Clergy have so â—ettered and inâ—angled themselves by the Act of Submission that they can neither meet deliberate conclâ—de nor â—xâ—cute but as they are enabled by the Kings authority which is a Vassallage inconsistent with their native Libertieâ— and not agreeable to the usage of the Primitive times These are the points in which you now desire to have satisfaction and you shall have it in the best way I am able to do it that so you may be freed hereafter from such â—roubles and Disputants as I perceive have laboured to perplex your thoughts and make you lesse affectionate then formerly to the Church your Mother 1. That the Church of England did not innovaâ—e in the Ejâ—ction of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown And in this point you are to know that it hath been and still is the general and constant judgement of the greatest Lawyers of this Kingdome that the vesting of the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm was not Introductory of any new Right or Power which was not in the Crown before but Declaratory of an old which had been anciently and originalâ—y inherent in it though of late Times usurped by the Popes of Rome and in Abeyance at that time as our Lawyers phrase it And they have so resolved it upon very good 〈◊〉 â—â—he principal managâ—ry of 〈◊〉 which conceâ—n Religion being a flower inseparably annexed to the â—egal Diadem not proper and peculiar only to the Kings of England but to all Kings and Princes in the Church of God and by them exercised and enjoyed accordingly in their times and places For who I pray you weâ—e the men in the Iewish Church who destroyâ—d the Idols of that people cut down the Groves demolished the high places and brake in piâ—ces the Brazen Serpent when abused to Idolatry Were they not the godly Kingâ— and Princeâ— only which swâ—yâ—◠〈◊〉 Scepter of that Kingdomâ— And though ' â—is possible 〈◊〉 that they might do it by the counsel and advice of the High Priests of that Nation or of some of the more godly Priests and Levites who had a zeal unto the Lâ—w of the most high God yet we finde nothing of it in the holy Scripture the merit of these Reformations which were made occasionally in that faulty Church being ascribed unto their Kings and none but them Had they done any thing in this which belonged not to their place and calling or by so doing had intrenched on the Office of the Priâ—sts and Levites that God who punished Vzzah for attempting to support the Arke when he saw it totâ—ering and smote Osias with a Leprosie for burning incense in the Temple things which the Priests and Levites only were to meddle in would not have suffered those good Kings to have gone unpunished or at least uncensured how good soâ—ver their intentions and 〈◊〉 weâ—e Nay on the contrary when any thing was amisâ—e in the Church of Iewry the Kingâ— and not the 〈◊〉 were admonished of it and reproved for it by the Prophets which sheweth that they were trusted with the Reformation and none else but they Is it not also said of David that he distributed the Priests and Levites into several Classes alotâ—eâ— to them the particular times of their Ministration and designed them unto several Offices in the Publick Service Iosephus adding to these passages of the Holy Writ That he câ—mposed Hymns and Songs to the Lord his God and made them to be sung in the Congregation as an especial part of the publick Liturgy Of which although it may be said that he composed those Songs and Hymns by vertue of his Prophetical Spirit yet he imposed them on the Church appointed
THE WAY and MANNER OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England DECLARED and JUSTIFIED Against the Clamors and Objections of the Opposite Parties By PETER HEYLYN D. D. MALACH. 2. 7. Labâ—a Sacerdotis custodient Sapientiam legem requirent ex ore ejus quia Angelus Domini Exercituum est Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that rule over you and submit your selves for they watch for your souls as they that must give account that they may do it with joy and not grief LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet M.DC.LVII TO THE READER THe occasion which induc'd me to the writing of this Discourse hath been already touched at in our general Preface and shall be shewn thee more at large in the following Preamble or Introduction Let it suffice thee now to know that it was done on an occasion really given and not in supposition only the better to bring in the Design which I have in hand and that it gave such satisfaction to the Party for whose sake it was undertaken that it was thought fit by some to have it publisht for the Use of others But being published by a faulty and imperfect Copy I caus'd it presently to be call'd â—in not willing it should goe abroad though without my Name till it were able in some measure to defend it self if not to justifie the Authour Being now set upon a resolution which God bless me me in of vindicating this poor Church as far at least as in me is in her Forms of Worship her Government and establisht Patrimony together with the Times and Places destinate to her Sacred Offices I have thought good to place this Tractate in the Front as a Praecognitum or necessary Manuduction unto all the rest The way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified cannot but give a good Relish unto all that follows being no other then the Essentiall parts and branches of that Reformation If thou art satisfied in this it will be a faire Omen to me that the rest may not prove unwelcome And that thou mayst peruse it with the greater chearfulness I will not keep thee longer in the Entrance of it it being no good Husbandry to waste that Friend in petit Matters whom we endeavour to preserve for nobler favours And so fare thee well The Contents of the Chapters SECT. I. THe Introduction shâ—wing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse pag 1. 1. Of Calling or Assembling the Convocation of the Clergie and the Authority thereof when convened together 3. 2. Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown 10. 3. Of the translation of the Scriptures and permitting them to be read in the English tongue 13. 4. Of the Reformation of Religion in the points of Doctrine 19. 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the forms of Worship and the times appointed thereunto 28. 6. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the directing of the people in the publick duties of Religion 34. 7. An Answâ—â— to the main Objections of either Party 38. SECT. II. 1. That the Church of England did not innovate in the Ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown pag. 46. 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformationâ—ithout the approbation of the Pope or the Church of Rome 52. 3. That the Church of England might lawfully proceed to a Reformation without the help of a General Councell or calling in the aid of the Protestant Church 62. 4. That the Church did not innovate in translating the Scriptures and the publick Liturgie in to vulgar Tongues and of the Consequents thereof to the Church it self 70. 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie were not meerly Regal and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affaires 79. 6. That the Clergie lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of submission and that the power of calling and confirming Councels did antiently belâ—ng to the Christian Princes 86. The Errata of the First Part to be thus Corrected Pape 1. for New read Your p. 8. r. convâ—niâ—ntly p. 9. r. pâ—iviledged p. 9. r. ejection p. 11. l. 10. r. enact p. 12. l. 22. r. final p. 13. l. 16. to Phil. and Mary add yet were they all revived in the 1. of Elazabeth p. 19. l. 19. r. Sacraments p. 25. l. 17. r. not on it p 30. r. Holbeck p. 34. r. Warham p. 56. l. 11. r. four p. 58. l. 7. r. Canon Law p 63. l. 27 r. come p. 76. l. 6. dele to the Popes authority on the one side or the other side p. 72. l. 7. r. of it into the p. 84. l. 22. r. formerly p. 93. l. 23. r. continued p. 95. l. 7. r. humble p. 181. l. 1. r. we shall see hereafter p. 194. l. 6. r. one new body p. 251. l. 20. r. Nicomedia p. 254. l. 2. r. derived p. 258. l. 1. r. Sabbath p. 292. l. 10. r. hint p. 296. l. 21. r. praefantes p. 300. l. 23. r. cure p. 342. l. 3. dele Greek and The Way of the Reformation of the Church of England Declared and Justified c. The Introduction Shewing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse My dear Hierophilus 〈◊〉 company is alwaies very pleasing to me but you are never better welcome then when you bring your doubts and scruples along with you for by that means you put me to the studying of some point or other whereby I benefit my self if not profit you And I remember at the time of your last being with me you seemed much scandalized for the Church of England telling me you were well assured that her Doctrine was most true and orthodox her Government conform to the Word of God and the best ages of the Church and that her publick Liturgie was an extract of the primitive Formes nothing in all the whole Composure but what did tend to edification and increase of piety But for all this you were unsatisfied as you said in the waies and means by which this Church proceeded in her Reformation alledging that you had heard it many times objected by some Partisans of the Church of Rome that our Religion was meer Parliamentarian not regulated by Synodical Meetings or the Authority of Councels as in elder Times or as Dr. Harding said long since in his Answer unto B. Iewel That we had a Parliament Religion a Parliament Faith and a Parliament Gospel To which Scultingius and some others after added that we had none but Parliament Bishops and a Parliament Clergy that you were apt enough to think that the Papists made not all this noise without some ground for it in regard you have observed some Parliaments in these latter daies so mainly bent to catch at all occasions whereby to manifest their power in
Ecclesiastical matters especially in constituting the new Assembly oâ— Divines and others And finally that you were heartily ashamed that being so often choaked with these Objections you neither knew how to traverse the Indictment nor plead Not guilty to the Bill Some other doubts you said you had relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much look'd after in our Reformation but you were loth to trouble me with too much at once And thereupon you did intreat me to bethink my self of some â—it Plaster for the Sore which did oft afflict you religiously affirming that your desires proceeded not from curiosity or an itch of knowledge or out of any disaffection to the Power of Parliaments but meâ—rly from an honest zeal to the Church of England whose credit and prosperity you did far prefer before your life or whaâ—soever in this world could be dear unto you Adding withall that if I would take this pains for your satisfaction and help you out of these perplexities which you were involved in I should not only do good service to the Church it self but to many a wavering member of it whom these objections had much staggered in their Resolutions In fine that you desired also to be inâ—ormed how far the Parliaments had been interessed in these alterations of Religion which hapned in the Reignâ— of K. Hen. the 8. K. Edw. the 6. and Qâ—een Elizabeth what ground there was for all all this clamour of the Papists and whether the Houses or either of them have exercised of old any such Authority in matters of Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature as some of late have ascribed unto them Which though it be a dangerous and invidious subject as the times now are yet for your sake and for the Truths and for the honour of Parliaments which seem to suffer much in that Popish calumny I shall undertake it premising first that I intend not to say any thing to the point of Right whether or not the Parliament may lawfully meddle in such matters as concern Religion but shall apply my self wholly unto matters of Fact aâ— they relate unto the Reformation here by Law established And for my method in this businesse I shall first lay down by way of preamble the form of calling of the Câ—nvocation of the Clergy here in England that we may see by what Authority they proceed in their Constitutions and then declare what was acted by the Clergy in that Reformation In which I shall begin with the ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm descending next to the Translation of the Scriptures into the English Tongue the Reformation of the Church in Doctrinals and Formes of Worship and to proceed unto the Power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the direction of the people in the Exercise of their Religion concluding with an Anâ—wer to all such Objections by what party soever they be made as are most mateâ—ial And in the canvassing of these points I doubt not but it will appear unto you that till these late busie and unfortunate Times in which every man intrudeth on the Priestly Function the Parliaments did nothing at all either in making Canons or in matters Doctrinall or in Translation of the Scriptures next that that litâ—le which they did in reference to the Formes and Times of Worship was no more then the inflicting of some Temporal or legal penalties on such as did neglect the one or not conform unto the other having been first digested and agreed upon in the Clergy way and finally that those Kings and Princes before remembred by whose Authority the Parliaments did that little in those Formes and Times did not act any thing in that kinde themselves but what was warranted unto them by the word of God and the example of such godly and religious Emperors and other Christian Kings and Princes as flourished in the happiest times of Christianity This is the sum of my design which I shall follow in the order before laid down assuring you that when you shall acquaint me with your other scruples I will endevour what I can for your satisfaction 1. Of calling or assembling the Convocation of the Clergy and the Authority thereof when conveen'd together ANd in this we are first to know that anciently the Archbishop of the several Provinces of Canterbury and York were vested with a power of Convocating the Clergy of their several and respective Provinces when and as often as they thought it necessary for the Churches peace And of this power they did make use upon all extraordinary and emergent cases either as Metropoliâ—ans and Primates in their several Provinces or as Legati nati to the Popes of Rome but ordinarily and of common course especially after the first passing of the Acts or Statutes of Praemuniri they did râ—strain that power to the good pleasure of the Kings under whom they lived and used it not but as the necessities and occasions of these Kings or the distresses of the Church did require it of them and when it was required of them the Writ or Prâ—cept of the King was in this form following Râ—x c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri N. Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati Aâ—ostolicae sedis Lâ—gato salutem Quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis dâ—fâ—nsionem securitatem Eccleâ—ae Anglicanae ac pacem tranquillitatem â—onum publiâ—um defensionem Regni nostri subditorum nostrorum ejusdâ— m concernentibus Vobis in Fide dilectione quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis ponderatis universos singulâ—s Episcopos vestrae Provinciae ac Decanos Priores 〈…〉 non exemptos nec non Archidiaconos Conventus Capitula Collegia totumque Clerum â—ujuslibet Dioceseos ejusdem Provinciae ad câ—nveniendum coram vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cumomni celeritate accommoda modo debito Convocari faciatis Ad tractandum consentiendum concludâ—ndum super praemissis aliis quae sibi clarius proponentur tunc ibidem ex parte nostra Et hoc siâ—ut nos statum Regni nostri ac honorem utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste meipso c. These are the very words oâ— the antient Writs and are still retained in these of later Times but that the Tiâ—le of Legatus sedis Apostâ—licae then used in the Archbishops stile was laid aside together with the Pope himself and that there is no mention in them of Abbots Priors and Convenâ—s as being now not extant in the Church of England And in this Writ you may observe first that the calling of the Bishops and Clergy of the Province of Canterbury to a Synodical Assembly belonged to the Arch bishop of that Province only the
singing-men to sing them and prescribed Vestments also to thesâ—singing-men by no other power then the regal only None of the Priâ—sts consulted in iâ— for ought yet appears The like authority was â—xercised and enjoyed by the Christian Emperors not only in their calling Councels and many times assisting at them or presiding in them by themselves or their Deputies or Commissioners but also in confirming the Acts thereof He that consults the Câ—de and 〈◊〉 in the Civil Lawes will finde the best Princes to have been most active in things which did concern Religion in regulating matters of the Church and setting out their Imperial Edicts for suppressing of Hereticks Quid Imâ—eratori cum Ecclesia What hath the Emperor to dâ— in matters which concern the Church is one of the chief Brand marks which Optatus sets upon the Donatists And though some Christians of the East have in the way of scorn had the name of Melchites men of the Kings Religion as the word doth intimate bâ—cause they adhered unto those Doctrines which the Emperors agreeable to former Councels had confirmed and ratified yet the best was that none but Sectaries and Hereticks put that name upon them Neither the men nor the Religion was a â—ot the worse Nor did they only deal in matters of Exterior Order but even in Doctrinals matters intrinsecal to the Faith for which their Enoticon set out by the Emperor Zeno for setling differences in Religion may be proof sufficiâ—nâ—â— The like authority was exercised and enjoyed by Charles the Great when he attained the Western Empire as the Capitulaâ—s published in hiâ— Name and in the names of his Successors do most clearly evidence and not much lesse enjoyed and practisâ—d by the Kings of England in the elder Times though more obnoxious to the power of the Pope of Rome by reason of his Apostleship if I may so call it the Christian Faith being first preached unto the English Saxons by such as he employed in that holy Work The instanceâ— whereof dispersed in several places of our English Histories and other Monuments and Records which concern this Church are handsomely summed up together by Sir Edward Coke in the fift part of his Reports if I well remember but I am sure in Cawdâ—ies Case entituled De Iure Regis Ecclesiastico And though Parsons the Iesuite in his Answer unto that Report hath took much pains to vindicate the Popes Supremacy in this Kingdome from the first planting of the Gospel among the Saxons yet all he hath effected by it proves no more thâ—n this That the Popes by permission of some weak Princes did exercise a kinde of concurrent jurisdiction here with the Kings themselves but came not to the full and entire Supremacy till they had brought all other Kings and Princes of the Western Empire nay even the Emperors themselves under their command So that when the Supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their Convocationâ—o K. H. 8. it was only the restoring of him to his proper and original power invaded by the Popes of these later Ages though possiâ—ly the Title of Supreme Head seemed to have somewhat in it of an 〈◊〉 At which Title when the Papists generally and Calvin in his Comment on the Prophet Amos did seem to be much scandalizâ—d it was with much wisdome changed by Q. Elizabeth into that of Supreme Governour which is still in use And when that also would not down with some queasie stomachs the Queen her self by her Injunctions published in the first year of her Reign and the Clergy in their Book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation about five years aâ—ter did declare and signifie That there was no authority in sâ—cred matters contained under that Title but that only Prerogative which had bâ—en given alwaies to all godly Princes in holy Scriptuâ—es by God himself that iâ— That they should rule all Estates and degrees committâ—d to their change by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and to restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil dâ—ers as also to exclude thereby the Bishop of Rome from having any jurisdiction in the Realm of England Artic. 37. Lay this unto the rest before and tell me if you câ—n what hath been acted by the Kings of England in the Reformation of Religion but what is warranted unto them by the practise and example of the most godly Kings of Iewry seconded by the most godly Emperorâ— in the Christian Church and by the usage also of their own Predecessors in this Kingdome till Papal Usurpation carried all before it And being that all the Popes pretended to in this Realm was but Usurpation it was no wrong to take that from him which he had no right to and to restore it at the last to the proper Owner Neither Prescription on the one side nor discontinuance on the other change the case at all that noted Maxim of our Lawyers that no prescriptionâ—indes the King or Nullum tempus occurrit Regi as their own words are being as good against the Pope as against the Subject This leads me to the second part of this Dispute the dispossessing of the Pope of that supreme Power so long enjoyed and exercised in this Realm by his Predecessors To which we say that though the pretensions of the Pope were antient yet they were not Primitive and therefore we may answer in our Saviours words Ab initio non â—uit sic it was not so from the beginning For it is evident enough in the course of story that the Pope neither claimed nor exercised any such Supermacy within this Kingdome in the first Ages of this Church nor in many after till by gaining from the King the 〈◊〉 of Bishops under Henry the â— the exemption of the Clergy from the Courts of Justice â—nder Henry the 2. and the submission of King Iohn to the See of Rome they found themselves of strength sufficient to make good their Plea And though by the like artifices seconded by some Texts of Scripture which the ignorance of those times incouraged them to abuse as they pleased they had attained the like Supremacy in France Spain and Germany and all the Churches of the West yet his incroachmâ—nts werâ— opposed and his authority disputed upon all occasions especially aâ— the light of Letters did begin to shine Insomuch as it was not only determined essentially in the Councel of Constance one of the Imperial Cities of High Germany that the Councel was above the Pope and his Authority much 〈◊〉 by the Pragmatick Sanction which thence took beginning but Gerson the learned Chancellor of Paris wrote a full discourse entituled De auferibilitate Papae â—ouching the totall abrogating of the Papall Office which certainly he had never done in case the Papall Office had been found â—ssential and of intrinsecal concernment to the Church of Christ According to the Position of that learned man the greatest Princes in these times did look upon the Pope and the Papall power
as an Excâ—escence at the best in the body mystical subject and fit to be pared off as occasion served though on self-ends Reasons of State and to serve their several turnâ— by him as their needs required they did and do permit him to continue in his former greatnesse For Lewis the 11. King of France in a Councel of his own Bishops held at Lions cited Pope Iulius the 2. to appear before him and Laâ—strech Governour of Millaine under Francis the 1. conceived the Popes authority to be so unnecessary yea even in Italy it self that taking a displeasure against Leo the 10. he outed him of all his jurisdiction within that Dukedome anno 1528. and so disposed of all Ecclesiasticall affairs ut praefecto sacris Bigorrano Episcâ—po omnia sine Romani Pontificis autoritate adminâ—strarentur as Thuanuâ— hath it that the Church there was supremely governed by the Bishop of Bigorre a Bishop of the Church of France without the intermedling of the Pope at all The like we finde to have been done about six years after by Charleâ— the fift Emperor and King of Spain who being no lesse displeased with Pope Clement the 7. abolished the Papall power and jurisdiction out of all the Churches of his Kingdomes in Spain Which though it held but for a while till the breach was closed yet left he an example by it as my Aâ—thor noteth Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis autoritatem posse conservari that there was no necessity of a Pope at all And when K Henry the 8. following these examples had banished the Popes authority out of his Dominions Religion still remaâ—ning here as before it did he Popeâ—Supremacy not being at that time an Article of the Christian Faith as it haâ—h since been made by Pope Pius the 4. that Act of his was much commended by most knowing men in that without more alteration in the face of the Church Romanae sedis exuisset obsequium saith the Author of the Tridentine History he had â—reed himself and all his subjects from so great a Vassaâ—lage Now as K. Henry the 8. was not the first Christian Pâ—ince who did de facto abrogate the Popes authority so was he not the last that thought it might be abrogated if occasion were For to say nothing of King Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth two of hiâ— Successoâ—s who followed his example in it we finde it to have been resolved on by K. Henry the 4. of France who questionlesse had made the Archbishop of Bouâ—ges the Patriarch of the Gallicane Church and totally withâ—rawn it from acknowledging of the authority of the See of Rome had not Pope Clement the 8. much against his will by the continual solicitations of Cardinal D' Ossat admittâ—d him to a formal Reconciliation on his last falling off to popery How neeâ— the Signeury of Venice was to have done the like anno 1608. the History of the Interdict or of the Quarrelâ— betwixt that State and Pope Paul the 5. doth most plainly shew This makes it evident that in the judgement and esteem of most Christian Pâ—inces in other things of the Religion of the Church of Rome the Popes Supremacy was looked upon as an incroachment and therefore might be abrogated upon betâ—â—◠〈…〉 been admitted in their several Kingdomeâ— By consâ—quence the doing of it here in England neither so injurious or unjust as your Zelots make it 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation without the Approbation of the Popâ— or Church of Rome But here you say it will be replied that though the Pope 〈◊〉 not conâ—idâ—reâ— aâ— the 〈…〉 of the Church with reference wherâ—unto his super eminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times yet it cannot be denied with reason but that he is the Patriarch of these Wâ—stern Churches and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him especially considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome and therefore to act nothing in that kinde but by consent of the whole according to that known Maxim of the Schools Turpis est pars ea quâ—e toti suâ— non cohaereâ—t This though it be a Triple Cord will be easily broken For first the Pâ—pe is not the Patriarch of the West One of the Patriâ—â—â—â— of the Wâ—st we shall easily grant him but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yeeld To tell you why we dare not yeeld it I must put you in minde of these particulars 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equall power whether they be of Rome or Rhegium of Constantinople or Engubium of Alexaâ—dria or of Tanais as S. Hierom hath it Potnâ—ia divitiarum paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inâ—eriorem â—piscopum non faciâ— A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not saith he one Bishop higher then another in regard of his office though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men 2. That in respect to Polity and external order the Bishops antienâ—ly were disposed of into Sub et supra according to the Platform of the Roman Empire agreeable to the good old Rule which we finde mentioned though not made in the general Councel of Chalcâ—don that is to say {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} c. The 〈…〉 Civil State 3. That the Româ—n Empire was divided anâ—iently into 14 Juridical Circuitâ— which they called Diocesses reckoning the Praefecture oâ—Rome for one of the number six of the which that is to say the Diocessâ—s of Italie Africk Spain Britain Gaul and Illyricum occidentale besides the Pâ—aefecture of the City were under the command of the Western Emperoâ—s after the Empire was divided into East and West 4. That in the Pâ—aefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium Tuscia Picenum 〈…〉 and Lucania in the main land of Italy tâ—gether with the Islands of Sicilie Corsica and Sardinia 5. That every Province having sâ—veral Cities there was agreeable to this model a Bishop placâ—d in every City a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province who had a superintendence over all the Bishops and in each Diocesse a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces And 6. though at fiâ—st only the three Primates or Arch-bishops of Rome Antioch and Alâ—xandria commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs by reason of the wealth and greatnâ—sse of those Cities the greatest of the Roman Eâ—pire and the chief of Europe Asia and Africa to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and 〈◊〉 were after added yet were they all of â—qual power amâ—ng themselveâ— and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbes as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome receiving all their light from the Sun of righteousnesse not borrowing it
unto their Rights as any of their Sees were ruined by the barbarous Nations and consequently his consent not necessary to a Reformation beyond the bounds of his own Patriarchate under that pretence Let us next see what power he can lay claim unto as the Apostle in particular of the English Nation Which memorable title I shall never grudge him I know well not only that the wife of Ethelbert King of Kent a Christian and a daughter of France had both her Chappel and her Chappellane in the Palace Royal before the first preaching of Austin the Monk but that the Britains living intermixt with the Saxons for so long a time may be supposed in probability and reason to have gained some of them to the Faith But let the Pope enjoy this honour let Gregory the Great be the Apostle of the English Saxons by whom that Augustine was sent hither yet this enâ—iâ—uleth his Successors to no higher Prerogatives then the Lords own Apostles did think fit to claim in Countreys which they had converted For neither were the English Saxons Baptized in the name of the Pope they had been then Gregoriani and not Christiani or looked upon him as the Lord of this part of Gods 〈…〉 S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did disclaim the one S. Peter the Apostle of the Iewes did disswade the other The Anglican Church was absolute and Independent from the first beginning not tyed so much as to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome it being left by Gregory to the discretion of Augustine out of the Rites and Rubricks of such Churches as he met with in his journey hither these of Italie and France he means to constitute a form of worship for the Church of England And for a further proof hereof he that consults the Saxon Councels collected by that learned and indâ—striouâ— Gentleman Sir H Spelman will finde how little there was in them of a Papall influence from the first planting of the Gospel to the Norman Conquest If we look lower we shall finde that the Popes Legat a Latere whensoever sent durst not set foot on English ground till he was licensed and indemnified by the Kings Authority but all Apâ—eals in case of grievance were to be made by a Decree of Henry the 2. from the Archdeacon to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Metropolitaâ— Et si Archiepiscopus defecerit in justitia exhibenda ad Dominum Regem deveniendum est postremo and last of all from the Metropolitan to the King himself no Appeal hence unto the Pope as in other places that the Clergy of this land had a self-authority of treating and concluding in any businesse which concerned their own peace and happinesse without resorting â—o the Pope for a confirmation Out of which Canons and Determinations made amongst our sâ—lveâ— Lindwood composed his Provincial though framed according to the method of the Roman Dâ—cretal to be the standing body of ouâ—Common-Law that on the other side neither the Canons of that Church or Decretals of the Popes were câ—ncluding here but either by a voluntary submission of some â—â—â—ning and ambitiouâ— Pâ—â—lates or as they were received Synodically by the English Cleâ—gy of which the conâ—â—itutions made by Oâ—he and Othebâ—n Legâ—ts a lâ—tere from the Pope may be proof sufficient aâ—d finally that Ansâ—â—m the Aâ—chbishâ—p of Canterbury was welcomed by Pope Vâ—ban the 2. to the Councel of Bâ—ri in Apulia tanquam alterius orbis Papa as in William of Malmesbury tanquam Patriarcham Apostolicum as Iohn Capgrave hath it as the Pope Patriarch and Apostolick Pâ—â—â—or of another World Divisos orbe Britaâ—â—os as you know who said Which tiâ—les questionlesse the Pope would nâ—ver have conâ—â—â—red upon him had he not been as â—bsolute and supreme in his own jurisdiction succeeding in the Patriarchal Rights of the British Diocesse as the Pope was within the Churches â—ubject unto his Auâ—â—ority And this perhâ—ps might be the reason why Innocent the 2. bestowâ—d on Theobald the third from Ansâ—lm and on his Suâ—cessoâ—s in that Sâ—e the Title of Legati nâ—ti that they might seem to act rather in the time to come as Servants and Ministers to the Pope then as the Primatesâ—nd chief Pastors of the Church of England And by all this it may appear that the Popes Apostleship was never looked on here as a matter of so great concernment that the Church might not lawfully proceed to a Râ—formation without his allowance and consent Were that plea good the Germans might not lawfully have reformed themselves without the allowance of the English it being evident in story that not only Boniface Archbishop of Menâ—z called generally the Apostle of Germany was an Engglish man but that Willibald the first Bishop of Eystel Willibadâ—he first Bishop of Bremen Willibrod the first Bishop of Vtreoht Swibert the first Bishop of Virâ—â—em and the fiâ—st converterâ— of those parts were of England also men instigated to this great work all except the first not so much by the Popeâ— zeal as their own great piety By this that hath been said it is clear enough that the Church of England at the time of the Reformation was not indeed a Member of the Church of Rome under the Pope aâ— the chief Pastor and Supreme Head of the Church of CHRIST but a Fellow-member with it of that Body Mystical whereof CHRIST only is the Head part of that â—â—ock whereof he only iâ— the Shephâ—rd a sister Church to that of Rome though with relation to the time of her last conversion but a younger Sister And if a Fellow-member and a Sister-Church she might make use of that authority which naturally and originally was vested in her to reform her self without the leave of the particular Church of Rome or any other whatsoever of the Sister-Churches The Church is likened to a City in the Book of God a City at unity in it self as the Psalmist cals it and as a City it consisteth of many houses and in each house a several and particular Family Suppose this City visiâ—ed with some general sicknesse may noâ— each family take care to preserve it self advise with the Physitian and apply the Remedy without consulting with the rest Or if consulting with the rest must they needs ask leave also of the Maior or principal Magistrate take counsel with no other Doctors and follow no other course of Physick then such as he commends unto them or imposeth on them Or must the lesser languish irremediably under the calamity because the greater and more potent Families do not like the cure Assuredly it was not so in the primitive times wheâ— it was held a commendable and lawfull thing for National and particular Churches to reform such errors and corruptions as they found amongst them nor in the Church of Iudah nâ—ither when the Idolatries of their Nâ—ighbours had got ground upon them Though Israâ—l transgress◠〈◊〉 not Judah sin saith the Prophet Hosea chap. 4. Yet Israel
was the greater and more numerous people Ten Tribes to two two of the ten the eldâ—st sons of their Father Iacob all of them older then Benjamin the last begotten being the second of the two which notwithstanding the Kings of Iudah might and did proceed to a Reformation though those of Israel did refuse to co-operate with them The like was also done de facto and de jure too in the best and happiest-times of Christianity there bâ—ing many errors and unâ—ound opinions condemned in the Councels of Gâ—ngra Aquilia Cartâ—age Milâ—vis and not a â—ew corâ—upâ—ions in the practical part of Religion reformed in the Synods of â—liberis Laodicâ—a Arles and others in the fourth Century of the Church without advising or consulâ—ing with the Râ—man Oracle or running to the Church of Rome for a confirmation of their Acts and doings though at that time invested with a greater and more powerful princiâ—ality then the others were No such regard had in those tiâ—es to the Church of Rome though the elder Sister but that another National Church might reform without her nor any such consideration had of the younger Sâ—sters that one should â—arry for another till they all agreed though possibly they might all be sensible of the inconvenience and all alike desirous of a speedy Remedy But of this more anon in Answer to the next Objections Proceed we now a little â—urther and let us grant for once that the Church of England was a Member at that time of the Church of Rome acknowledging the Pope for the Head thereof yet this could be no hindrance to a Reformation when the preâ—ended Head would not yeeld unto it or that the Members could not meet to consult about it Tâ—e whole Body of the Church was in ill condition every part unsound but the disease lay chiefly in the head it self grown monstrously too great for the rest of the Members And should the whole body pine and languish without hope of ease because the Head I mean still the pretended Head would not be purged of some supeâ—flâ—ous and noxious humours occasioning giddinesse in the brain dimnesse in the eye deafnâ—sse in the ear and in a word a general and sad distemper unto all the Members The Popâ— was grown to an exorbitant height both of pride and power the Court of Rome wallowing as in a course of prosperous fortunes in all volupâ—uousnesse and sensuality Nothing so feared amongst them as a Reformation wherâ—by they knew that an abatement must be made of their pomp and pleasure Of these corrupâ—ions and abuses as of many others complaint had formerly been made by Armachanus Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln S. Bernard Nicâ— de Clemangis anâ— other conscientious men in their several Countâ—eys 〈…〉 noted and informed against by Wicâ—lâ—sse Iohn 〈…〉 c. Buâ— they complained 〈…〉 who was resolvâ—d not to hear the voice of those 〈◊〉 câ—armed they never so wisâ—ly The Câ—urch mean while was in a very ill condiâ—iâ—n whâ—n he that should prescribe the cure was becoâ—e the siâ—knâ—sse Coâ—â—â—dering therefore that a Reformation could not be obtained by the Popes consent there was no râ—medy but that it must be made without it The Molten Calf modâ—lled by the Egyptian Apis and the Altar patteâ—ned from Damâ—sâ—us had made the Israelites in all probability aâ— great idolaters as their 〈◊〉 if the High priests that set them up might have haâ— their Wilâ— Nor had it been much better with the Chuâ—ch of CHRIST if Arianism could not have been suppressed in particulâ—r Churches because Liberius Pope of Rome supposing him to be the Head of the Church in gâ—neral had subscribed unto it and that no error and corruption could have been reformed which any of the Popes whose Graves I am very loâ—h to open had been guilty of but by their permission The Church now were in worse estate under Christian Princes then when it sâ—ffered under the power and tyranny of the Heathen Emperors if it were not lawfâ—l for particular Churches to provide for their own safety and salvation without resorting to the Pope who cannot every day be spoke with and may when spoken with be pressed with so many inconveniences nearer hand as not to be at leisure to attend such businesses as lie furthâ—r off And therefore it was well said by Danet the French Ambassâ—dor when he communicâ—ted to the Pope his Maâ—â—ers purpose of Reforming the Gaâ—â—â—can Church by a National Councel Is said he Paris were on fire would you not count the Citizens either Fools or Mad-men if they should send so far as â—iber for some water to quench it the River of Sâ—ine running through the City and the Marno so near it 3. That the Church of England might lawfully prâ—ceed to a Reformation withâ—ut the help of a General Councel or calling in the aid of the Protestant Churches But here you say it is objectâ—d that if a Reformation were so necessary as we seem to make it and that the Pope waâ— never like to yeeld unto it as the case then stood it ought to have been done by a General Councel according to the usage of the Primitive times I know indeed that General Councels such as are commonly so called are of excellent use and that the name thereof is sacred and of high esteem But yet I prize them not so highly as Pope Gregory did who ranked the â—our first General Câ—uncels with the four Evangelists nor am I oâ— opinion that they are so necessary to a Reformation either in point of Faith or corruption of manners but that the business of the Church may be done without them Nay might I be so bold as to lay my naked thoughts before you as I think I may you would there finde it to be some part of my Belief that there never was and never can be such a thing as a General Councel truly and properly so called thâ—t is to say such a General Councel to which all the Bishops of the Church admiting none but such to the power of voâ—ing have bin or can be called together by themselves or their Proxies These which are commonly so called as those of Nice Constantâ—nople 〈◊〉 Chalâ—â—don were only of the 〈◊〉 of the Roman Eâ—pire Chriâ—tian Churches â—xisting at that time in Ethiopia and the Kingdome of Persia which made up no small pâ—rt of the Church of Christ were neither present at them nor inviâ—â—d to them And yet not all the Pâ—elates nâ—ither of the Roman Empire nor some from â—very Province of it did attend that service those Councels only being the Assemblies of sâ—me Eastern Bishopâ— such as could most conveniently be drawn together few of the Wesâ—eâ—n Churches none at all in some having or list or leisure â—or so long a journey For in the so much celebraâ—â—d Councel of Nice there were but nine Bishops sâ—nt from France but two from Africk one alone from Spain none â—rom the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and out of Itâ—ly which â—ay nearest to it none