Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	henry_n	king_n	normandy_n	8,654	5	11.5816	5	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A51181	Essays of Michael, seigneur de Montaigne in three books, with marginal notes and quotations of the cited authors, and an account of the author's life / new rendered into English by Charles Cotton, Esq.; Essais. English	Montaigne, Michel de, 1533-1592.; Cotton, Charles, 1630-1687.	1685 (1685)	Wing M2479; ESTC R2740	998,422	2,006

his indifference proceeded from a soul so much elevated above such accidents that he disdain'd to let it take any more hold of his Fancy than any other ordinary adventure In the Naval Engagement that Augustus won of Sextus Pompeius in Sicily just as they were to begin the Fight he was so fast asleep that his Friends were compell'd to wake him to give the Signal of Battel And this was it that gave Mark Anthony afterwards occasion to reproach him that he had not the Courage so much as with open Eyes to behold the order of his own Squadrons and not to have dar'd to present himself before the Souldiers till first Agrippa had brought him news of the Victory obtain'd But as to the business of young Marius who did much worse for the day of the last Battel against Sylla after he had order'd his Army given the word and Signal of Battel he laid him down under the Shade of a Tree to repose himself and fell so fast asleep that the Rout and Fight of his Men could hardly wake him having seen nothing of the Fight he is said to have been at that time so extreamly spent and worn out with Labour and want of Sleep that Nature could hold out no longer Now upon what has been said the Physicians may determine whether sleep be so necessary that our lives depend upon it for we read that King Perseus of Macedon being Prisoner at Rome was wak'd to Death but Pliny instances such as have lived long without sleep Herodotus speaks of Nations where the Men sleep and wake by half years And they who write the Life of the Wise Epimenides affirm that he slept seven and fifty years together CHAP. XLV Of the Battel of Dreux OUr Battel of Dreux is remarkable for several extraordinary accidents But such as have no great kindness for the Duke of Guise nor do much favour his reputation are willing to have him thought too blame and that his making a Halt and delaying time with this Forces he Commanded whilst the Constable who was General of the Army was Rackt through and through with the Enemies Artillery his Battalion Routed and himself taken Prisoner is not to be excus'd And that he had much better have ran the hazard of charging the Enemy in the Flank than staying for the advantage of falling in upon the Rear to suffer so great and so important a loss But besides what the event demonstrated who will consider it without passion or prejudice will easily be induced to confess that the aim and design not of a Captain only but of every Private Souldier ought to look at the Victory in general and that no particular occurrences how nearly soever they may concern his own interest should divert him from that pursuit Philopemen in an encounter with Machanidas having sent before a good strong party of his Archers to begin the Skirmish which were by the Enemy Routed and pursu'd who pursuing them and pushing on the Fortune of their Arms in the heat of Victory and in that pursuit passing by the Battalion where Philopemen was though his Souldiers were impatient to fall on yet he was better temper'd and did not think fit to stir from his post nor to present himself to the Enemy to relieve his Men but having suffer'd them to be chaste about the Field and Cut in pieces before his Face then charged in upon their Battalion of Foot when he saw them left Naked by their Horse and notwithstanding that they were Lacedemonians yet taking them in the nick when thinking themselves secure of the Victory they began to disorder their Ranks he did his business with great facility and then put himself in pursuit of Machanidas Which case is very like that of Monsieur de Guise In that Bloody Battel betwixt Agesilaus and the Baeotians which Zenophon who was present at it reports to be the rudest and most Bloody that he had ever seen Agesilaus wav'd the advantage that Fortune presented him to let the Baeotians Battalion pass by and then to charge them in the Rear how certain soever he made himself of the Victory Judging it would rather be an effect of Conduct than Valour to proceed that way And therefore to shew his prowess rather chose with a wonderful ardour of Courage to charge them in the Front but he was well beaten and wounded for his pains and constrain'd at last to disengage himself and to take the course he had at first neglected opening his Battalion to give way to this torrent of the Baeotians fury and being past by taking notice that they march'd in disorder like men that thought themselves out of danger he then pursu'd and charg'd them in their Flanks and Rear yet could not so prevail as to bring it to so general a Rout but that they leisurely retreated still Facing about upon him till they were retired into safety CHAP. XLVI Of Names WHat variety of Herbs soever are shuffled together in the Dish yet the whole Mass is swallow'd up in one name of a Sallet In line manner under the consideration of Names I will make a hodg-podg of differing Articles Every Nation has certain Names that I know not why are taken in no good sense as with us John William and Benoist In the Genealogy of Princes also there seems to be certain Names fatally affected as the Ptolomies of Egypt the Henry's of England the Charles's of France the Baldwins of Flanders and the Williams of our Ancient Aquitaine from whence 't is said the Name of Guyenne has its derivation which would seem far fetch'd were there not as rude derivations in Plato himself 'T is a very frivolous thing in it self but nevertheless worthy to be Recorded for the strangeness of it which is writ by an Eye-witness that Henry Duke of Normandy Son of Henry the Second King of England making a great Feast in France the concourse of Nobility and Gentry was so great that being for Sports sake divided into Troops according to their Names in the first Troop which consisted of Williams there were found an Hundred and Ten Knights sitting at the Table of that Name without reckoning the ordinary Gentlemen and their Servants It is as pleasant to distinguish the Tables by the Names of the Guests as it was in the Emperour Geta to distinguish the several Courses of his Meat by the first Letters of the Meats themselves where those that began with B were serv'd up together as Brawn Beef Breame Bustards and Becca-ficos and so of others Now there is a saying that it is a good thing to have a good Name that is to say Credit and a good Repute But besides this it is really convenient to have such a Name as is easie of pronunciation and easie to be remembred by reason that Kings and other great Persons do by that means the more easily know and the more hardly forget us and indeed of our own Servants we more frequently call and employ those whose Names are

Friends to the People of Rome and to enter the Town as into a Confederate City without any manner of Hostility of which he also gave them all possible Assurance but having for the greater Pomp brought his whole Army in with him it was no more in his Power with all the Endeavour he could use to command his People so that Avarice and Revenge despising and trampling under foot both his Authority and all Military Discipline he there at once saw his own Faith violated and a considerable part of the City sack'd and ruin'd before his Face Cleomenes was wont to say That what Mischief soever a Man could do his Enemy in time of War was above Justice and nothing accountable to it in the Sight of Gods and Men. And according to this Principle having concluded a Cessation with those of Argos for seven days the third Night after he fell upon them when they were all buried in Security and Sleep and put them to the Sword alledging for his Excuse That there had no Nights been mention'd in the Truce but the Gods punish'd his Perfidy In a time of Parle also and that the Citizens were intent upon their Capitulation the City of Cassilinum was taken by Surprize and that even in the Age of the justest Captains and the best Discipline of the Roman Militia for it is not said that it is not lawful for us in Time and Place to make Advantage of our Enemies want of Understanding as well as their want of Courage and doubtless War has a great many Priviledges that appear reasonable even to the Prejudice of Reason And therefore here the Rule fails Neminem id agere ut ex alterius praedetur inscitia That no one should prey upon anothers Folly But I am astonish'd at the great Liberty allow'd by Xenophon in such Cases and that both by Precept and the Example of several Exploits of his compleat General An Author of very great Authority I confess in those Affairs as being in his own Person both a great Captain and a Philosopher of the first Form of Socrates his Disciples and yet I cannot consent to such a measure of License as he dispenses in all Things and Places Monsieur d' Aubigny having besieged Capua and play'd a furious Battery against it Signior Fabricio Colonne Governour of the Town having from a Bastion begun to parle and his Souldiers in the mean time being a little more remiss in their Guard our People took advantage of their Security enter'd the Place at unawares and put them all to the Sword And of later Memory at Yvoy Signior Juliano Romero having play'd that part of a Novice to go out to Capitulate with the Constable at his Return found his Place taken But that we might not scape Scot-free the Marquess of Pescara having laid Siege to Genoa where Duke Octavio Fregosa commanded under our Protection and the Articles betwixt them being so far advanc'd that it was look'd upon as a done thing and upon the Point to be concluded several Spaniards in the mean time being slip'd in under the Priviledge of the Treaty seiz'd on the Gates and made use of this Treachery as an absolute and fair Victory and since at Ligny in Barrois where the Count de Brienne commanded the Emperour having in his own Person beleaguer'd that Place and Bartheville the said Count's Lieutenant going out to parle whilst he was Capitulating the Town was taken Fu il vincer sempre maj laudabil cosae Vinca si o per fortuna o per ingegno Fame ever does the Victor's Praises ring And Conquest ever was a glorious thing Which way soe're the Conqu'rour purchas'd it Whether by Valour Fortune or by Wit say they But the Philosopher Chrysippus was of another Opinion wherein I also concur for he was us'd to say That those who run a Race ought to imploy all the Force they have in what they are about and to run as fast as they can but that it is by no means fair in them to lay any hand upon their Adversary to stop him nor to set a Leg before him to throw him down And yet more generous was the Answer of that great Alexander to Polypercon who persuaded him to take the Advantage of the Nights Obscurity to fall upon Darius By no means said he it is not for such a Man as I am to steal a Victory Malo me fortunae poeniteat quam victoriae pudeat I had rather repent me of my Fortune than be asham'd of my Victory Atque idem fugientem haud est dignatus Orodem Sternere nec jacta coecum dare Cuspide vulnus Obvius adversoque occurrit seque viro vir Contulit haud furto melior sed fortibus armis His Heart disdain'd to strike Orodes dead Or unseen basely wound him as he fled But gaining first his Front wheels round and there Bravely oppos'd himself to his Career And fighting Man to Man would let him see His Valour scorn'd both Odds and Policy CHAP. VII That the Intention is Judge of our Actions 'T IS a Saying That Death discharges us of all our Obligations However I know some who have taken it in another Sense Henry the Seventh King of England articled with Don Philip Son to Maximilian the Emperour and Father to the Emperour Charles the Fifth when he had him upon English Ground that the said Philip should deliver up the Duke of Suffolk of the White Rose his mortal Enemy who was fled into the Low Countries into his Hands which Philip not knowing how to evade it accordingly promis'd to do but upon condition nevertheless that Henry should attempt nothing against the Life of the said Duke which during his own Life he perform'd but coming to dye in his last Will commanded his Son to put him to Death immediately after his Decease And lately in the Tragedy that the Duke of Alva presented to us in the Persons of two Counts Egmont and Horne at Brussels there were very remarkable Passages and one amongst the rest that the said Count Egmont upon the security of whose Word and Faith Count Horne had come and surrendred himself to the Duke of Alva earnestly entreated that he might first mount the Scaffold to the end that Death might disingage him from the Obligation he had past to the other In which Case methinks Death did not acquit the former of his Promise and the second was satisfied in the good Intention of the other even though he bad not died with him for we cannot be oblig'd beyond what we are able to perform by reason that the Effects and Intentions of what we promise are not at all in our Power and that indeed we are Masters of nothing but the Will in which by necessity all the Rules and whole Duty of Mankind is founded and establish'd And therefore Count Egmont conceiving his Soul and Will bound and indebted to his Promise although he had not the Power to make it good had doubtless been

be a Spectator too to be afflicted and to repent He will repent it we say and because we have given him a Pistol-shot through the Head do we imagine he will repent On the contrary if we but observe we shall find that he makes a Mouth at us in falling and is so far from penitency that he does not so much as repine at us And we do him the kindest Office of Life which is to make him die insensibly and soon We are afterwards to hide our selves and to shift and flye from the Officers of Justice who pursue us whilst he is at rest Killing is good to frustrate an Offence to come not to revenge one that is already past and more an Act of Fear than Bravery of Precaution than Courage and of Defence than of attempt It is manifest that by it we quit both the true end of Revenge and the care of our Reputation we are afraid if he lives he will do us another injury as great as the first 't is not out of Animosity to him but care of thy self that thou rid'st him out of the way In the Kingdom of Narsingua this expedient would be useless to us where not only Souldiers but Trades-men also end their Differences by the Sword The King never denies the Field to any that will fight and sometimes when they are Persons of Quality looks on rewarding the Victor with a Chain of Gold but for which any one that will may fight with him again by which means by having come off from one Combat he has engag'd himself in many If we thought by Vertue to be always Masters of our Enemies and to triumph over them at pleasure we should be sorry they should escape from us as they do by dying but we have a mind to conquer more with Safety than Honour and in our quarrel more pursue the end than the Glory Asinius Pollio who for being a worthy man was the less to be excus'd committed a like Error who having writ a Libel against Plancus forbore to publish it till he was first dead which is to bite a mans Thumb at a blind man to rail at one that is deaf and to wound a man that has no feeling rather than to run the hazard of his Resentment And it was also said in his behalf that it was only for Hobgoblins to wrestle with the dead He that stays to see the Author dye whose Writings he intends to question what does he say but that he is foolish and troublesome It was told Aristotle that some one had spoken ill of him let him do more said he let him whip me too provided I am not there Our Fathers contented themselves to revenge an Injury with the lye the lye with a box of the Ear and so forward they were valiant enough not to fear their Adversary both living and provok'd We tremble for fear so long as we see them on foot And that this is so does not our noble practice of these days equally to prosecute to death both him that has offended us and him we have offended make it out 'T is also a kind of Cowardize that has introduc'd the custom of having seconds thirds and fourths in our Duels They were formerly Duels they are now Skirmishes Rencontres and Battels Solitude was doubtless terrible to those who were the first inventors of this Practice Quum in se cuique minimum fiduciae esset They had little confidence in themselves For naturally any company whatever is comfortable in danger Third Persons were formerly call'd in to prevent Disorder and foul play only and to be witness of the Success of the Combat But since they have brought it to this pa●● that they themselves engage whoever is invited cannot handsomly stand by as an idle Spectator for fear of being suspected either of want of Affection or Courage Besides the injustice and unworthiness of such an Action of engaging other Force and Valour in the Protection of your Honour than your own I conceive it a disadvantage to a brave man and who wholly relies upon himself to shuffle his Fortune with that of a Second since every one runs hazard enough in himself without hazarding for another and has enough to do to assure himself in his own Vertue for the defence of his Life without intrusting a thing so dear in a third man's hand For if it be not expresly agreed upon before to the contrary 't is a combin'd Party of all four and if your Second be kill'd you have two to deal withal with good reason And to say that it is foul play it is so indeed as it is well arm'd to charge a man that has but the hilts of a broken Sword in his hand or clear and untouch'd a man that is desperately wounded but if these be advantages you have got by fighting you may make use of them without reproach the disparity and inequality is only weigh'd and consider'd from the condition of the Combatants when they begun as to the rest you must take your Fortune and though you had alone three Enemies upon you at once your two Companions being kill'd you have no more wrong done you than I should do in a Battel by running a man through I should see engag'd with one of our own men with the like advantage The nature of Society will have it so that where there is Troop against Troop as where our Duke of Orleance challeng'd Henry King of England an hundred against an hundred three hundred against as many as the Argians against the Lacedemonians and three to three as the Horatii against the Curiatii the multitude on either side is consider'd but as one single man the hazard every where where there is company being confus'd and mix'd I have a domestick Interest in this Discourse for my Brother the Sieur de Matecoulom was at Rome entreated by a Gentleman with whom he had no great acquaintance and who was Defendant and challeng'd by another to be his Second In this Duel he found himself match'd with a Gentleman much better known to him where after having dispatch'd his man seeing the two Principal still on foot and sound he ran in to disengage his Friend What could he do less should he have stood still and if Chance would have order'd it so have seen him he was come thither to defend kill'd before his face what he had thither done signified nothing to the Business the Quarrel was yet undecided The courtesie that you can and certainly ought to shew to your Enemy when you have reduc'd him to an ill Condition and have a great advantage over him I do not see how you can do it where the Interest of another is in the case where you are only call'd in as an Assistant and the Quarrel is none of yours He could neither be just nor courteous at the hazard of him he was there to serve and was also inlarged from the Prisons of Italy at the speedy and solemn