Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	henry_n	king_n	normandy_n	8,654	5	11.5816	5	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A68475	Essays vvritten in French by Michael Lord of Montaigne, Knight of the Order of S. Michael, gentleman of the French Kings chamber: done into English, according to the last French edition, by Iohn Florio reader of the Italian tongue vnto the Soueraigne Maiestie of Anna, Queene of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, &c. And one of the gentlemen of hir royall priuie chamber; Essais. English	Montaigne, Michel de, 1533-1592.; Florio, John, 1553?-1625.; Hole, William, d. 1624, engraver.	1613 (1613)	STC 18042; ESTC S111840	1,002,565	644

Boeotians which Xenophon who was there present saith To have beene the whottest and rudest that ever he had seene Agesilaus refused the advantage which fortune presented him to let the battalion of the Boeotians passe and to charge them behind what certaine victorie soever he saw likely to follow the same esteeming that it were rather skill then valour and to shew his prowesse and matchlesse-haughtie courage chose rather to charge them in the front of their forces But what followed He was well beaten and himselfe sore-hurt and in the end compelled to leave his enterprise and embrace the resolution which in the beginning he had refused causing his men to open themselves to give passage vnto that torrent of the Boeotians who when they were pastthrough perceiving them to march in disaray as they who perswaded themselves to be out of all danger he pursued them and charged them flank-wise All which notwithstanding he could never put to route or force them run-away for they orderly and faire and softly made their retreit ever shewing their face vntill such time as they got safely into their houlds and trenches The sixe and fortieth Chapter Of Names WHat diversitie soever there-be in hearbs all are shuffled-vp together vnder the name of a sallade Even so vpon the consideration of names I will heer huddlevpa gallymafrie of diverse articles Every severall nation hath some names which I wot not how are sometimes taken in ill part as with vs Iacke Hodge Tom Will Bat Benet and so forth Item it seemeth that in the genealogies of Princes there are certaine names fatally affected as Ptolomeus with the Aegyptians Henries in England Charles in France Baldwins in Flanders and Williams in our ancient Aqustanie whence some say came the name of Gui●nne which is but a cold invention As if in Plato himselfe there were not some as harsh and ill-founding Item it is an idle matter yet neverthelesse by reason of the strangenesse worthie the memorie and recorded by an oculare witnesse that Henrie Duke of Normandie sonne to Henrie the second King of England making a great feast in France the assemblie of the Nobilitie was so great that for pastimes sake being by the resemblance of their names divided into severall companies in the first were found a hundred and ten Kinghts sitting at one table and all called Williams besides private Gentlemen and servants It is as pleasant to distribute the tables by the names of the assistants as it was vnto Geta the Emperor who would have all his messes or dishes served-in at his table orderly according to the first letters of their names As for example those that began with P. as pig pie pike puddings pouts porke pancakes c. were all served in together and so of all the rest Item it is a common saying That it is good to have a good name As much to say good credit or good reputation Yet verely it is verie commodious to have a well-sounding and smooth name and which is easie to be pronounced and facile to be remembred For Kings Princes Lords and Magistrates know and remember vs the better by them and will not so soone forget-vs Marke but of those that serve and follow-vs whether we doe not more ordinarily commaund and sooner employ such whose names come readier to our tongue or memorie I have seene our King Henrie the second who could never ● it on the right name of a Gentleman of Gascoigne and did ever call a Ladie waiting on the Queene by the generall surname of hir house because that of hir father was so harsh and hard to be remembred And Socrates saith It ought to be a fathers speciall care to give his children good and easie-sounding names Item it is reported that the foundation of our Ladie the great at Poitiers had this beginning A licentious yoong man having his dwelling house where the Church now standeth had one night gotten a wench to lie with him who so soone as she came to bed he demaunded hir name who answered Marie The yong man hearing that name was sodainly so strucken with a motive of religion and an awefull respect vnto that sacred name of the virgin Marie the blessed mother of our Saviour and Redeemer that he did not only presently put hir away from him but reformed all the remainder of his succeeding life And that in consideration of this miracle there was first erected a Chappell in the place where this yong mans house stood consecrated vnto that holy name and afterward the faire great church which yet continueth This vocale and auricular correction and so full of devotion strucke right vnto his soule This other following of the same kind insinuated itselfe by the corporall sences Pythagoras being in companie with two yong men whom he heard complot and consult being somewhat heated with feasting and drinking to go and ravish a chast-house commaunded immediatly the minstrels to change their tune and so by a solemne grave severe and spondaicall kind of musicke did sweetly inchaunt allay and in-trance their rashviolent and lawlesse lust Item shall nor succeeding posteritie say that our moderne reformation hath been exact and delicate to have not onely oppugned and resisted errors and vices and filled the world with devotion humilitie obedience peace and every other kind of vertue but even to have combated their ancient names of baptisme Charles Lewis Francis to people the world with Methusalem Ezechiel Malachie much better feeling of a lively faith A Gentleman my neighbour esteeming the commodities of ancient times in regard of our daies forgot not to aledge the fiercenesse and magnificence of the names of the Nobilitie of those times as Don Grumedan Quedragan and Agesilan And that but to heare them sounded a man might easilie perceive they had been other manner of men then Peter Gui●●o● or Michell Item I commend and am much beholding to Iames Amiot in the course of a French oration of his to have still kept the full ancient Latin names without disguising or changing them to give them a new-French cadence At the first they seemed somewhat harsh vnto the Reader but now by reason of the credit which his Plutarke hath deservedly gotten amongst-vs custome hath removed all strangenesse from-vs I have often wished that those who write histories in Latin would leave-vs our names whole and such as they are For altering Va●demont to Vallemontanus and metamorphosing them by suring them to the Graecian or Latin tongue we know not what to make of them and are often at a non-plus To conclude my discourse It is an ill custome and of exceeding bad consequence in our countrie of France to call every man by the name of his Towne Mannor Hamlet or Lordship as the thing that doth most confound houses and bring sur-names out of knowledge A cadet or yonger-brother of a good house having had for his appanage a Lordship by whose name he hath beene knowne and honored cannot well forsake and leave the same ten yeares

enemies foolish oversight as we do of their cowardise And verily warre hath naturally many reasonable priviledges to the prejudice of reason And here failes the rule Neminem id agere vt ex alterins praedetur inscitia That no man should indeuour to pray vpon another mans ignorance But I wonder of the scope that Xenophon allowes them both by his discourse and by diverse exploits of his perfect Emperour an Author of wonderfull consequence in such things as a great Captaine and a Philosopher and one of Socrates chiefest Disciples nor do I altogether yeeld vnto the measure of his dispensation The Lord of Aubigny besieging Capua after he had given it a furious batterie the Lord Fabritius Colonna Captaine of the towne having from vnder a bas●ion or skonce begunne to parlie and his men growing negligent and carelesse in their offices and guarde our men did suddenly take the advantage offered them entered the towne over-ranne it and put all to the sworde But to come to later examples yea in our memorie the Lord Iulio Romero at Yvoy having committed this oversight to issue out of his holde to parlie with the Constable of France at his returne found the Towne taken and himselfe jack-out-of-doores But that wee may not passe vnrevenged the Marques of Pescara beleagering Genova where Duke Octavian Fregoso commanded vnder our protection and an accord between them having so long been treated and earnestly solicited that it was held as ratified and vpon the point of conclusion the Spaniards being entred the Towne and seeing themselves the stronger tooke their opportunitie and vsed it as a full and compleate victorie and since at Lygny in Barroe where the Earle of Brienne commanded the Emperour having besieged him in person and Bartholemy Lieutenant to the saide Earle being come foorth of his hold to parlie was no sooner out whilest they were disputing but the Towne was surprised and he excluded They say Fu il vincer sempre mai laudabil cosa Vincasi per fortuna ô per ingegno To be victorious evermore was glorious Be we by fortune or by wit victorious But the Philosopher Chrysippus would not have beene of that opinion nor I neither for he was woont to say That those who runne for the masterie may well employ all their strength to make speede but it is not lawfull for them to lay handes on their adversaries to stay him or to crosse legges to make him trip or fall And more generously answered Alexander the great at what time Polypercon perswaded him to vse the benefit of the advantage which the darkenesse of the night afforded him to charge Darius No no said hee it fittes not mee to hunt after night-stolne victories Malo me fortunae poeniteat quàm victoriae pudeat I had rather repent me of my fortune than be ashamed of my victorie Atque idem fugientem haud est dignatus Orodem Sternere nec ●actacaecum dare cuspide vulnus Obuius aduersóque occurrit séque viro vir Contulit haud fur to meliôr sed fortibus armis He deign'd not to strike downe Orodes flying Or with his throwne-launce blindely-wound him running But man to man afront himselfe applying Met him as more esteem'd for strength then cunning The seuenth Chapter That our intention iudgeth our actions THE common saying is that Death acquits vs of all our bondes I know some that have taken it in another sence Henry the seventh King of England made a composition with Philip sonne to Maximilian the Emperour or to give him a more honorable title father to the Emperour Charles the fift that the said Philip should deliver into his hands the Duke of Suffolke his mortall enemie who was fled out of England and saved himselfe in the Low countries alwaies provided the King should attempt nothing against the Dukes life which promise notwithstanding being neere his end he expresly by will and testament commanded his succeeding-sonne that immediately after his decease he should cause him to be put to death In the late tragedie which the Duke of Alva presented vs withall at Brussels on the Earles of Horne and Egmond were many remarkeable things and woorthie to be noted and amongst others that the said Count Egmond vpon whose faithfull word and assurance the Earle of Horne was come in yeelded himselfe to the Duke of Alva required verie instantly to be first put to death to the end his death might acquit and free him of the word and bond which he ought and was engaged for to the saide Earle of Horne It seemeth that death hath no whit discharged the former of his worde giuen and that the second without dying was quit of it We cannot be tied beyond our strength and meanes The reason is because the effects and executions are not any way in our power and except our will nothing is truely in our power on it onely are all the rules of mans dutie grounded and established by necessitie And therefore Count Egmond deeming his minde and will indebted to his promise howbeit the power to effect it lay not in his hands was no doubt cleerely absolved of his debt and dutie although he had survived the Count Horne But the King of England failing of his word by his intention cannot be excused though hee delaide the execution of his disloyaltie vntill after his death No more then Herodotus his Mason who during his naturall life having faithfully kept the secret of his Master the King of Aegypts treasure when he died discovered the same vnto his children I have in my daies seene many convicted by their owne conscience for detaining other mens goods yet by their last will and testament to dispose themselves after their decease to make satisfaction This is nothing to the purpose Neither to take time for a matter so vrgent nor with so small interest or shew of feeling to goe about to establish an injurie They are indebted somewhat more And by how much more they pay incommodiously and chargeably so much the more just and meritorious is their satisfaction Penitence ought to charge yet doe they worse who reserve the revealing of some heinous conceit or affection towards their neighbour to their last will and affection having whilest they lived ever kept it secret And seeme to have little regard of their owne honour by provoking the partie offended against their owne memory and lesse of their conscience since they could never for the respect of death cancell their ill-grudging affection and in extending life beyond theirs Oh wicked and vngodly judges which referre the judgement of a cause to such time as they have no more knowledge of causes I will as neere as I can prevent that my death reveale or vtter any thing my life hath not first publikely spoken The eight Chapter Of Idlenesse AS we see some idle-fallow grounds if they be fat and fertile to bring foorth store sundrie roots of wilde and vnprofitable weedes and that to keepe them in vrewe must subject

than make him die Moreouer that the desire of revenge is thereby alayed and better contented for it aymeth at nothing so much as to give or shew a motion or feeling of reuenge onely of her selfe And that 's thereason reason we doe not chalenge a beast or fall vpon a stone when it hurts vs because they are incapable to feele our ren●nge And to kill a man is to shelter him from our offence And euen as Bias exclaimed vpon a wicked man I know that soone or late thou shalt be punished for thy lewdnes but I feare me I shall not see it And moaned the Orchomenians because the penance which Liciscus had for his treason committed against them came at such a time as none of them were living whome it had concerned and whom the pleasure of that punishment might most delight So ought revenge to be moaned when he on whom it is inflicted looseth the meanes to endure or feel it For even as the revenger will see the action of the revenge that so he may feele the pleasure of it so must he on whom he is revenged both see and feele that he may hereby receive both repentance and griefe He shall rew it say we And though he receive a stabbe or a blow with a pistoll on his head shall we thinke he will repent Contrariwise if we marke him well we shall perceive that in falling he makes a moe or bob at vs Hee is farre from repenting when hee rather seemes to be beholding to vs In asmuch as we affoord him the favourablest office of life which is to make him dye speedily and as it were insensibly We are left to shift vp and downe runne and trot and squat heere and there and all to avoy de the Officers or escape the Magistrates that pursue vs and he is at rest To kill a man is good to escape a future offonce and not revenge the wrougs past It is rather an action of feare than of bravery Of precaution than of courage Of defence than of an enterprise It is apparant that by it we quit both the true end of revenge and the respect of our reputation If he live we feare he will or may charge vs with the like It is not against him it is for thee thou riddest thy selfe of him In the Kingdome of Narsinga this expedient would be bootlesse There not onely Souldiers and such as professe armes but euery meane Artificer decide their quarels with the Swordes point The King neuer refuseth anie man the combate that is disposed to fight And if they be men of qualitie he will be by in person and reward the Victor with a chaine of Gold Which whosoeuer hath a mind vnto and will obtaine it may freely chalenge him that weareth the same and enter combate with him And hauing overcome one combate hath many following the same If we thought by vertue to be ever superiors vnto our enemy and at our pleasure gourmandize him it would much grieve vs he should escape vs as he doeth in dying We rather endevor to vanquish surely than honourably And in our quarrels we rather seeke for the end than for the glory Asinius Pollio for an honest man lesse excusable committed a like fault Who hauing written certaine invectives against Plancus staide vntill he were dead to publish them It was rather to flurt at a blind man and raile in a dead-mans eare and to offend a sencelesse man than incurre the danger of his revenge And men answered in this behalfe that it onely belonged to Hobgoblins to wrestle with the dead He who staieth till the Author be dead whose writings hee will combate what saith he but that he is weake and quarrellous It was told Aristotle that some body had spoken ill of him to whom he answered Let him also whippe me so my selfe be not by Our forefathers were contented to revenge an iniurie with a lie a lie with a blowe a blowe with bloud and so in order They were sufficiently valiant not to feare their adversary though he lived aud were wronged Whereas we quake for feare so long as we see him a foote And that it is so doth not our moderne practize pursue to death as well him who hath wronged vs as him whom we have offended It is also a kinde of dastardlinesse which hath brought this fashion into onr single combates to accompany vs into the field with seconds thirdes and fourths They were aunciently single combates but now they are skirmishes and battels To be alone feared the first that invented it Quum in se cuique minimum fiduciae esset When every man had least confidence in himselfe For what company soever it be it doth naturally bring some comfort ease in danger In ancient time they were wont to employ third persons as sticklers to see no trechery or disorder were vsed and to beare witnes of the combates successe But now this fashion is come vp let any man be engaged whosoever is envited cannot well containe himselfe to be a spectator lest it be imputed vnto him it is either for want of affection or lacke of courage Besides the injustice of such an action and villany for your honours protection to engage other valour and force then your owne I finde it a disadvantage in an honest and worthie man and who wholly trusts vnto himselfe to entermingle his fortune with a second man every one runneth sufficient hazard for himselfe and neede not also runne it for another And hath enough to doe to assure himselfe of his owne vertue for the defence of his life without committing so precious a thing into third menshandes For if the contrarie hath not expressely beene covenanted of all foure it is a combined party If your fellow chance to faile you have two vpon you and not without reason And to say it is a Superchiery as it is indeed as being wel armed to charge a man who hath but a piece of a sword or being sound and strong to set vpon a man fore hurt But if they bee advantages you have gotten fighting you may vse them without imputation Disparitie is not considered and inequality is not balanced but by the state wherein the fight is begunne As for the rest you must rely on fortune and if alone or single you chance to have three vpon you your other two companions being slaine you have no more wrong done you than I should offer in Wars in striking an enemie whom at such an advantage I should finde grapled with one of my Fellow Souldiers The nature of societie beareth where troupe is against troupe as where our Duke of Orleans chalenged Henry King of England one hundred against another hundred three hundred against as many as did the Argians against the Lacedemonians three to three as were the Horatij against the Curatij the pluralitie of either side is never respected for more than a single man Whersoever there is company the hazard is confused and disordered I have a