parasite pratleth but vpon â—ome other cause giuen rather from England as himself after page 57. of his libel confesseth in these woords The king of Spain and Popes malice saith he to the Queen is not for that she is daughter to king Henry the eight and sister to Queen Marie but because she hath banished the Pope that Antechriste of Rome c. ergo the Q. began with the Pope and the Pope not with her But secondly let it be considered in what maner this banishment of the Pope was contriued that in this time of peace between Rome and England after the Queens entrance what was donn at home by vs against the Pope to stir him to this act of hostilitie First not only the whole body of religion was changed that had indured aboue a thowsand years and this contrarie to expectation and promes but diuers peculier statutes were made also against the Bishop of Rome by â—ame with the most spiteful and opprobrius woords termes that any malice of man could deuise all the whole Catholique body of England enforced to sweare against him and his authoritie by name or els to incur most greeuous and capital damages the like detestable othe was offered and repeated again and again to all such and as often as they were to take any degree of preferment within the land All the clergie was deposed and depriued of liuings libertie only for adhering to the Popes religioÌ„ the Bishops other principal prelates of our land committed to prisons holds and restraints for the same cause and there continued vnto their dying day for that they refused to subscribe to so violent a statute Then such as would leaue the realme or fle were inhibited those that staied at home were inforced to participate not only of these other but also eating new deuised Sacrament bâ—ead against their consciences condemned also and anathemazed by the lutheraÌ„s first founders of this new religioÌ„ The Pope euery where was cried out of reuiled made a matter of scorne infamy not only in all sermons pulpits and conuenticles but also in comedies plâ—ies and interludes by euery base and contemptible companion In the schooles of vniuersities most ridiculous propositions were set vp as paradoxes to be defended that the Pope forsooth was Antechriste the man of sinne talked of by S. Paule and other like toyes And that which moued perhaps more then all the rest was that these things were not only practised alowed of in England and Ireland subiect to her Maiestie but were begun to be introduced also by ouâ— meanes that is by the turbulent attempts and practises of protestants her Maiestie perhaps knowing litle therof in all the realmes and regions round about vs and namely in France Flanders and Scotland where the warres tumults rebellions deuisions sects heresies and other outrages came to be so many and excessiue great as the lawfulâ— and naturà ll princes of those contries seeing themselues so far indomaged and highly endaungered therby were inforced first of all to complain vnto the Pope as chief pastor and common father of all to vse such spirituall redresse as he might for his party in respect oâ— his ecclesiasticall souereigntie whilest they prepared also to defendâ— themselues and their troobled countries by force of armes Not malignitie then of the Pope and his adherents agaynst heâ— Maiesties crown and diadem wherunto willingly they had concurâ—â— and assisted moued this first breach and bickering as this malignanâ— barking-whelp would beat into mens eares but necessities of greatâ—â— violence inforced the same And if perhaps we in England after the change made in religion had taken that course which Protestants did in Germany to follow our new opinions without gawling of others none of these open hostilities had euer insued And let this stand foâ— the second notandum wherby is ouerthrown all this slanderous caâ—lumniation of the kinght The third note may be to consider with indifferency what this acâ— of the Popes excomunication is in it self or how far it may in reason and iustice without malice and calumniation be streched against thâ— Catholique subiects of England In it self it was an act of iurisdiction between two superiours thâ— one Ecclesiastical the other temporal wherin the subiects sentencâ— or consent was neuer asked nor admitted Secondly it was no new thing for that we see and read that thâ— like hath happened often and vpon many occasions between thâ— Bishops of Rome and diuers other great princes common-wealthes Emperours Kings and monarchs and sometymes also with kings of England and of late with the king of France as all the world knoweth And yet the subiect is neither afflicted nor accused for it nor â—nforced to change their old receaued beleef about the Popes authoâ—itie in such matters though in that particuler fact for reuerence of â—heir naturall Prince and dew respect in lyke manner to the other â—hey will not medle nor yet discuss the question whether the Pope â—ad iust reason or sufficient information whervpon to proceed but with dutifull loue and honour to the one and to the other they chuse â—ather to commend the matter to almightie God which is the only â—hing that resteth for a pious and dutiful subiect to perform in such â—ases when two superiours shall disagree vntill God by his goodnes â—hall determine the controuersy and bring all to some happie end as â—e hath donn of late in France where after the foresaied excomuniâ—ation by the see Apostolique the same king hath receyued exceeding great fauours and benefytes from the same sea and Bishop which almightie God graunt we may once see also in our countrie to the conâ—entment of all parties and therby all such hastie hoate-spurres as this â—s who still would kindle more fier and bring all to desperation may â—e reiected and put to silence And with this I might end the matter of her Maiesties perils were 〈◊〉 not that this playntiffe proceedeth on with a long rehersal of other â—ostile actions committed as he sayth by English Catholiques also â—gaynst her Maiestie As the rising of the two earles in the north â—orthumberland and VVestmerland the rebellion of diuers of the â—obilitie in Irland Doctor Sanders going thither Mayster Francis â—hrogmortons practises in England M. Charles Pagets going â—orth of the land the other two earles of Arundell Northumberâ—ands commitment and the like All which are ouer long to examine more in particuler and all put together do weigh so litle in the matter we haue in hand as by that which followeth shal appeare None of all these actions brake out to any hostilitie sauing only â—he two earles rysing and gathering their tenantes together in the â—orth where yet there followed neither battayle nor bloodshed and â—hey were no sooner almost together nor heard of at the courte â—ut they were seuered agayn and retyred into Scotland Flanders And this is all the actual rysing that hath byn among Catholiques within
ghost The second notable poynt which the Bishop vttered in this sermon was concerning king Henrie the eight his lord and mayster which moued the auditorie no lesse then the other And this was that the sayd king a litle before his death had dealt with him verie secretly and seriously to haue sent him to a certayne dyat in Germanie vnder pretence to treat other matters but in deed the cheef poynt should be to seeke out some honorable way and meanes as from himself and not from the king either by the Emperor legat popes Nuntio or other fit instrument to reconcyle him agayne to the church of Rome And this the Bishop affirmed to be most true vpon his oath and fidelitie to God and the world and to the memorie of the sayd king his master dead whome he shewed to loue so tenderly and dearly as he wepte most bitterly also in that place for that this holie motion had not taken the effect he desired attributing the let therof to Gods seuere iudgmentes and to the great difficulties which the sayd king found of making that recoÌ„ciliatioÌ„ with his honour and reputation which temporal honour he lamented much that it was more regarded by the king and some that counselled him then in so weightie a woork of eternall saluation ought to haue bin Thus then was the substance and these were the circumstances of that sermon Let vs now coÌ„sider whether the theam he tooke iam hora est nos de somno surgere were fit and to his purpose or no or whether it were prophanely blasphemously peruerted as this wise gentleman affirmeth who taketh vpon him to censure the matter First let it be considered that if euer any man of our realm might take vpon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our coÌ„mon-wealth as a Counsellor and of his own knowledge Bishop Gardener might do it which had seen such alterations both of religion and temporalityes within our land such chopping and chaunging such pulling down and setting vp as he might fitly call the tyme a time of sleep or dream For as in a sleep things are represented to a man confusedly and out of hand they passe away and contrarie representations come in their place so had Bishop Gardener seen in the publique affaires of the realme no lesse alterations of comicall and tragical acts after he came to be a councellor For first he had seen his own king and maister king Henry the eight so earnest in the defence of the catholique faith of the sea of Rome in perticuler as he wrote a booke in defence therof though he were disswaded by some of his counsell to do it for reason of state And after that again being to send this very man Gardener then his secretarie to Rome for his Embassador about soliciting of the diuorce between himself and Queen Catherine he commanded him to tel the Pope and Colledge of Cardinales that whatsoeuer they determined in that matter he would accept it with all indifferencie and euer be a most obedient childe of the Romane churche And this commission he gaue him in the presence of Cardinal VVolsey and yet soone after he saw the same king so chaunged for the affection he bare to an other partie as he brake with the Pope and churche of Rome and pulled down the sayd Cardinal and put to death two of the men that he esteemed most for vertue and learning of all his realme or of any other forrain kingdome of Christendom and whom he had loued before exceedingly to wit Doctor Fisher Bishop of Rochester and Sir Thomas More Chancelor Again Gardener had seen the same king wax weary soone after of the party for whose loue he had first begun to make all those stirres and to put her to death openly and yet to continew his former breaches and to run from one difficulty to an other and from one inconuenience to an other neuer to stop the fountain from whence all this vnquietnes came He had seen him also passe from on wife to another to the number of six dismissing some and putting others to death according to the affection or disaffection which he bare to each of them for the time He had seen him make diuers and different actes of parlament in preiudice or preferment of his own children now for their legitimation and inheritance now for the contrarie as by the statutes themselues yet extant in print is euident to the world And from the liking or disliking of his said wiues he passed also to the liking or suspition of his own kinred subiects and familier frâ—nds of which he pulled downe so many as by the stories may be seen And Bishop Gardener was wont to say of him that knew him ful well that after he once left to loue that person which by Gods law and mannes he was bound to loue aboue all others to wit his first wife and Queen he neuer loued any person harâ—ely and constantly afterwards Moreouer he had seen the poore king so combered and troobled about matters of religion as was pitiful to behold For that on the one side the point of his spiritual Supremacy taken vp in his choleâ— against the Pope seemed to touch his honor so neare as he might not shew to yeeld any one iote therin and consequently he was fain to put to death all such Catholiques as denyed the same though otherwise he both loued and highly esteemed themâ— and on the other side his iudgement and conscience in matters of the Catholique truthe against the protestants and all new sectaries conuinced his conscience and vnderstanding as he cleerly vttered in the statute of six articles which iudgement also enforced him to burne as many of that fide â— were conuicted And finally being wearied towards his later end with these combats of conscience and honor iudgement and passion he conferreâ— with Bishop Gardener as you haue heard about the mayn remedy and only sure redresse of all which was his returning to the vnion of the Romane churche and the rest of Christendome And besides all this Bishop Gardener had seen the same afflicted king brought to such streights and doubts in his later howers of life about the weightiest affaires that he had in this world as he could not tell what to determine ordayne or establish for the securitie of his owne children espeâ—ially of his only sonne prince Edward thaâ— had but nyne yeares yet of age and for that cause was the fatherâ— hart more peâ—siue about him For first he was afeard to leaue any protector vnto him remembring the eueÌ„t of king Edward the fourâ—â— his children vnder their vncle protector the Duke of Glocester And secondly he was as greatly afeard and afflicted also to think least after his death the perilous waues and fluddes of heresies should enter vpon him by the very same gate that hymself had opened VVhetfore both these poyntes he forbad expresly and appoynted for execution therof sixteen
common-wealth many perils diuerted both for the present and the time to come many benefits and benedictions insew euery way if I be not deceiued which yet I leaue to the high and most holy inscrutable prouidence of almightie God to determine at his pleasure and to your Lordships wisdomes to consider with due maturitie And so most humbly I take my leaue This first of September 1598. Antigo. of flatterie Esa. 3. The present state of English blessings â—â—cles 22. Scotland Irelandâ— Flaundersâ— Fraunce England Spiritual effectes by change of religion Ioan. 17. Act. 4. Eph. 4. Gal. 3. 2. Thes. 5. 1. Cor. 4. About certayntie in religion A playne demonitiation agaynst Sir Francis VVhat effectes of vertue nevv religion hath vvrought Esa. 11. Sledan Math. 3. 8. 4. Luc. 3. Act. 2. 2. Corinth 7. 2. Rom. 8. Coll. 3. Math. 19. 17 1. Cor. 7. Luc. 11. 14. Temporal effectes by change of religion Strength felicitic by vnion Securitie Issue of her Maiestie Establishment of suecession Vnion vvith Rome see Apostolique Ancient leagues VVarres abroad Damages receaued at home Recusantes The soÌ„me of all that hath byn saide Senecâ— Deuised daâ—â—â—enes Learning in Q. Maries reigne Manifeste vntruthes Vntruth Vntruth Hovv reading of Scriptures vvas forbidden vvhie Comparason â— Cor. 3. Ad Marcellinum Vnderstanding of Scriptures a peculier gift Apoc. â— Luc. 24. Act. â— Ibidem Experience of hurtes come by permitting the reading of scriptures to the ignoraÌ„t Ioanâ— Burcher burned The first forged position Distinction of laytie cleargie Origen hom 7. in Herem Epiph. Episc. ad loan Episcopum Hierosol Hieron CoÌ„ in cap. 12. Hierem. Maxime Minime D. Thom. 2. 2. quaest 82. â—r 20. VVhat deuotion is vvhence it proceedeth Psal. 38. VVhy the best learned are not alvvayes most deuoutâ— 1. Cor. â— The Catholiques more authors of knowledge then Protestants The second faigned position Act. 20. About S. Thomas of Canterbury Theodor. lib. 4. c 6. lib. 5. c. 17. deinceps Zozom lib. 8 fere per totum Socrat. lib. 6. c. 16. Zozom lib. 8. c. 17. Niceph. l. 14 c. 43. Math. Paris Vide apud Lippoman Surium Mense Decemb Edoard in vita D. Thomâ— cap. 26. K. H. his voluntarie penance The third feigned position Impudent calumniation Heb. 13. Ephes. 6. Rom. 13. The fourth faigned position Shameles lyinge Many cauiles and falshoodes Rom. 13. Vide quest 26 27. addit 6. Tho. ad 3. p. caet tract 9. opustul de indulgentijs Ioan. 20. A fonde coÌ„clusion The malignitie of Sir Francis The estate of Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. Causes of securitie to Lady Elizabeth in Q. Maries tyme. VVicked calumniatioÌ„s Leu. 4. â— Num. 35. 1. Reg. 19. 15. 16. 17. About Doctor Storie Doctor Stories zâ—le and complaynt A Counselour may speake freely About the Bul. of Pius Quintus A ridiculous proposition Three things considerable in this knights accusation Anno Domini 1570. regni 13. Incitation of Popes by the English Protestantes Contemptuous proceeding The excomunication agaynst the Queene Other hostile actions obiected Of the patience of Catholiques The patieÌ„ce of ProtestaÌ„tes Goodmans booke The reuels of forayne heretiques Northumb. VVestmerl Fr. Throg Char. Pag. Northumb. Arundel The Comparison betvveen Bishop Gardener Cardinall Allen. 2. Cor. 6. Of Bishop Gardener Rom. 13. Bishop Gardener his gentle nature The Dukes speaches to Bishop Gardener The Duke of North. religion Stovv â—n 1. Reg. Manâ—e A mysterious bracelet Of Bishop Gardeners fall Sto anno 1. â—d 6. About bringing in the Spaniard in Q. Maries dayes Rom. 13. The SermoÌ„ of Bishop Gardener at Pauls Crosse. Bishop Gardener his repeutance at his death K. Henrie the 8. inclination to reconcile himselfe The sleepe and dreame noted by B. Gardener in England Seem HeÌ„r 25. cap. 22. anÌ„ 28. cap. 7. 17. K. Henries perplexitie about religion The stirres in king Edvvardes dayes Of Cardinal Allen. VVhy Doct. Allen. D SaÌ„deâ—s and other lyke might vtten their myndes more playnly Hovv the Q is ouâ— mother and he Pope our father Sir Francis ridiculous Ioan. vâ—t About Iesuites in general and their coÌ„tradictors Act. 28. Iustin. apol 2. ad Anton. Pium. Tert. apol aduersus geÌ„tes Sap. 10. Psalm 79. 7. Luc. â— Isai. 8. Heb. 12. Causes of tribulations to Gods seruantes Ioan. 18. Act. 9. 2. Cor. 1. Dyuers sortes of contradictors of Iesuits 1. Cor. 1. 1. Timoth. 1â— 2. Cor. 11. 1. Ioan. 2. Philip. 1. 1. Timoth. 1. 2. Timoth. 4. Profession of Iesuites 1. Ioan. â— Chrysost. Tom. 5. hom 2. de vit monach Basil. serm de institut monachi Nazianz. â—rat 1. in Iulian. Apostat Iesuits doctrine Eccles. 1. Dan. 12. The name lisfe and coÌ„uersation of Iesuits Iustin. apol 2. ad Imp. Anton. Tert. apol Top liffe the preestqueller Ihon Chattel in France an 1594. offred to kil the king Ioanes Ghineardus martyred Cic. lib. 2. off D. Tho. 2. sent dist 44. art 2. de Regim principum cap. 6 Caet in D. Thom. 2. secundae q. 64. art 3. Sot de iust lib. 5. q. 1. art 4. Diuers enemies of Iesuites Tertul. Apolog cap. 8. Cap. 2. Apostatical Iesuites Ioan. 3. Deut. 32. Iustinus Apolog prima Part. 6. Constant cap. 1. Exam. admitt cap. 4. Iesuites labors and indeuours for the publique Tertul. Apol. â—â—p 42. Obiections against lesuites ansvvered Ambition 1. Cor. 1â— VVhether Iesuites be seditions trooblers of common vvalthes Act. 24. Luc. 23. A holy kynde of seditioÌ„ Luc. 12. S. Bonauent stim diuini â—â—noris Eccles. 41. VVhether Iesuites do seeke the deathes of princes Ioan. 12. The fact of Iohn Chattel in france the 27. of DeceÌ„b. 1594. An other deuyse against Iesuites in Holland Refutal of the fable VVhether Iesuites seeke her maiest blood 1. Cor. 2. Defence of F. persons in particuler An euident demonstration 1. Reg. 2â— 2. Timot. 2. About good lyf Math. 7. Iacob 2. The first charge agaynst Catholiques An erroneconscience also byndeth Rom. 2. Idolothita Roman 14. Aug. lib. 4. contra Iuda cap. 3. An erroneous conscience doth euer excuse Roman 1â— Protestantes discredit Matti 13. Marc. 14. Luc. 8. About the hurtes that recusantes vvould do Argumentum ad hominem 1. Cor. 14. No subiectes to be vrged vpon invvard desyres The third charge against recusantes Sir Francis Hastinges conscience Notorious rayling and calumniatioÌ„ agaynst recusaut Catholiques A bare English hart vvhat it is An absurd position of Sir Francis Gen. 12. 19. 3. Reg. 12. 4. Reg. 3. Hier. 38. 39. 40. c. Ruff. lib. 1. cap. 18. Zozom lib. 3. cap. 12. Socrat. lib. 3. cap. 4. Psal. 44. Math. 17. Luc. 12. 1. Cor. 2. Domestical examples 1. Pet. 2. About obedience to teÌ„poral Princes Acts. â— False taanslation 1. Pet. 2. Hebrae 13. Spiritual go uernours Acts. 20. Most absurd doctrine Mat. 15. 1. Pet. 2. Hovv recusantes do obey and hovv they may not A speech to catholique recusantes 1. Pet. 2. Math. 22. Marc. 12. Rom. 13. Temporal Magistrate 1. Pet. 2. Rom. 13. Note this point Ioan. 8. Rom. 13. 1. Pet. 2. Spiritual magistrate Ioan. 6. Luc. 12. Ioan. 13. Math. 23. Luc. 10. Heb. 13. Temporal and spiritual iurisdiction Occham to the Emperour Opprobtiousspeaches VVhether the Popes of Rome be Antichrisâ—â—â— Antich one man Antichrist declared by the levves Antichrist vvhen Antichrist a Ievv Antichrist in Hierusalem Antichrists doctrine Antichrists miracles Antichrists tyme of raigne Henoch Helias Day of iugdment Hovv there are many Antichristes 1. Loan 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venit 2. Thessal 2. Hovv Rome is Babylon About the Popes external honor The peril of Sir Francis rayling Exod. 22. Leuit. 20. Act. 23. Rom. 13. Hovv povver is to be respected Luc. 10. Math. 23. Harebrayne and hed longe dealings of Sir Francis 1. Cor. 5. 6. A demonstration agaynst Sir Francis madnes Luther Caluin Diuers reasons for the Bishop of of Râ—ome his preheminence Plato in polit Arist. lib. 3. polit cap. 5. Agust lib. 11. ciuit Dei cap. 15. 1. Cor. 10. Cant. 4. Saynt Peter cheefe of the church vnder Christ Ioan. 3. August in hunc locum Luc. 24. Marc. 16. Act. 1. Act. 2. Act. 3. Act. 5. Act. 10. Ibidem Act. 9. Chrysost. Ibidem Gal. 1. Chrysost. homil 87. in Ioan. CommissioÌ„ of Saynt Peter Math. 16. Ioan. 21. Ambrose in cap. vltimâ—Ì„ Luc. August in Ioan. 21. Chrisost in Ioan 21. Epiphanâ— in ancor Hovv Saint Peters charge is imparted also to others Saint Peters successors Popes of Rome 1 Pet. 5. The Particuler obligation of English tovvardes the Bishop of Rome Raging agaynst the Spanish nation VVhy Spaniards are maligned Speeches of English vvhen they vvere poteÌ„t Of the spanish nation 1. Mach. 8. Rare Spaniards Particular obligations of Spaniards The defence of the King of Spayne in particuler The condition of the mariage vvith the Spanish King King Philips vsage to made the English The vsage of English tovvards Span. in Q. Mariestyme The Count of freÌ„tsalida robbed pretily in England First frutes of nevv ghospellers A discourse of Sir Francis of King Philip secret meaning The letter out of Spayn discredited L. Courtenay The Carevves A malitious forgerie agaynst King Phil. Faigned effects of an imagined vsurpation About taxes paied to the King of Spayne The tribuâ— of Alcaualla A shamles tale The improbabilitie of the calumniation Duchesse of Feria King Phil. sought not Queen 〈◊〉 destruction About lopus the PhysitiaÌ„ In the 6. Encounter The conclusioâ— Effectes of yuel tongues A supplication to the Councel for moderatioÌ„ Reasons for moderation Qualities of the princes to be dealt vvithall Pope Clement viij K. Phillip The Catholiques of England their cheef desyre The furie of puritaâ—ical spirits Cyprian â—p 93. The effects of dying for religion in England Math. 21. Eccles. â— Iustin. lib. 3. Cicero off lib. 2. Luc. 11. The dangers after her Maisties death The example of Aug. and other kings Kings of England In the 6. incounter The example of King Henrie the eight and the King of France In the 3. incounter An important coÌ„sideration A ioyful state The first proposition of Protestantes in the vvorld
Spiritus autem viuificat the letter or literall â—ound doth ofteÌ„ tymes murder the reader the only spirit that is the internall true and spirituall meaning of the Scriptures doth giue lyf And albeit S. Augustin in his learned booke de Spiritu litera doth extend these woords of the Apostle to a farther meaning also yet he teacheth this too and so do the rest of the ancient fathers namely S. Hierom â—d Nepotianum handeling the story of king Dauid 3. Reg. 1. where the â—ong virgin Abisag was sought out to heat him in his olde adge S. Hierom sayth that if we should follow literam occidentem the murâ—hering letter it seemeth a iest and fable but if we fly to the hidden spirituall sence and meaning it is most holy But now let vs aske of you Sir Knight how wil your vnlearned â—eaders those whoÌ„e you cal dim glimering people discerne these things without a guyd such as the Catholique Church doth appoynt for â—xpounding the Scriptures to simple people by Catechisms SermoÌ„s Homelies teaching of pastors and the lyke without deliuering the whole Bible into their handes to be vsed or abused to their destruction Furthermore you cannot deny but that the vnderstanding of Scriptures is a particuler gift of God reserued especially vnto Christe who had the key to open the booke sealed with seuen seales as S. Iohn testifieth and to the same effect is it recorded in S. Lukes Gospel for a singuler grace bestowed by our Saueour vpon the Church tunâ—â—peruit illis sensum vt inteligerint Scripturas Then after his resurrection did he open to them the sence wherby they might vnderstand Scriptures of theÌ„selues For euer before he had interpreted the same lightly vnto them as in the Gospel apeareth He sent also S. Phillip the Apoâ—tle by commaundement of his Angell to goe and interpret a certain place of the Prophet Esay vnto the great Eunuch Tresurer of the Q of AEthiopia when he would conuert him And it is to be obserued that albeit Christe might haue opened the sence of the Scripture to himself immediatly yet would he send him a guide Yea though the sayd Eunuch were learned as may appeer by that being an AEthiopianred the Prophet in Hebrue and though he were also instructed in the Iews religion as it is proued by that the storie recordeth that â—he came to adoie in Hierusalem yetall this notwithstanding was he so far from the pryde of our peeuish prowd protestant people now a dayes which make no bones at any difficultie of Scriptures as when he was asked by S. Phillip Putasneintelligâ—s quae legis thinkest thou that thou vuderstandest the Scripture which thou readest he answered how can I vnderstand it except some body do expound the same vnto me which answere I beleeue many a good wife in London that goeth vp and downe with her Bible vnder her arme would be ashamed to giue if she were asked whether she vnderstand the whole Bible or no. These then Sir Knight are the reasons why some of those your glimmering and inlightened people were restrayned by Catholique discipline to read vpon Gods booke as you call it vulgar translations noâ— to bar them from light as you malitiously calumniate but rather leasâ— they being but half blynde should become whole blynde that is tâ—â— say madd and obstinate blynde of ignorance and vnlearned blynde for such effects doe insew some times of the rash reading of this booke of God when therof is ingendred falshood and HeresyeÌ„ that is the doctrine of the diuel for proofe wherof let vs consider whether in aâ— thowsand years together in England France Germany and other places of Christendome while this prudent restraint of Catholiquâ— church lasted of not permitting all ignorant people to read Scriptures at their pleasures in vulgar languages without an interpreter there arose so many Sects Heresyes and alterations about Religion as there haue risen in fifty or threescore years since this reading was left open to all there is no comparison And if we consider only England theâ— matter is euideÌ„t that more sects haue sprong vp of late by many degrees Yea though we leaue all other sects that are permitted or wiâ—ked at in England respect such only as haue bin punished openly by the magistrate namely such persoÌ„s as haue bin whipped or burned in London Norfolk and other places for Heretiques in the tyme oâ— her Maiestyes raign that now is for denying Christe himself or otherâ— poyntes of the blessed Trinity being altogether vnlearned people as our Chronicles testifie of whome I ask had they euer fallen into such errors and obstinacie but only by reading Sciptures in the vulgar language had euer william Hacket dreamed himself to be Christe or william Geffrey before him but by this way we see then the inconuenience In King Henries tyme when Tindal had translated and printed the new Testament in English at Colen and began to seck meanes to haue them dispersed in England the laws and kings commandment being then against it there was a certayn foul fusteluggs dishonest of her body with base fellows as was openly reported whose name was Ioan knell alias Burcher if I forget not who beginning to be a great reader of Scriptures her self became a principall instrument also in that tyme to deuulge such Bibles as were sent especially in the courte where she became known to certayn women in authority and to conuey the bookes more safty she vsed to bynde them in strings vnder her aparrell and so to pass them into the courte but her neerest freÌ„dship was with An Askew whoÌ„e king heÌ„ry afterwards caused to be burned for denying the reall preseÌ„ce in the SacrameÌ„t of the Aulter But this other scripturian profited so wel as in the fifth yeare of king Edwards reygn she was burned also by the protestants of that time for denying Christe to haue taken flesh of the Virgin Marie Who when she was codemned to dye spake very scornfully to the Iudges and saied It is a goodly mattâ—er to consider your ignorance it is not long agoe since you burned Ann Askew for a peece of bread and yet came your selues soone after to beleeue and professe the same doctryne for which you burned her now for sooth you wil needs burne me for a peece of fleshe in the end you will come to beleeue this also when you haue red the scriptures and vnderstand them and when she came to dye in Smithfield and D. Story endeuored to conuert her she skoffed at him saying he lyed like c. and bad him god read Scriptures And thus much may serue for the repelling those clowds mists and darknesse which this wach-woord-giuer wil needs imagin to be amoÌ„g vs for that all coblers do not clowt Scriptures in our commonwealth But let vs see now what positions and principles he sayth we haue for our direction amiddest this darknesse In these darke and clowdy dayes sayth he least
together for their gaines more then for deuotion which Bishop Gardener seeing and not able to resist he spake his minde plainly touching religion in a sermon before the yong king and councell vpon Saint Peters day which was but fiue moneths after king Edwards raign for which sermon he was sent to the tower the morning after and lay there prisoner all king Edwards time and came not out vntill Queen Marie at her first entrance into the tower of london wheÌ„ she was Queen deliuered him and other catholique prisoners together and how then doth our steel-brow-knight write that Bishop Gardener Hattered both father and sonne and neuer shewed himself in religion vntil both of them were called to their last home and Queen Marie entred the crown let some frend blush for him if he haue not shame to do it himself Againe it is as great an vntruth and as grosse ignorance besydes to say as this man doth that Bishop Gardener and his complices brought in the Spaniard and mached him in mariage with Queen Marie For that euery childe acquaynted with that state knoweth or may learne that Bishop Gardener was of the contrarie part or faction that fauored yong Edward Courtney the Earle of deuonshire and would haue had him to Marie the Queen whome Bishop Gardener had held for his spiritual childe in the tower all king Edwardes tyme. And now the matter was so far forward as the mariage was held for certayne but that the contrarie syde and especially the Lord Paget partly by the acquaintance and credit he had gotten with Charles the Emperor in Flanders during king Edwards tyme and partely for the ielosie he had perhappes of B. Gardeners great affection to the Duke of Northumberland his greatest enemie who in king Edwards reigne had indeuored vtterly to disgrace him they procured I say the said Emperors most earnest and effectual letters to the Queen about her mariage with the Prince of Spayne which they did so vrge to the sayd Queen and with so many argumentes against Courtney espetially that he was neither sound in body nor religion as they got her consent and subscription to the sayd letters of the Emperor And then there was no further dealing to the contrary for that Queen Mary bore such exceeding loue and reuerence to the Emperor Charles her Cosin as she would not fayl in her word geuen to him for all the world VVherby we may imagin what a mortification Bishop Gardener and all the rest of his side that fauored Courtney did receaue by this change of the Queens will and purpose and therby also perceyue the folly and temerite of this rashe accuser who layeth to there charge the bringing in the Spaniard which yet if they had donne or had byn cause of that greatest and most honorable mariage that for many ages hath byn in Christendom and of greatest consequence if issue had followed therof if this I saie bad byn so as it was not why did they betray therin both God the Queen and there countrie as this wise Censurer affirmeth what grownds what reason may there be aleaged of this triple treason God receiued by this mariage the strengthening of his true religon the Queen got the greatest noblest and richest husband that was extant in Europe our countrie got many a thowsaud of Spanish treasure without losse of any as heerafter shal be shewed And wherin then stood this great offence But let vs passe ouer these follies of our knight in matters of state for that perhaps his prayse and skyll is only in armes yet one point more must I examine wherin he condemneth B. Gardener and this is for his sermon made at S. Paules crosse vpoÌ„ the wordes of the Apostle to the Romanes hâ—ra est iam nos de somno surgere It is now high tyme for vs to ryse out of sleep the night hath gone before the day is come c. and the rest that followeth there All which sacred scripture this learned religious knight sayth very peremptorily that it was most prophanely and blasphemously peruerted by the said Bishop and that to bloody purposes which we shal now à litle discusse This famous sermon was preached as I sayd before at Paules crosse after the mariage was celebrated between the King and the Queen who both were present at this speech of the Bishop nowe also hygh Chancelor and there prsent in like maner both Cardinal Poole legate of the sea Apostolique as also the Embassadors of the Emperor french King and other Princes and a marueylous great learned and noble auditorie besydes as euer perhaps was at any sermon in England before or after The Chancelors discourse was how long they had runne astray and byn in darknes of diuision and stryfe among themselues since first king Henry lefte the old troden path of his ancestors kinges and Queenes of England in matters of religion and brake from the vnion of the church of Rome and of other catholique kingdomes round about him and that now it was time to arise out of this sleep and to looke about them And in this discours and sermon the Chancellor vttered two principal thinges among other that greatly moued the whole auditory The first was the hartie and humble accusation of himself for his â—all and consenting to King Henryes will in that booke de vera obedienâ—tia which he did vtter with so great vehemencie of spirit and abundance of teà res as he could not goe forward and was forced diuers tymes to make some pawses which in such an audience especially of strangers also he being the cheefest person of the realme after the prince we may imagin what a temporal shame and confusion it was vnto him and how greatly it would moue the hearers and lookers on to see him make such an accusation of himself willingly of his owne accord without compulsion and with such earnestnes as he did And that there was no fiction or dissimulation in this act of his the end declared for when he fell sick afterward and drew neer vnto his death he desired that the passion of our Sauiour might be redde vnto him and when they came to the denial of Saynt Peter and how after Christe had looked back vpon him he went out and wepte bitterly the Bishop cried out and bid them stay there and see whether his sweet Sauiour wold vouchsafe also to looke back vpon him and geue him some part of Saynt Peters teares for sayth he negaui cum Petro extui cum Petro sed nondum fleui amare cum Petro I haue denied Christe with Peter meaning that subscription to the supremacie of king Henrie I haue gone out with Peter meaning the participatioÌ„ of that schisme but yet I haue not wepte bitterly with Peter so bitterly as I should do and by often repetition of those woordes and asking God sorgeuenes with cryes and syghes he intertayned himself vntill great floodes of teares came downe vpon him and so gaue vp the
together for that some of the sayd Councell had opposed themselues against him about the apprehension of a certain gentleman heretique which he took very vnkindly and then indeed heâ— foretold them freely what would insew of this their partial manneâ— of proceeding Wherby also it is much more probable that his complaint of the root of heresie remaining and not touched was meant rather of the infected nobility and gentry within the land in which number perhaps your brother the Earle and your self also â—id enter then of lady Elizabeth at that day for that in deed she was not the root then nor did the change of religion spring of her principally afterwards but of those other inferior roots which I haue menâ—ioned But yet let vs graunt further for arguments sake that he did speak those woords as a Counseller in those dayes and that they might be wrested by probability also against the lady Elizabeth in Queen Maries time yet do I aske why should they be made treason or punished for such in this Queens raign was not her Maiestie as subiect then and the D. as a Counseller and therby bound to speak freely that which â—he thought surest for his prince and realme at that day it might argue perhaps some lack of tender affection to the lady and yet perhaps not that neither seing the father in such a case doth speak often times against his only sonne or daughter but treason in no rigor right or reason can it make no more then for a Counsellor in this Gouerment of her Maiestie that now is to speak what he thinketh freely about any person that may pretent to the crowne heerafter Wherefore though all this were true which this man aleadgeth as many arguments proue them to be fals yet D. Storie leauing afterward his counâ—rie going ouer the seas either with licence or without when there was no statute to the contrary and being brought home again by force â—nd trechery of a shipman that alured him into his ship and so caried him away all this I say maketh neither treason nor any other trespas of moment in the sight of indiferent men and consequently neither his hasty araignment condemnation and execution vpon his return â—wherof this cruel harted knight triumpheth doth so much proue that he was guilty of great crymes as that he had potent passionate enemies as Christe had before Pilate that by shoots clamors sought his blood by any means whatsoeuer for that he had bin a more zelous catholique then some other of his coat and degree in Queen Maries â—aign foâ— which catholique men think that he is to receiue a great â—rown of glory and fame also eternall vpon earth And so the trial of this matter lyeth stil in the darke to be examined by that great iudge when he cometh to look ouer the iudgments of mortall men and reâ—eal that which is amiss And so much for this matter Next after D. stories affair commeth in the roaring Bull of Pius Quintus with the excomunication of her Maiesty which serueth for a â—ommon bugg against all catholiques euery where as well at barres benches and places of iustice where other particuler and personal accusations do want as also in pulpits schooles sermons books and declamations for making vp the complet furniture of those places still it is so vrged as though all english catholiques must needs be guilty of this fact of the Pope and so be participant also of the offence giuen therby against her Maiestie if any way they beleeue or admit his Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and authoritie which consequence notwithstaÌ„ding is so apparently fals and cauillous in it self for that all catholiques were not priuie to Pius Quintus his reasons and informations in that behalf and it hath bin so euidently refuted heretofore by diuers most cleer and manifest reasons and treatises that I mean not to stand at this present vpon that point especially with so silly a concurrent as this gentleman is in matter of dispute whose ridiculous proposition in this place that no mortall child of man hath power to dispose of kingdoms or to depose princes or to dispence with subiects for not obeying c. semeth to proceed not only of deep ignorance both in reason and storie but of so base a brest also and seruile a cogitation as if temporal kingdoms were matters of Godhead and immortality And no doubt but if such a knight had liued in Nero or Caligula his time that would needs be Gods he had bin a fit fellow to fal down and adore them and tell the people most religiously with both handâ— held vp to heauen as he doth heer that no mortal childe of man had power to iudge of their doings being great and high princes or to deny them obedience in any matter hauing once sworne obedience in temporal affairs for this is our case heer whether a prince once admitted and established may be towched afterwards or disobeied in any matter or for any cause either of religion or otherwise and that by any mortall childe of man and our tender conscienced knight resolueth the case that he cannot and consequently that the romanes did euill in disobeying such Emperors as would be Gods and other mortal children of men for displacing of their princes once receiued for what cause soeuer for all this enseweth of his fond and heathenish position But let this Prince-idolater that professth to be a great Bible-clark read ouer the four books of kinges and he shal see how many kingdoms were disposed of and princes deposed by mortal children of men and the same alowed also by God himself And in our kingdom of England since it was a monarchie both before and since the conquest he 〈◊〉 haâ— finde very many examples of mutations in like manner made by mortal children of men seing they are now dead that made them which yet he must approue for good and lawful except he will impugne the succession of her Maiestie that now is which is not likely seeing the poore man flattreth so seriously with all the arte and power he can And therfore leauing this matter as ouer long an argument for me to â—andle in this place I shall only consider briefly of three points vpon this his speach that may yeeld sufficient light to the matter in haÌ„d The first is that wheras this accuser affirmeth the Catholiques of England to haue begun to fret and chafe against her Maiestie as soon as she was in full possession of her crown and consequently to practis treasons by the Pope of Rome let it be noted out of our own chronicles what year this Bull of Pius Qinutus came foorth and therby they shall see how many years which were a dozen at the least passed after her Maâ—esties coronation befoâ—e any such thing was attempted by any of the Popes of Rome so as this was not like to proceed of their maligning her Maiesties state and diadem as this
controuersie yet might he speake his mynd playnly being in the place and dignitie he was when occasion should be offered which I shall indeuour to expresse more cleerly â—y the example following In a great and noble house where there are many children of the â—elf same parentes if those parentes do come to breach and to fall out â—etween them selues what can the children do but besorowfull and â—ent and sigh at such contentions without taking willingly any â—arte for that they loue feare and reuerence both the parties that â—â—e fallen at debate for which respect also they dare not so much as to â—terpose ther iugdmentes and censures in the controuersie except they â—â—e forced and especially they onger sorte of children who be fitter to â—eepe and morne such contentions then to determine them with â—heir verdict yet it is not so altogether with the elder brethren that â—eing come to mannes estate learned and wise seing the breach to grow greater daylie between their sayd parentes and superious haue authoritie and right to speake more freely then the rest And not only to intreat for peace but to interpose also their iudgmentes though euer with due reuerence to both partes as wel in the question de iure as de facto that is to saie not only to iudge and discerne where the greater authoritie or higher preeminence of commanding lyeth by right either in the one parent or other in the father or in the mother but also in the particular fact about which they fell out to wit who had more reason then the other or who was most in fault which second point is much more hard hatefull subiect to offence then the first yet may discreet louing childreÌ„ say their opinion also in that behalf wheÌ„ need requireth without breach of dew respect dutie Euen so then standeth the case in this our controuersie Her Maiestie being our Queene is therby also a mother and norisheth vs her subiectes as a carefull parent the Bishop of Rome to al catholique men of the world is their spiritual father that hath principal care of their soules by Gods commission and for such hath he euer byn taken and is at this day in all the catholique states and kingdomes of Spayneâ— Franceâ— Italyâ— Germanie Pooland and other prouinces that hold the ancient beleef of Christendome And so hath he byn held also by all our ancesters kinges and Queenes cleargie and temporaltie of England for aboue a thousand yeares together But now our sayd two parenteâ— are fallen at debate for which all their Catholique subiectes who are children to them both are hartelie sorie and do lament the case all sortes of people commonly both lay men preestes within England do hold their peace and sobbe at the matter as yonger children and do only attend to praie to God for their good attonement and so do the rest also that are abroad in other nations But yet if doctor Sanders doctor Bristow doctor Stapleton doctor Allen and such lyke that are men of greater learning antiquitie and iudgment and elder brethreâ— among the rest if these men I say do put in their iudgmentes concerning this controuersie of their parentes as wel de iure as de factoâ— that is do tell first what authoritie and iurisdicton either temporal oâ— spiritual each one of these two parentes and superiors haue wherin they are or ought to be subordinate the one to the other and secondly de facto ipso if the falling out it selfe do insinuate where and by whome the cause of this breach and discord was first or principally offered and which parte hath most fault in this contention and disagreement if they do this I saie as any subiect may do in any other Catholique kingdome of the world without offence in lyke controuersies between his prince and the Pope why should this acte be made so haynous a cryme by this our skolding knight as to call so worthy a man as our late Cardinal was an archtraytor a tugling compagnion a shameles dissembling lyer that villanously stuffeth his booke with blasphemous slanders diuelish persuati ns and impudent lyes agaynst her Maiestie Let all men iudge of this mannes immodestie THE FIFTH INCOVNTER ABOVT IESVITES AND FATHER Persons in particuler vvhether they seeke the Queens blood as Sir Francis affirmeth FOR the grownd and foundation of all that is to be examined and discussed in this conference and incounter I shal first set down the accusation of Sir Francis in his own woords which are these that insew I do not heare sayth he that the Popes holinesse is so purged from ambition or so reconciled to religion as he meaneth not to continew his clayme for the Supremacie or will cease to setle the dreâ—ges of his poyson and superstitious doctrine among vs. I cannot perceiue that the thirst of Parsons and his pew fellowes is yet quenched for seeking the blood of our deare Souereigne and in her the destruction of vs all the cause remayning still for which heertofore they haue sought it c. This is the knightes narration or rather calumniation fraught as you see with his ordinarie tearmes of dregges poyson and bloodshed with which his accustomed knightly speach is wont to be â—awfed Wherin so much as concerneth the Popes holinsse sbalbe considered of more amply afterward in a perticuler conference that we are to haue about his holinesse actions authority and iurisdiction Now only is to be noted the fond and ridiculous manner of Sir Francis fantastical writing telling vs very grauely that he doth not yet hear for belyke the poore man doth much hearken after it that the Popes holinesse is so purged yet of ambition or so reconciled to protestants religion as he meaneth to leaue of his old clayme of spiritual Supremacie ouer England or his indeuoring to setle Romish doctrine among vs for I omit willingly the tearmes of dregges and poyson as more fit and proper to Sir Francis dish who feedeth vpon so many old heresies condemned for poysoned dregges by Gods Catholique churche for so many ages past and this tale of Sir Francis is no lesse ridiculâ—â—â— and childish then if he should say to any temporal prince or to the Queen of England her self that he seeth not her Maiestie so purged yet from ambition as to leaue of her claym of commaundry ouer all her tealm or of setling iustice in her name throughout her dominions for that no lesse proper and essential to the Popes office and state is Ecclesiastical Supremacie ouer all christian nations in Ecclesiastical matters as after more particulerly shalbe proued then to her Maiestie the commaundrie ouer England in temporal affaires And as to her Maiestie by vertue of her royal authoritie it apperteineth and incumbeth to setle and mainteyn iustice throughout her realmes so to the Popes pastoral and Apostolical authoritie is annexed the obligation of preaching and setling his doctrine by himself or others throughout all Christian states and
decreed with himself that neither she nor any of that cursed nation so he termed it and yet the Popes holines had absolued it should gouern England any more But blessed be God who hath blessed vs with the lyfe and raigne of our blessed Queen who I trust shall liue to geue him such a deadly blow as neither his cursed self nor any of his cursed nation iustly so to be called because the Pope that cursed man of sinne hath blessed them shall euer see the day to rule in England And thus you see that vnder the colour of this mariage saluation of soules seemed to be sought for but in deed destruction both of our bodies and soules was pursued c. for without regard of sex age or degree all were destined to slauerie and bondage at the least howsoeuer they escaped with lyfe This is your sottish and impudent narration Sir Francis for what can be more sottish then to say that your wyse author before named discouereth vpon his owne knowledge and hearing that the kinges intention was to roote out the nobilitie to oppresse the commonaltie to slea or send to Barbarie for slaues all that were born within twentie yeares before If your author knew this of his owne knowledge how say you also by hearing and if he heard it of others how could he know it of his owne knowledge But whatsoeuer you say how could he in Spayne discouer so great a secret that lay in the kinges brest in England Besydes this how incredible are the thinges in themselues that he recounteth namely that dreame or old wyues tale of making all slaues within twenty yeares old of which number and within which age he had taken diuers already into his seâ—uice in England and vsed singular curtesie vnto them and one of his Grandes in Spayne to wit the Count after Duke of Feria had maried an English ladie that as I ghesse was within the compasse of that age or not much aâ—boue it at that day and should all these haue byn sent think you to Barbarie together Impudencie then it is in this fond knight to alleage such improbable and palpable lyes out of an author without name and much more lack of shame is it to auouch them himself for truthes and to adde other fables that are yet more monstrous as of the kinges destining to slauerie bondage not only those before mentioned that were borne within the space of twentie yeares but of all other English also as this man sayth without regard of sex age or degree and that he vsed to call our nation cursed euen then when the Popes holines had absolued it who will geue eare or credit to such absurd inuentions And further to fill vp sayth he the full measure of his impietie he had layd his plot to destroy and make away the lady Elizabeth now Queen wheras all the world notwithstanding knoweth the king to haue byn at that day her cheefest stay and defence as before I haue shewed at large in the third incounter as also that verie litle plotting of the kinges behalf would haue serued at that tyme to haue wrought his will if he had wished her destruction for the manifold reasons that there I haue alleaged he fynding her in disgrace and in prison at VVoodstock when he came into England and hardly pressed about wyats insurrection from the peril wherof and other lyke assaultes he espetially deluiered her and procured her return to the courte agayne and consequently I sayd there and heer I repeat it agayne that it is most barbarous ingratitude in this vnciuil knight to pay the carefull protection of her person which his Maiestie yealded to her grace in those dayes of her distresse with these intolerable slanders and outragious false criminations now and that no modest man can cease to wonder how so infamous a libel could be suffered by supreme authoritie to passe to the print espetially conteyning diuers other personal reprochefull contempteous and villanous calumniations agaynst so great and potent a prince as the king catholique of Spayne is And namely that where this good fellow hauing told a story how one Fabritius the Roman Captayne refusing the poysoning of his enemie Pirrhus that was offered to him for money by his physitian he sent the sayd physitian bound to Pirrhus himself and then he addeth this illation But the king of Spain delt not so with the Queen our mistris when her poysonable portugall phisitian Lopus would haue poysoned her for from such hopes he taketh hart c. By which wordes he would haue men to imagin that his catholique Maiestie had either hired Lopus to do that fact if any such matter was indeed intended or at least that he was priuie consenting to it for how otherwise could he haue warned the Q. of the danger intended and yet it is manifest that no such matter was euer or could probably be knoweÌ„ to the king of Spain Neither did euer Lopus giue any such signification or suspition at his death or before of the king of Spaines priuitie nor was he a man to haue correspondence in Spayn being knowen to be a Iew in religion fled from those parts and was enimy to the king in all respects as wel touching religion as the afaires of Portugal and onely England is the receptacle of such people at this day nor had his catholique Maiestie any Embassador or other agent or correspondence in England to plot such treaties nor euer was it heard that he would hearken to such base wayes of reuenge vpon his enimyes And therefore all this put together doth make it more then Turkish impietie to put in print such infamous stuffe agaynst the Maiestie of so high a prince by name without any proof at all as though there were no God no conscience no iudgement to make account vnto nor any respect in earth to be held to such as are in lawful authoritie which yet our dreaming knight himself alitle before will needes proue out of Sâ— Peeter and S. Paul to be due to such princes as he liketh to assigne it euen in spiritual and ecclesiastical matters belonging to the soule and consequently also to an other tribunal so vnconstant and mutable are these good fellowes not only in their sayinges and doctrines but also in their actions as led wholy by passion and interest and referring all to times persons and occasions seruing their turnes and commodities And thus much haue I thought conuenient to be answered to the malitious calumniations of this slaÌ„derous wach-word-giuer against the noble and renowned nation of Spanyardes and their most Catholique pious wise and potent king whose excellent vertues are greater then by my pen can be expressed and his loue and fauors to our nation such and so many especially in this extreme affliction and banishment of catholiques as no gratitude of ours can equal nor make due recompence in the state we stand in and therefore must leaue it