head and the corrupted humours of her principallest members That France did afford many advantages to whosoever should assault her as seated in a climate abounding with all good things whereas the sterility of Scotland afforded nothing but inconveniences sufficient to beat backe her assaliants That England could but for a while keepe footing there being to be beaten backe by the two urgent peeces of artillery cold and hunger That wit and valour would there lose the day inforced not by problematicall fables of fatality and destiny but by the reall and apparent necessity of nature since then no invasion was to be feared from thence to what purpose should the enterprise thereof be undertaken if being subdued it would neither cause lesse peace nor more trouble then whilst left at liberty warre might be elsewhere made for being fenced by the situation sterility it s owne and other forces it would alwaies afford occasion of beginning afresh to the end it might never beginne much lesse ever make an end with others That therefore to leave the confines well garded and take in hand what was propounded was the only resolution now to be taken as that which alone was conformable to the justice of the cause the reputation of the King and the reason of armes since England should never thinke to subdue Scotland if she did not first subdue France No sooner had the Marquis expressed his reasons but the Parliament did unanimously agree upon the warre with France so farre forgetting the businesse of the Clergy as no man thought any longer of it The King having created his two brethren Iohn and Humfrey Dukes the one of Bedford the other of Gloster and the forenamed Marquis Duke of Exeter following the wonted course of first denouncing war before the undertaking of it dispatcht away this last Duke together with the Admirall Grey the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Norwich as Embassadors to France whither they went accompanied with 600. horse and were received with great pompe royally feasted by King Charles who finding himselfe then well disposed would in their presence runne at tilt against the Duke of Alanson The jollities being over in solemne audience they demanded of him the restitution of the Crowne together with such Provinces as did of old belong unto the inheritance of the Kings of England namely the Dutches of Aquitany Normandy and Angius the Counties of Poictou and Vinena with this caution that if he would give unto King Henry his daughter Katherine together with the aforesaid Dutchies and Counties for a portion that then he would lay aside all other pretences but if he did deny this then Henry was resolved to doe what in him lay by force of armes to repossesse himselfe of his right These demands were long advised upon to finde out the marrow of the businesse but the Embassadors standing firme to the conditions agreed upon betweene Iohn King of France and Edwâ—…rd 3. King of England at Bretigny answer was made that a businesse of so great weight was not to be answered in an instant That assoone as it would be maturely discust the King would send his resolution by expresse Embassadors of his owne King Henry tooke this delay as an expresse deniall and sent word unto the Dolphin who had sent unto him a chest of tennis balls as who should say he thought him onely fit for sport that within few months he would requite his present and restore unto him balls of iron for balls of clouts which should be so tossed as France should have small reason to glory in her good walls And losing no longer time he began to raise monies munition victualls artillery and souldiers and hired a great number of ships from Holland and Zealand for his transportation King Charles was this mean while relapsed into his accustomed trances so as the Dolphin understanding what preparations King Henry made did himselfe likewise prepare for warre not forbearing though to send him a solemne Embassy as was by the Councell resolved on by the Duke of Vandosme and Archbishop of Burges Their instructions were to approve of the marriage and to propound in portion certaine territories of no great consequence supplied by a great summe of money upon condition that all other pretences abandoned peace might ensue The King who was at Winchester going to his army when hee understood their arrivall stayed there to give them audience the which he publickly did and after having feasted them at his owne table he by the Archbishop of Canterbury answered them that if the King of France would give unto him his daughter endowed with the Dutchies of Aquitany Normandy and Aniou and Touraine and the Counties of Poictou Vinena together with the rest that the Kings his predecessors had by right of inheritance possessed in France he would accept of her and peace if otherwise he would indeavour to acquire them by force and together with them the Crown which did of right belong unto him This being with much impatiency heard by the Archbishop of Burges who could not hide his anger hee desired leave to speak freely whereunto the King giving way with an inflamed countenance and angry voice hee said That if he did beleeve the King his Master had made him this offer as fearing his forces he beleeved amisse t was the compassion of Christian bloud that had moved him to it that he erred in his presumption to thinke that he alone was able to injuriously oppresse the noblest and most redoubted King of Christendome who by his owne forces and those of his subjects and friends was not onely likely to resist him but to take him prisoner and kill him and to expose such as should follow him to the scorne and fury of the French Nobility he further desired a safe conduct that they might returne without molestation and for ought else they would not trouble him The King who with much patience had listened to what the Archbishop said replied That he was nothing at all affrighted at his anger much lesse at its being sustained by the forces he alledged That his claime was known to all the world and by them themselves though they feigned the contrary That the power of their King was to them as the morning twilight whilst they had not seene the noon-tide of his strength That if Charles had subjects and friends he thanked God he lacked none That he should be consident that ere long the highest Crown of their Country should be forced to bow to him the proudest Miter meaning the Archbishop to bend the knee before him That they should say to the usurper Charles their Master in his behalfe that within three months he would come into France not as into a strangers house but as into his owne lawfull patrimony to vanquish it by the sword not boasting words That they might be gone with this answer which he would give unto them under his hand and seale as likewise their safe conduct the onely thing
the same I cannot imagine where Lille can have had this if not from Meirus none of all the English Writers I have met with having so much as dream't thereof Belleforest by alleadging Lille and Meirus and giving word for word what Meirus saith doth plainely shew hee had it from him and from whence Meirus had it it is not hard to guesse since hee was a Dutchman his Author was Margarita the Sister of Edward the fourth second wife to Charles Duke of Burgandi Philips son Of all women that ever were she was the most passionately given to the faction of her owne family for if shee had a hand in the false supposition of an Edward Plantagenet and afterwards by her owne invention did suppose the sonne of a Iew turned Christian to the end that he might personate the Duke of Yorke when he together with his brother Edward the fifth was smoothered in the Tower and so trouble the affaires of Henry the seaventh as wee shall hereafter see t is no wonder if shee invented this Genealogie to defame him and make him to bee by the World despised besides it is not likely that a young Queene Dowager lately come into the Kingdome who neither had had time nor occasion to raise herselfe a faction in the Kingdome without regency or authority without meanes either to punish or reward should be so long permitted to live in so dishonest a manner not onely in the face of her sonne a milde youth but in the fight of her too powerfull and sensible brother-in-lawe of the nobility and all the Kingdome for it is not to bee supposed that the Court could bee hud winckt in foure great bellies shee was therefore undoubtedly married and her marriage wincked at by reason of her husbands birth which though it was not answerable to her present condition yet to be tollerated in respect of his fore fathers for nobility doth not lose it priviledges for want of fortune and want of worth which hee wanted not if wee may beleeve them who were likely to have better testimonials thereof then Meirus and if hee were put to death which is not certain it was not for his basenes of birth but for his offence in having dared contrary to the lawes to marry the Kings mother Queene Katharine was followed in her death and imitated in her marriage In death shee was followed by Queene Iane daughter to Charles the second surnamed the wicked King of Navar Dowager to Henry the fourth King of England and before him to Iohn the fourth Duke of Britanny by whom shee had Iohn the now present Duke and Arthur Count de Richmond Constable of France In her marriage shee was imitated by Giva Colinia daughter to the late Count Saint Paul who for fancy sake like her did marry Sir Richard Woodveil afterwards created Earle Rivers without acquainting her brother the now present Count St. Paul therewithall nor yet her uncle the Bishop of Tirrovane and as from Katharines marriage Henry the seaventh did proceed and all the Kings that have succeeded him even till this present day so from Iacholinus marriage did Elizabeth wife to Edward the fourth proceed from whom came Elizabeth wife to Henry the seaventh the first mother of the Kings of England and great Britanny they were both French women married to two brothers alike in resolution and fortune so as if those that blame them could have foreseene their succession they would have commended them for bad actions are stiled good by their happy events In the last insurrections in Normandy the English had lost Harfluer a losse of great consequence for the preservation of that province the Duke of Somerset went to besiedge it and to recover it accompanied by Faulkonbridge and Talbot Estouteville commanded there in chiefe with a Garrison of 600. Souldiers and though the Towne did suffer much by battery the walles being thereby defaced and the houses beaten downe yet could they not come to an assault The Bastards of Orleans and Burbone presented themselves before it in the way of succour and did on all sides molest the besiedgers hoping by disordering them to succour the Towne but not succeeding therein they abandoned the enterprise The Duke of Somerset got as much honour in the winning of this Towne as shame in the losse of it for having wonne it in the Duke of Yorkes regency hee not long after lost it in his owne Tancherville yeelded it selfe likewise to Talbot after a siedge of foure monthes as did also Beauchastaean and Maleville Charles on the other side having past the Loire with the Constable and Count de Marsh did by assault take Chasteau Landone hanging up all the French they found there Charni and Nemours yeelded themselves up unto him hee battered the Towne of Monteaâ—… till such time as Thomas Gerard who did defend it sold it to him for a summe for mony so say the English not Chartiere who saith hee wan it by force so as the Castle afterwards yeelded all the French wherein were hanged and the English set at liberty at the Dolphins request from thence hee went to Paris where having not beene since it returned to his obedience hee made his entry with great solemnity and acclamation all these losses hapned in the interim when the Duke of Yorke being called from his regency and the Earle of Warwick appointed in his place no man thought how to regaine them for Yorke being out of authority and Warwick seaven weekes weather bound so as hee could not passe into France for lack of winde this was the cause why Monstreau without any further contestation yeelded it selfe unto Charles Yorke during all the time of his regency in Normandy was not personally present at any act of Warre saving at the taking in of Fescampe yet at his departure hee left the fame of a wise and just Man Florimand de Brimaâ—… Balieffe of Pontieu had private advertisement that the Fort of Crotoi was ill provided of victuall and not likely therewithall to bee supplied if it were beguirt with an unexpected siedge Hee advertised Philip hereof who suddenly dispacht away Messieurs de Achi Crovi Kenti Iaques de Brimeau Boudlers Lavense and Graen with good forces to besiedge it but hee did not provide for the most essentiall thing which was to block up the heaven for it had not victualls wherewithall to sustaine it selfe for 8. dayes The Garrison which feared nothing but hunger an engine against which there is no defence finding the Sea open sent forth a vessell which by severall returns freed them from the pressing affaire and were no wayes affraid of being otherwise oppugned The Burgonians were too lateaware of their errour so as manning forth foure ships they tooke from them the liberty of the Sea and there land forces were daily augmented Philip was come for this purpose to Hedine and leavied new forces in Hannault and Piccardy This Fort was a place of great consequence a Sea haven the inlet into Picardy
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
Thomas Holland Earle of Kent Henry who dyed young Iohn first Duke of Sommerset who maried Margerite daughter to Sr. Iohn Beauchamp Margerite married to Edward Adham earl of Richmond Henry the 7. who married Elizabeth daughter to Henry the 4. Edmund Duke of Sommerset slaine in the â—…attell at S. Albans who married Elenor daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded an 1462. Charls Sommerset Earle of Worcester bastard Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded Anno 1471. dying without heyrs Iohn slaine at the battell of Teuksbury Thomas Ioane married to Iames the first King of Scotland Margerite married to Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Thomas E. of Devonsh beheaded Henry beheaded Iohn slaine at Teuksbury Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester Cardinall of St. Eusebius and Chancellor of England Thomas Beaufort Earle of Dorset Duke of Exeter and Chancellor of England Ioane Beaufort for whose issue looke the next lease Iane Beaufort married to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury beheaded who married Elenor daughter to Thomas Montigue Earle of Salisbury William Lord of Faulkenbridge Edward Earle of Abergaveny George Lord Latimer Robert Bishop of Durham Cuthbert Henry Thomas Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke surnamed The great he married Anne daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Isabel wife of George Plantagenet Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth drowned in a But of Malmâ—…y Edward Earl of Warwicke last heyre male of the Plantagenet he was beheaded Margerite Countesse of Salisbury wife to Richard Poole beheaded the 13. yeare of Henry the 8. she was mother to Cardinall Poole Anne wife to Edward Prince of Wales son to Henry 6. he was slaine by the Duke of Glocester who after married the said Anne Edward Prince of Wales who died before his Father Iohn Marquis Montigue who maried the daughter of Sr Edward Engelthorpe George Archbishop of York and Chancellour of England George Nevil Duke of Bedford degraded together with his father for not having left sufficient meanes to maintaine their honour Luce first married to Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams then to Sir Anthony Browne by whom William Earle of Southampton St Anthony Browne Iane married to Will. Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Thomas Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel William Earle of Arundel Elenor wife to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby George Baron Strange Thomas Earle of Darby Edward Lord Mounteagle Iames Bishop of Ely Catherine wife to Iohn Moubray second duke of Norfolke Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elenor daughter of the Lord Bourchier Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elizabeth daughter to Geo. Talbot 1. earle of Shrewsb Anne wife to Richard Duke of York second son of Edward the fourth Elenor wife to Henry Pearcy second Earle of Northumberland slaine in the service of Henry 6. in the first battell at Saint Albans Henry the third earle of Northumberland slaine in the like service who married Elenor daughter to Richard Lord Poinings Henry the fourth Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people for leavying a taxe imposed by Henry the seventh and the Parliament he married Maudlin daughter to the earle of Pembrocke Henry the fifth earle of Northumberland William Allen a Bishop Iocelin Elenor married to Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham Anne wife to William Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Anne wife to Humfrey Staffoâ—…d first Duke of Buckingham slaine in the first battel at Northhampton Humfrey Earle of Stafford slaine in the first battell of St Albans he married Margerite sister to Edward Beaufort Duke of Sommerset Henry second Duke of Sommerset beheaded by Richard 3. he married Catherine sister to Richard Woodville Earle Rivers Edward Duke of Buckingham Henry of Wiltshire both beheaded by Henry the 8. Iohn Stafford Earle of Wiltshire married to Constance daughter to Sir Henry Greene. Edward Stafford Earle of Wiltshire Catherine wife to George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury George E. of Shrewsbury married to Anne daughter to the Lord Hastings Francis Earle of Shrewsbury Margerite married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland Sicely of whose issue see the next leafe Sicely married to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who waged warre with Henry the 6. as lawfull pretender to the Crowne hee was slaine in the battell of Wakefield King Edward the 4. who married Elizabeth daughter of Richard Woodville Earle Rivers King Edward the 5. Richard duke of York Both slaine in the Toweâ—… by their uncle Richard 3 Elizabeth married to Henry the 7. Arthur prince of Wales Henry the 8. Catherine married to William Courtney earle of Devonshire Henry Earle of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter beheaded by Henry the 8. Edmund who died in the battell with his Father George Duke of Clarence drowned in a But of Malmsey in the Tower he married Isabel daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Warwicke Edward Earle of Warwicke beheaded under Henry the 7. Margerite Countesse of Salisbury married to Sr Richard Poole beheaded under Henry the 8. Henry Lord Montigue beheaded under Henry the 8. Reginald Poole Cardinall Vrsula married to Henry Lord Stafford sonne and heyre to Edward last Duke of Buckingham Richard Duke of Glocester by tyrannicall usurpation called afterward Richard the 3. who married Anne daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke Edward Prince of Wales who died during his fathers life THE INTRODVCTION MY intention is to write the story of England for as much as concernes the Câ—…vill Wars of that Kingdome from their first rise to their happy period Events which the lesse they be known forth of those Climats the more worthy are they of others knowledge Civill knowledge accounts not him wise who applies himselfe only to what concernes his owne Country but who enlargeth his understanding to the universall knowledge of all Nations Such as are unexperienced and too passionatly gâ—…ven to the love of their owne Country doe vsually misprise forraine occurrences whilst alteration in governments doth vary those vertues in them by which they acquired a name above others The Assyrians Medes and Persians the Macedonians Greeks and Romans doe witnesse this unto us people ought not to boast of what they were but if there be any occasion of ostentation of what they for the present are Barbarisme is not so generall in the now present times as in times past of as many Nations as are there is not any one who at this day can vaunt her selfe to be the law-giver unto others What is wanting in some one is peeced up by the advantages which some others have not This discipline of warre learning the liberall sciences arts mechanicall and civill comportment are so diffused as those who last embraced them are like to cisternes which doe more abound with water then doe the house tops and gutters from which they did at first fall There was a time when the Grecians had presumption enough to repute the Romans barbarous their condition shewes us how much they were deceived The Vandalls Lombards and Gothes were civilized at the cost of the
Roman Empire Where luxury and vice increase their dominion decreaseth and together with the rigor of the mind civility it selfe which is not defined by ceremoniall complements but by the strong effect of a judicious understanding England then Albion and now Britaine a Country not fully knowne before Caeâ—…ars time from the entry of the Romans fell to be one of the most noted and most glorious Monarcnies of the world She did not send multitudes of people abroad for abounding in whatsoever is requisite to nature and that in some perfection she haa no need of other Colonies nay her owne abundance and fertility was such as invited her being oppugned whilst divided and under the command of many she remayned a prey to them that did assaile her I intend not to speake of her beginning so long a work sutes not with so short a life as is mine I will take my rise from her Civill warres which will shew unto us what evill effects states divided within themselves doe produce and how that nature to render this people valiant tooke from them the apprehension of death the onely thing which makes men base and cowards not that an inclination to peace bee not to bee numbred amongst the greatest hapinesses of mankind but for that the world being what it then was and what it will be to the end humblenesse and meeknesse ought only to be accounted amongst individuall vertues So as if people be not of themselves fierce they shall alwaies be subject to the neglect and injuries of such as esteeme a pleasing behaviour no vertue but a weaknesse of nature The praise of mansuetude in one or a few is not incompatible with valour but in a whole nation it is as much to be blamed as it is the occasion of harme For vertue or vice are not judged by Morall or Theologicall termes but by the good or bad effects which from thence may ensue The Brittans were not subject to such defects and though they made triall of many ebbes of fortune being miserably inforced if we may beleeve Gilda to invoke the Roman assistance it was for that they were divided in their forces and inclinations But being brought under one absolute King they appeared to bee all members of one solide body of force not to bee conquered and of minde alternatly disposed either to preserve their reputations or dye They have obtained famous victories though fewer in number by two thirds The battell of Cressi and Poictiers witnes this unto us but more particularly those that we are to meet withall in this our story their minds were at first wholy set upon liberty so as free from forraine feare they oftentimes would boggle at their own kings who though they were absolute bad not withstanding their Monarchy so well upheld by the Lawes that they could hardly fall from regall power to oppression And though the jealousie of this libertyhath sometimes been very great in these people even to the making of them headstrong and seditious yet inconveniences which doe incidently happen ought not to be of power enough to take from the substance of that government the title of a well governed Commonwealth And though it be not voide of faults heaven being the onely perfect Monarchy yet not such as are cause of mischiefe They are not taxed or oppressed without grievance or new impositions And whereas the Country people in other parts walke bare foot and bare legged with tattered cloathes and leane lookes beere well cloathed and well liking they in substance are and in apparell seeme to be honorable and wealthy Citizens But it is plainely seene by them that men are weary of well doing For ignorant of other mens miseries when they want their wonted warres and triumphes they thinke themseves miserable whilst in comparison of as many as I know they are the happiest nation in the world Nor is the authority of their kings lessened by this liberty when they are vertuous and frugall or else esteemed of for their victories and Trophees they have done with their people even what they pleased The two Henries the 5. and the 7 in this our story not to make use of any out of it are examples of this Nor do their meane revenues in comparison of those excessive ones of other Kings make them lesse rich for free from the extortion of great men from maintaining of Citadell Garisons borse confines not troubled with Switzers dependences correspondencies spies all necessary expences be it for the preservation of ones owne or the pretending to what is anothers they need not have any more They are secure at home having no dependency but on the King for abroad the Sea is their ditch their Citadell thier Bul-warke and their ships though their chiefest charge yet ordinarily are of no vast expence Besides upon any extraordinary occurrence their treasure is locked up in their subjects purses from whence it is drawen by the usuall way of Parliament without oppression or injury to any one and what by this meanes is raysed doth not as in many other states remaine a continuall revenue to the Prince By the testimony of Philip de Comines the revenue of France in Charles the sevenths time did not exceed one hundred and fourescore thousand pound sterling Vnder Lewis the leventh they came to foure hundred and seventy thousand pounds sterling the yeare 1608. under Henry the fourth three millions one hundred thousand pound sterling and at this present time under Lewis the thirteenth if the relation be not false it amounts to foure millions and five hundred thousand pounds Sterling or more Hence I inferre that the Kings of England walke in the eclyptique line of their government ruled by two just counterpoises regall authority which makes them be obeyed and the Lawes a just weight equally fitted to shape forth a well constituted Aristodemocraticall government The people enjoy their liberty provided for by the Lawes The Nobility such Honours and Offices as become their quality and the King his will in making warre or peace All confiscations and power of pardoning the Lawes not having debarred him of anything which appertaineth to an absolutely juridicall Prince I thought good to touch upon these few things for that necessary foreknowledge which may bee needfull to this our History And if they may appeare strange to such as are borne under Princes who know no other Law then their owne will they ought not to thinke it strange that governments to be good ought as all other sublunary things to bee composed of more elements then one and that their contrariety produeeth the unity which nature requires The Gentiles did not without some great mystery faine their Gods to bee bound by fate and by their swearing by the Stygian waters For Princes are these Gods their oathes by the Stygian waters the oathes which at their Coronation they take for the good of the people which would not be necessary for good Princes for goodnesse is a Law unto it selfe but as
Beckly till such time as the Duke of Lancaster came thither with whom seeing the Kings affaires went so ill he soone accorded Lancaster finding by this time his good fortune went to Bristoll took in the Castle and those three which had fled thither were by the mad multitude soon beheaded This newes was long in comming to Ireland by reason of the horrible tempests at Sea which for six weeks space suffered not a little vessell to passe over But when it was knowne the King did not as he should have done make suddenly for England being advised by the Duke of Aumerle to tarry till his ships which were scattered might be gathered together and such provisions made as were fitting for the Fleet. He caused the two young sons the one the Duke of Glosters son who died in his return and the other the sonne of this Lancaster who was afterwards King Henry the fifth to be kept in safe custody in the Castle of Tremni He sent the Earle of Salisbury for England with directions to gather together as many people as he could in Cheshire and Wales his two beloved Countreyes to the end that being ready at his arrivall which should be within sixe dayes he might encounter the enemy before his forces grew greater The Earle departed came to Wales and had got together fourty thousand good and faithfull men by meanes of whom if the King had come at his time appointed hee had either repossest himselfe of all againe or had at least given the enemy enough to doe but landing in Milford haven in Pembroke shire 18 dayes after hee found that a false report of his death being raised and his party having fifteen dayes expected him they had disbandoned themselves part of them comming over to the young Duke the rest retiring to their owne homes Whereupon astonished at so unfortunate an encounter his courage failed him And though those who were returned with him promised to die at his feet he contrary to his dignity and reputation chose rather to lose his Kingdome then hazard his life A weaknesse which this nation mightily detests for the inhabitants thereof no wayes fearing death nor willing to endure the troubles of the minde chose rather to die then live in misery As soone as Lancaster understood his arrivall he left the Duke of York at Bristoll and took his way towards Conaway where the King was without either forces or retinue All places as he went along surrendred themselves the town of Chester formerly so faithfull did the like The King resolved not to make use of his souldiers dismissed them that he with the lesse incumbrance might goe whither his fears drove him And for that purpose he gave order to Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester the Lord high Steward of his houshold to discharge his family wishing they might be reserved for a better fortune Others will have it that Worcester formerly distasted for that Richard had a little before declared the Earle of Northumberland his brother to be a traytor did of himselfe in publicke breake the staffe of his office and went unto the Duke of Lancaster and that upon this occasion the Courtiers did disperse themselves Those who counselled Richard were of opinion that he should goe into France to his wives father or else returne to Ireland where failing of hopes in England he might furnish himselfe with forraigne souldiers to make such use of occasions as time should administer But that if he would needs tarry in Wales a countrey yet well affected unto him be should doe well to passe further into the heart thereof whilst his presence changing the lookes of fortune some would follow him out of affection many out of duty and others by reason of the usurpers scandalous actions But all their perswasions were in vaine for it is the property of cast downe minds patiently to expect the blowes of Fortune And whilst their honour egges them on unto defence their pusillanimity is such as makes them suffer oppression Hee adhered to those who shewed him that his hopes of France were dangerous that the assistance he might have from thence would confirme his subjects in their rebellion lest they might be by them subdued That to returne into Ireland would bee to no end since hee could not promise himselfe much from the particular forces of that countrey That hee should doe amisse to hope in the repentance of the English For if they had out of hate abandoned him they would persist in their contumacie as despairing of pardon having so highly offended him that forraigne forces would bee rather harmfull then of any use especially the French So as there being no hope of help from abroad and despairing of any at home his best resolution would bee to thinke upon his owne safety and by giving away what he could not keepe endeavour a safe and private life These reasons made him listen unto the Archbishop of Canterbury and Earle of Northumberland the one by him banished the other proclaimed traytor with whom he agreed to resigne up his Kingdome upon condition he might be permitted to live a private life and have the lives granted him of eight persons such as hee should nominate The which being largely promised him by them readily approved of by the Duke they met together the Duke using all due respects which are requisite from an obedient subject to his naturall Prince Whilst Richard minding nothing but his present condition did things unworthy of his greatnesse and dignity hee gave himselfe up into the Dukes hands the 20. of August 1399. together with all his money horse and furniture his money amounting to above a million of gold The manner of this imprisonment is by others diversly related They say that the King despairing of his affaires sent the Dukes of Exeter and of Surrey to treat with Lancaster who keeping the former with himselfe who was his cousin and putting the other into the Castle at Chester did in their stead send the Earle of Northumberland unto the King who followed by a thousand Bow-men and four hundred lances was when he should be come nigh to Conaway to make thereof two Ambuscadoes and passing forward himself with only foure or five horsemen hee was under a safe conduct to goe into the Castle That the propositions he was to make were That Richard would speake with Lancaster and satisfie him in two particulars The one that processe might bee made against such as had had a hand in the death of Gloster and his companions The other that hee would give him an authenticall pardon for whatsoever former offence hee had committed against him that netled at these demands made unto him as King in a condition of not denying any thing he tooke horse and the Duke riding before under pretence of providing his dinner at Rutland stayed where the ambush was and where the King with his followers among the which were the Earle of Salisbury the Bishop of Salisbury and the Lord Scroope were
that the people would be herewithall contented for by this meanes they should be freed from the warres wherewith they were threatned from France Scotland and Wales The Duke of Exceter propounded a Tilting at Christmas wherein he with twenty Gentlemen would chalenge the Earle of Salisbury with as many more to the which the King should bee invited and there together with his children slaine A businesse likely to succeed they being all armed and under the pretence of pompe well attended and he void of suspition unarmed his ordinary guard being more for shew then service This being done they resolved forth-with to re-inthrone Richard wherein they expected no opposition for of the house of Lancaster there remained none save brothers by another mother of the which the Earle of Sommerset the eldest was distasted and none of them comprehended within the Act of Parliament touching the succession of the crowne Richards lawfull heires loved him well and if any alteration should happen it would not bee of much consideration he being once re-established and they so well provided as that they might preserve themselves free from danger till the arrivall of aid from France to doubt whereof would bee sacriledge the daughter of France being too pretious a pawne to be by the French abandoned This Proposition being approved and all of them having vowed fidelity six of the chiefest among them made six writings be drawne up all of the same tenure the which they all subscribed and sealed every man keeping one of them which was the break-necke of the businesse for if any one of them should prove false to what Tribunall could the others cite him And if it should happen that through treachery or want of good take-heed any one of the Copies should come to light there was no way left to save themselves Exceter having acquainted the King with the appointed titling between him and Salisbury besought him to honour them with his presence and that he would be pleased to bee their Judge in case any difference should arise The which hee graciously accepted of and promised to doe This meane while every man providing himselfe of what number of men he could get under the pretence of magnificencie they came at the time appointed to Oxford where the King and Court was the next day expected The Duke of Aumerle was onely wanting hee having sent his men before went to visit his father who lived in a Countrey house upon that road and stayed dinner with him Fortune would so have it as that the old man spied a peece of paper in his sonnes bosome and not imagining what it might be snatcht it from him When he had seen the contents the six seales and among the rest his sonnes for one he grew so incensed as rising immediately from the Table hee gave order for his horses to bee made ready reproaching his sonne for that having been false to Richard he would now be a traytor to Henry that he was witty in finding out inventions to undoe his father but that now his father would undoe him That he should remember how the last Parliament he was bound for him body for body and goods for goods That therefore since hee made so little account of his fathers head his father would make as little account of his This being said hee went to Windsor Aumerle considering that the old man was not to bee with-drawne from his resolution that the businesse was discovered and his life in question having none with whom to advise resolved to prevent his father hee got on horse-backe and riding as fast as he could drive he got to Windsor before him where as soone as he was come he clapt to the doore behinde him telling him that looked to the door that so it behooved for the Kings service Hee threw himselfe downe at the Kings feet and craved his pardon the King astonished at such a novelty demanded his offence which when hee understood being somewhat amazed at the first he promised him mercy so as the businesse were as he had related it but if otherwise woe bee to him This meane time the Duke of Yorke came to the Castle doore and finding it shut bade it bee opened He entred and without further circumstances put the conspirators contract into the Kings hand who finding thereby all to be true that Aumerle had said put off his journey to Oxford resolving to expect at Windsor the conspirators new resolutions hee sent newes hereof by expresse Carriers to Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Marshall who had married Iane his sister by the fathers side and to all his other friends to the end that they might make what haste they could to the Court and bring with them what forces they could raise Exceter was one of the first that came to Oxford more set upon the resolution taken then were the rest but he could not so order affaires but that by the extraordinary provision of Armes Souldiers his wife the Kings sister perceived that all this was done to undoe and kill her brother whereat in height of Agonie she was much distracted between the love to her brother and affection to her husband the ruine of one of them being certain whether the one or the other equally to her grievous whereat her husband who loved her as much as he hated her brother being moved said unto her that fortune might make both her and him equally content one onely thing excepted That their interests were in all things else common and individuall in this alone divers and particular For as shee could not but rejoyce at her brothers preferment to the crowne so hee could not but grieve to see his brother deposed that now in the change of fortune which by the preparations that were made she was towards if shee found cause of affliction she should doe well to consider that he had just cause of joy for if she being Henry's sister esteemed her greatnesse the more in respect of his he being brother to Richard had reason to hope the like in the Rise of Richard without the which whilst her brother reigned hee was like to live in perpetuall misery and daily to expect death That she was not to suffer in the fates of either of them For if Henry should reigne shee was to continue the same shee was though having lost her husband and if Richard reigned both of them were to preserve their lives honours and fortunes so that come what would come she had cause to rejoyce but not he For that hee might not through so many dangers dye daily it behoved him to expose himselfe to all danger that hee might once dye or for ever be free of feare Hereupon giving her his last kisse he left her weeping and went to Oxford where all the rest were come saving only Aumerle where having expected him to the very last houre his not appearing the not preparing for the King and
how and by whom King Richard was slaine hee did believe that his death was occasioned by any command or approbation of his he did believe falsly and that he would make this good unto him body to body Hee did not deny but that in the confederacie made between them the King of France and Isabel Queen of England were on his side excepted but that he the Duke could not likewise deny that though the Duke of Burgondy was by name excepted yet that in private he told him he held him as not excepted for the confederacie was onely grounded upon the hatred he bare unto him so as the objection which hee made against him the King was the same which the Duke from the very beginning was maliciously guilty of For that part of his reply where he said that He would never have mâ—…de any confederacie with him if he had thought hee would have behaved himselfe so to King Richard why then did he after Richards death send a Gentleman to him to assure him of the continuation of his friendship and to tell him that next the King his brother he desired to serve no Prince alive more then him That God had permitted him but not promoted him to reigne hee did not beleeve it yet he confessed that Gods abounding favours to him proceeded onely from grace and mercie the which was able to effect more then all the art and malice of the Divell by these words hee alluded to what was commonly beleeved that the Duke and Valentia his wife had bewitched King Charles and plotced the death of his children to the end that they might come to the Crown that if he had read the Articles of agreement hee would there have found that England was not obliged to make any joynture that he had not onely restored unto her what ever she brought with her but presented her to boot that the Acquittance sealed in Councell he himselfe being present might convince him of his falshood so as what he said in this point was not for that he did not know the contrary but that being of himselfe false and wicked to speake truth was contrary to his nature that hee did not deny his desire of sparing to shed the bloud of France as it well became a King to bee sparing of his subjects bloud for such his just claime considered were the French to him that where he said He had more respect to the bloud of France then the life of Richard hee lied and that it were to bee wisht hee had not done worse to the King his brother for what remained that hee would passe the sea when it might conduce to the honour of God his owne good and the good of his kindome to answer him in what manner hee should chuse This defiance was accompanied by another from Valerian of Luxenburgh Count Saint Paul who not calling him King but Duke of Lancaster denounced to him That his friendship and affinity to King Richard for he had married Magdâ—…len Holland sister by the mothers side to Richard and Henry's being notoriously guilty of his death obliged him to doe him all the evill and mischiefe which by the forces of himselfe and subjects he was able But the King made him no answer as one he made no account of In the Duke of Orleans his businesse nothing passed further then the defiances by writing but the Count St. Paul began to take his revenge to little purpose making triviall attempts most harmfull to himselfe for beleeving that the new Duke of Yorke was causer of Richards death the conspiracie at Oxford being by his heedlesnesse discovered hee caused his Statue to bee made and giving it in charge unto some of his men of warre he made it to be hung up by the heeles upon a gallowes which for that purpose was carried by night neere to Callais walles the which at the opening of the gates being seen did so exasperate the Garrison of the Towne that the Count and his territories fared not the better for it all his other attempts after this had ill successe as wee shall hereafter see more at large This mean while the King of France being advertised of King Henry's preparations against Wales he set himself to succour Glendor judging that it might redound to his advantage to annoy England under anothers pretext and to make it pine away by nourishing the feaver of an intestine war To this effect he caused many Ships to be put in good equipage in Brest a haven in Bretaigne and put therein two thousand fighting men under the command of Iames of Burbon Count of March who putting to Sea with his two brothers Lewis and Iohn found the winds so contrary to his passage into Wales as that he was forced to anchor at Plimmouth in Devonshire where landing his people by night hee burnt and sacked all the neighbouring villages not sparing the Abodes nor Boats of poore Fisher-men But herein Fortune smiled upon him but a while for the confining people gathering together at the firing of the Beacons and newes being brought him that the violence of Winde and Sea had split twelve of the best Ships of his Fleet indangering all the rest Hee with difficulty did re-imbarke himselfe and with much adoe got to Saint Maloes having runne divers times danger of being swallowed up by Sea This ill successe did no waies asswage the French mens heat for assembling together a fleet of eighty ships under the command of Marshall Moemerancy and the Generall of the Crosse-bow-men wherein they imbarked 12000. fighting men they came to Milford haven in Pembrokeshire where finding Pembroke Castle strong and well defended they sat downe before Erfordnuest which being likewise secured by the Earle of Arundell they passed forward to Denbigh doing all those out-rages as they went by fire and sword as are usually done in an enemies Countrey there they found Glendor who staied expecting them with ten thousand of his owne men thus met together they travailed toward Worster but not having time to try the towne by reason of the Kings approach they fired the suburbs and retyred into Wales fortifying themselves upon the hanging of a hill betwixt the which and the opposite hill where the King had pitched himselfe there was a Valley disadvantagious for those who should first passe over it they tarried eight daies in sight of one another both sides resolute not to assaile and though daily divers skirmishes were made yet were they not of much importance some of both sides being slaine amongst which the bastard of Burbone the Marshalls brother was one The King this meane while had stopped the passage of their victualls thereby inforcing them either to passe the Valley and fight or else to retire the latter being thought the better course they raised their campe at midnight marching through Woods and over Mountaines still pursued by the King but this pursute lasted but a while for the King having lost certaine provision of victualls which the enemy well
Kings of France of Iohn in England and Francis the first in Spaine The ransome of the two brothers sonnes to Charles of Blois were reserved for Richard the second and though it were afterwards by act of Parliament granted to Vere Duke of Ireland it was not done to prejudicate the right we speake of but to the end that by his being absent from the court the King might the better governe himselfe And for what concernes prisoners of lesser condition yet re-donable the example of the victory at Lepanto which happened in our fathers times may suffice in the which the confederates divided the Turkish prisoners and made them tug at one Oare in their fleet The King persisting in his resolution of having them they thought to make him desist therein by demanding of him things of greater consequence The Earle of Worster a wicked and turbulent man was hee who did forward this resolution an advice worst to the adviser and mortall to those who did embrace it The King was then at Windsor whither the Earle of Worster being come hee represented unto him the miserable imprisonment of Edmund Earle of Marsh their kinsman kept in fetters by Glendor and fallen into this misfortune for doing service unto his Majesty and the State He desired him to be the means of his freedome either by ransome or otherwise the King finding whither this request tended after having a-while bethought himselfe made answer that the Earle of Marsh was not taken prisoner in his service but by his owne consent as not willing to bee inforced to professe himselfe an enemy to Glendor and this answer he willed to be published to the terror of all such as had any inclination to him-ward Worster being returned and having acquainted his brother nephew with what had past the Nephew would not endure it who being a violent young man did wrongfully exaggerate the injustice saying That Henry not contented to bereave Edmund of the Kingdome did now deny him that succour which his service done unto him did chalenge That if he should have ransomed him it should not be done by his owne moneyes but by the inheritance which he usurped from Edmund and that in stead of praise through too much ingratitude he loaded him with undeserved calumnies wherein hee said truth for Edmunds wit was not proper for such inventions and if it had been true Glendor would not have treated him as he did But the King who had by evill meanes usurped the State from him could not by good meanes maintaine it not onely the losse of his liberty but the losse of his life would have re Lord Percy who came with intention to win the City failing in his intentions and the aids hee expected not appearing resolved to give battell of himselfe incouraged in that his souldiers were resolved to dye for their liberty and for the good of the Kingdome governed as he gave out by a Tyrant He sent the forenamed writing to the King by two Squires the which acquainted him with the reasons of his revolt and did likewise denounce the battell The King was there only named Duke of Lancaster it was written subcrib'd and seal'd by the names hands and seales of Henry Percy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England Lord Warden of the West Marches of Henry Percy Warden of the East Marches and of Thomas Percy Earle of Woster The contents thereof was that having sworne at his returne from France that he did pretend to nothing but the inheritance due unto him by his father and wife and that he would suffer the King peacefully to enjoy his Crowne he had done otherwise for after having through famine thirst and could caused King Richards death hee had usurped the Kingdome which did of right belong to Edmond Mortimer the lawfull heire causing the Burgesses of Parliament to bee chosen contrary to the forme of Law and priviledge of the subject so to suborn votes for his own advantage that he had denied to ransome Mortimer who being by them set at liberty hee had proclaimed them traytors that therefore they did defie him as a perjured and false man as an usurper of the crowne which did properly appertaine to the true heire and together with him they defied all his complices and such as sided with him as traytors acd destroyers of the State If true faults objected but in jest doe sting much more did these doe so accompanied with such upbraidings and threats But the King not woonted to discompose himselfe when hee had read the letter said merrily to the messengers that his sword should answer that scandalous writing and that he was confident God would assist his just quarrell against such forsworne disloyall traytors as were the Percies But his moderation in these occurrances is worthy a particular observation for lacking neither generosity nor courage if his usurpation and injustice did not bereave him thernof which did not appeare hee received all these injuries not onely untransported but with a setled judgement weighed that as to hazard his estate life and honour upon the fortune of one day would be an act of rashnesse if he could avoid it so to preferre his safetie before their offences would bee a point of wisedome For that injuries were passions of the minde which might breathe away in a standing fortune but the ruinous effects of a lost battell were irrepairable in a falling fortune so as cashiering all punctualities not caring what others would say of him he resolved to see whether he could in some sort fairly accommodate this businesse rather then trust to the inconstancy of fortune which was not to be tried till the last push And that in such a case he would shew that manlihood which men hasty and void of judgement might now tax in him He appeared the next day and ordering his troopes as the others did he sent the Abbot of Shrewesbury unto them accompanied with one of the officers of his privie Seale with an offer of pardon if they would yeeld to reasonable conditions The Lord Percie though naturally violent examining the businesse in the same sort as the King had done accepted the proposition Hee sent unto him his Uncle the Earle of Worster to require of him an effectuall reformation of those things which had caused them take Armes But the Earle though fully satisfied by the King in all his demands and in a more submisse sort then did become his degree made a cleane contrary relation to his Nephew envie and confidence for he judged the Kings humility to be cowardize and feare leading him by meanes of this deadly lye to his fatall end The young Percie thinking himselfe under-valued caused the signe of battell immediately to be given by sound of Trumpet the two Armies were about fourty thousand fighting men the rebels Vantguard was led by the Scots who after a great showre of Darts which slew many of both sides advanced themselves against the Vantguard Royall which rigorously withstood the first
Duke of Aubenge to maintaine himselfe in the government was forced to peacefull resolutions Wales was exhausted and Glendor dead so as having made great preparation of Ships Gallies and Treasure he thought suddenly to embarke himselfe when strucke with a sudden Apoplexy he was forced to take a further journey I beleeve that this his devotion touching Jerusalem was occasioned by a preceding prophesie if it be true that is said that hee should die in Jerusalem for being taken with this sicknesse in the Abbey at Westminster and carried into the Abbots next house as soone as hee was come unto himselfe he enquired where he was and if that chamber wherein he was had any particular name Answer was made that he was in the Abbots house and that the chamber wherein he was was called Jerusalem Here said he must I die he was put to bed and his Crowne set upon a little table by the bed side His sicknesse continuing and sezed by a violent syncope all men thought he had been dead The Prince thinking so likewise tooke the Crowne and withdrew himselfe into another chamber but shortly after he came to himselfe againe when missing his Crowne and being told that the Prince had taken it away he caused him be sent for and asked him how he durst bee so bold as to take that which did not belong unto him Sir replied the Prince forthwith I know the Crowne is none of mine so long as you live and may your Majesty live long to weare it but all wee who are here did thinke verily you were dead and I being your eldest sonne and consequently your heire took it as the chiefe thing of mine inheritance To the which words the King fetching a deepe sigh replied you say well my sonne but for what concernes the Crowne God knowes with what right I have enjoyed it Be it as it will replied the Prince you got it by the sword and by the sword will I maintaine it The King more satisfied with his sonnes noble resolution then with his reason recommended him to the protection of the Almighty and having given him good exhortations how to live well he died the 20. of March Annâ—… Domini 1413. He reigned 13. yeares and a halfe wanting five dayes He was not borne a King but did deserve to die one The end of the Second Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the Fifth The third Booke NO Prince was ever borne who did better deceive the common opinion held of him then did Henry the fifth For being in his youth given to much deboychery it was thought that when hee should come unto the Crowne hee would have proved one of the most wicked Kings that ever ruled in England In his valour and daring hee deceived none but was therein alwayes the same But such qualities the more they doe increase the hopes of good in a Prince of hopefull expectation the more doe they increase the feares of evill in a Prince from whom nothing of good is expected What is vertue in the one is vice in the other from which as if illegitimate cruelty neglect and tyranny do proceed Henry was born the yeare 1388. Mary the daughter of Humfrey Bohun Earle of Hereford and Northampton high Constable of England was his mother the King his father being then but Earle of Derby Hee was first brought up at Oxford where under the tuition of his uncle Henry Bewfort Chancellor of that University and afterwards Bishop and Cardinall he grew up in learning wherein he gave signes of a good disposition by putting an esteeme upon learned men insomuch as when he came to be King he made Thomas Rodban a famous Astronomer in those dayes Bishop of Saint Davids and Iohn Carpenter a learned Divine Bishop of Worcester having knowne them both whilst he lived in the University In the twelfth yeare of his age when his father came to the Crowne hee called him from his studies giving the Earle of Worcester to him for Governour who rebelling foure yeares after together with his brother and nephew affoorded him occasion of shewing his valour in battell against them Where hee so bravely behaved himselfe as being hurt hee would not quit the field though hee was much importuned so to do by those that had the charge of him After commanded by his father to pursue Owen Glendor in Wales hee forced him as some say to dye of meere hunger By which actions having prematurely obtained the priviledge of being man and freed himselfe from the superintendencie of others he was at his owne disposall guided by passions which sprung from the heat of bloud the which in a valiant daring Prince as was he produced in the subjects feare and in the father jealousie although the relation between father and sonne ought to bee composed of lesser jealousie then any other relation of friendship But this is not to be wondred at for being borne to egregious acts and his naturall inclinations accordingly framed erring hee could not erre in a meane degree or medium mediocrity being an equall enemy to great wits as well in good as bad Whence it happens that changing humours from best they become worst and from extraordinarily bad exceeding good His deboystnesse though were not such as are common to youth nor subject to such desires as effeminating the minde and dissinewing the strength have brought many Princes to misery and to be inwardly hated by their subjects but certaine sprightly extravagancies caused by the incitations of his martiall nature which not knowing in those yeares how to employ it selfe chused lewd wayes of imployment Amongst the pure seeds of vertue which were in him were certaine graines of Darnell which did almost at the same time bud and become barren He took delight to lye lurking in high wayes to steale from himselfe for observing the times that his tenants were to bring him home his rents hee would set upon them yea sometimes to the danger of his life making them make good in their accounts as much as had been stolne from them neither could they defraud him for he himselfe knew best how much they had lost And it they chanced to hurt or evill treat him hee liked them the better Businesses which in England undergoe death are reduced to two heads Felony Treason The last hath respect to the Princes person and such things as doe depend thereon The other regards civill affairs as man-slaughter theft and such like It so fell out that one of his servants that used to accompany him in such like exploits was taken for felony he came post to London to save him and finding that at the very instant he was carried to the Kings Bench barre to be condemned hee himselfe went thither and commanded the Goalers to take off his irons and set him at liberty The Lord chiefe Justice who at his comming had not stirred from his seat wished him to remember that that was the seat of his father King and
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
would not doe it the meanes hee had made choice of being the fittest and safest for his souldiers and the best suiting with their deserts That he would keep on his course and that when they should be humbled with famine he would further humble them with such punishment as their obstinacy did deserve This being said hee retired himselfe with an angry countenance into his lodgings commanding his officers to keepe them at dinner with them These people were as much astonished at the Kings wisdome as they were at his power After dinner having advised of what was to be done they desired another audience the which was by the King graciously granted them They desired a truce for eight daies and having obtained it returned to the City The English set up in their campe three rich tents one for their Commissioners one for those of the City and the third for the one and the other to conferre together in The King named the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury the Baron Fitzhugh Sir Walter Hungerford Sir Gilbert Humfreville and Sir Iohn Robsert together with Iohn Vasques of Almadas the City Iohn Buttler and six more The eight daies were spent in contentions accusations excuses demands and denialls nothing being concluded Whereupon when those of the City tooke their leaves they compassionately begged a prorogation of the truce till the suns next rising and obtained it When they were returned to the City they found the people in such an uproare as that they ran in danger of their lives so as they went early the next morning to Sir Iohn Robsert intreating him to interceede for a second prorogation of truce for foure dayes To the which the King againe giving way the surrender of the Towne was agreed upon the first day of the foure upon three and twenty Articles The chiefe of the which were That they should pay unto the King 365000 French Crownes that Robert Linet Vicar generall to the Archbishop Iohn Giordane Captaine of the Crosse-bowes and Allen Blancard should be delivered to the Kings disposall That they should sweare perpetuall fealty to him and all the Kings of England and that so doing they should enjoy all immunities and priviledges which they had enjoyed in the reigne of Saint Lewis That those who would might have leave to depart carrying nothing along with them but one ordinary suit of apparrell That the Souldiers marching out unarmed with a white staffe in their hands and one onely suite should sweare not to beare Armes against the King for one yeare next ensuing This Citie was surrendred the 19 day of January 1419. Guy Buttler accompanied by the best of the Towne brought the keyes and the Duke of Exceter tooke possession placing Corps de guarde and Sentinels where he thought necessary The next day the King made his entrance waited upon by foure Dukes ten Earles eight Bishops sixteen Barons and a great many Knights being met by the Clergy and Citizens who led him to the chiefe Church where he was received by the Archbishop and Cannons As soone as hee had given thankes he gave order for repaire of the ruines and causing proclamation to be made that all such Cities and Townes as would willingly submit themselves to his obedience should enjoy their former priviledges Caudebe Monstravillier Diepe Fescampe Arques Chasteau Neuf Dencourt Vernon Mante Gourne Honfleur Pont de Mer Triet Tancarville Abrichier Moleurier Vallemont Nucaville Ballacombre Fontenes Nugondeville Logembre Saint Germaine upon Calli Bodemont Bray Villaterra Ciarles Menill Ferefonte Beccrispin Baqueville and many other Townes sent him their keyes and received in English Garrisons The Countrey people and such as lived in the fields did the like so as the white Crosse of France was changed into the red of England Normandy fell into the hands of the English 229 yeares After the time that Philip the second tooke it from Iohn King of England which was the yeare of our Lord 1190. Allen Blancard was beheaded and the other two reserved to bee disposed of as the King should please were sometime after restored to their liberty having payed therefore great summes of money and the government of the Citie was conferred upon the Duke of Glocester The Duke of Burgony was hee who suffered more then any other in this losse whose authority being grounded upon the peoples good opinion was in danger to have fallen upon his opposite The evils which happened thereupon were to be imputed to him alone hee was the directer if not rather the corrupter of the State hee who by his evill practises had got possession of the Kings person had through his ill government obscured his lustre lost his reputation and lessened his command not void of suspition that he had intelligence with the King of England to suppresse the Dolphin a fault not to bee averred because it was not true the opinion thereof though likely to cause his ruine He could not contest against two enemies it behoved him to reconcile himselfe with one of them His naturall hatred his faction his ancient and new injuries his opinion of him to be of an humour not to be trusted his behoving to yeeld the government to him and the often denyed agreement between them made him despaire of reconciliation with the Dolphin With King Henry set the warre aside which may notwithstanding be maintained between generous Princes without malignity or hatred he had nothing of injury or offence His affaires being reconciled to him were not onely to be continued in thir present condition but bettered for his forces would be preserved entire to contend more vigorously against another The which being well weighed by him hee chose the later and sent expresse messengers unto Henry to perswade him to send Embassadours with whom at Troyes in Champania a truce was concluded by meanes whereof the two Kings meeting in a Parke neer Melune might treat of a peace And though King Charles came not thither hindered by a new accesse of his accustomed indisposition the Queene her daughter and the Duke failed not to come This fair Princesse was by them of purpose brought out of hopes that the beames of her beauty dazling King Henries eyes might make him desist from his rigorous pretences so as peace might be the easilier made and upon more advantagious conditions but where honour and love doe intershock Honour though a friend cannot but treat Love like an enemy Honour is not Honour if encountring with passions it overcome them not So as the King though he were much taken with her did not forgoe any thing he had formerly pretended unto hoping if hee could not get her by peace to win her by warre They came not at first to the Rendevous but having made choyce of two neighbouring places the Queen tarried at Pontouse the King at Mantes where he kept his Whitsuntide and made there three Earles Gaston de fois a great man in Gascony hee made Earle of Longaville Iohn Grey Earle of Tancherville and the Lord Bourchiere Earle
her as long as she lived which was but a small time for what concerned friendship with England his father having chalked out the way unto him from whence had he not swerved he had not died he thought he could not chuse a better way of revenge wherefore he answered the Parisians who after their condoling with him desired his assistance against the English by Embassadors which they of purpose sent that they should not need to trouble themselves therein for he hoped with the Kings good liking to make a peace which should secure them and their friends the which he forthwith did he sent the Bishop of Arras and two more with such officers to King Henry as were very well approved and the Bishop being returned with satisfaction he sent soone after him the Earle of Warwick and Bishop of Rochester with whom the Duke concluded a truce to indure till such time as a peace might finally be concluded by meanes whereof the way was opened for commerce betweene them as if the peace had been already concluded so as the English souldiers as friends and confederates did joyne with those of France and the Duke against the Dolphin assoon as he had accommodated his home businesse having obtained of his subjects all he could desire he came to Trois where he plotted the peace and marriage for King Charles did what hee was perswaded unto and those who did perswade him were the Dukes dependants and such as were upheld by the Duke King Henry being advertised hereof and nothing now remaining to conclude the businesse but the formality of his Embassadours hee sent the Duke of Exceter the Earle of Salsbury the Bishop of Ely the Lord Fitshug Sir Iohn Robsert and Sir Philip Hall with whom the peace and marriage was agreed upon the latter to be celebrated in that very place as soone as the King should come thither As soone as the Embassadours were returned Robsert only tarrying with the bridge the King went from Roan waited on by his brother Clarence and Gloster the Earles of Warwicke Salsbury Huntington Eu Tancherville Longaville and fifteene thousand fighting men making his journey by Pontoise Saint Dennis and Sciarantone where having left some troopes to secure the passage he came to Trois by the way of Provence and was met 2 leagues off by the Duke of Burgony and the Nobility which upon the like occasion were in great number come unto the Court his first meeting with the King and Queen was in Saint Peters Church where he took his Bride by the hand and the marriage was solemnized on Trinity Sunday with the greatest pompe that ever was seen in that Kingdome Hee corrected and altered the Articles as he pleased the which being sworne unto by the King Duke of Burgony Princes and Lords were sent to bee published in both Kingdomes they were thirty three in number the chiefest whereof were That King Charles should enjoy his dignity title and Kingdome as long as he lived That King Henry should bee Regent thereof and afterward Heire That neither he nor the Duke of Burgony should make peace with Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin without the consent of the three Estates of both Kingdomes That the peace between France and England should bee perpetuall That these two Kingdomes should never be dismembred one from another but should bee governed by one and the same King but under their severall Lawes Sens and Montreville were the two most important places which the Dolphin did hold in those parts so as the marriage solemnities being over they besieged Sens. This Citie would have held out longer had it had any hopes of succour but having none it surrendered it selfe the twelfe day Such Souldiers as would stay in the Kings service were suffered to depart their lives and goods saved except those who had had a hand in the Dukes death And though many of them did for the present accept of the English Crosse they did afterwards at severall times for sake it betaking themselves to the Dolphins service of the inhabitants the oath of fidelity obedience was onely demanded Montreule held out longer the Castle was fortified provided for a longer siege but though they did valiantly defend themselves the towne was taken within a few dayes thanks to the assailants successfull rashnesse who charged it on sundry sides without directions from the King or Duke When they had taken it pursuing their good fortune and closely following those who fled into the Castle they were the cause why many of them were drowned they tooke twenty prisoners almost all Gentlemen whereupon the King having lodged his people in the towne over-against the Castle-gate did yet more narrowly inclose it bereaving it of all hopes save a rationall capitulation But Monsieur de Guitres resolute in the defence was cause why twelve of the twenty prisoners whom the King had protested he would hang if the Castle did not yeeld were immediately hanged before his face after they had in vaine requested him and had their request seconded by their wives teares and friends intercession His inexorablenesse was the more to be blamed for that after so deplorable an execution he made good the Castle onely eight dayes Hee came forth his life and goods saved as likewise all such as would not remaine in the Kings service those onely excepted as formerly who had had a hand in the death of the Duke Guitres who was accused to bee one of them did defie his accuser a Gentleman of the Dukes but no apparant proofes being found hee was let goe The Duke had sent divers Gentlemen to cause his fathers body to be taken up who finding it buried in so miserable a manner tooke it up and wrapped it in lead and it was sent to Chertosa in Dijoune where he was buried neere unto his father At the same time his people tooke Villenense situate upon the same river putting all the garrisons to the sword The Dolphin on the other side made his progresse for being resolved to out the Prince of Orrenge who fought on Burgonies behalfe from such places as he held in Languedocke hee besieged Saint Esprite and assisted by Avignon and Provence tooke it and drove all the Princes people out of that Countrey The which being done hee returned to Burges his usuall abode that hee might raise what force possibly hee might intending rather the enemies proceeding then to give him battle The Duke of Bedford was come from England before the taking in of Montreule with two thousand Archers and eight hundred horses and was by the King and his brothers received with much joy Thus reinforced he went to besiege Melune The King of France came together with his Queen from Bray where they had tarried during the siege of Montreule to Corbeile Melune was begirt by two Camps with artillery and such engines as were then in use for the taking in of places Messieurs de Barbasan and de Preux commanded seven hundred fightingmen who were within the
towne By battery mines and trenches the assailants got shortly underneath the ditch The Duke of Burgony who had made himselfe master of a Bulwarke did fortifie it much to the prejudice of the besieged The King built a bridge over the Seene to serve for commerce between the two Campes securing the Bankes on both sides with good corps de guard and to free his quarters from danger of surprise he cut some trenches on the outside of them and raised some workes upon each end thereof that so they might not bee assailed without great danger to the assaylors The breaches made by battery were made good by earth and bavens the besieged omitted nothing wherein either diligence or foresight might stand them in stead one ruine was answered by another wherein they fought at push of pike and wherein the King and Duke of Burgony managed theirs King Charles was come unto the Campe and together with him the Queene accompanied by the Dutches of Clarence newly arrived from England with a great traine of Ladies who were lodged by King Henry in a house erected of purpose neare to his owne tents without the reach of Canon so as making use of this occasion he would trie whether the besieged would yeeld to their King or no but being questioned thereupon they answered that if Charles King of France would vouchsafe to enter there he should be received with all due respects unto his Majesty but not Henry King of England nor Philip Duke of Burgony their professed enemies he sent this meane while the Duke of Clarence to Paris giving him the chiefe command of the City to the end that taking possession thereof he might by English forces secure the most considerable places therein as the Basteille the Louvre the house of Neele and forth there of the Boys de St. Vicenne the Count of St. Paule who was chiefe commander there was sent to Picardy to receive the oathes of the Cities of that Province touching the peace with England and to except of King Henry as Regent and heire the which was done without any opposition the besieged and besiegers were both but in bad condition the one being reduced for lacke of better nourishment to eate all manner of uncleanesse the other by reason of the Prince of Orenges departure who was gone with his people into Provence to defend his own affairs by the rage of a violent pestilence which had much lessened their numbers insomuch as the Duke of Burgony was forced to send the Signior de Luxenburg to Picardy to raise more men who returning shortly after with them appeared in so handsome aray before Melune as that the inhabitants beleeving they had beene the succour they had so long expected did not onely shew signes of joy by the ringing of bells but growne insolent did mocke the besiegers an error of small continuance yet not sufficient to have made them yeeld if the Dolphin had not at the same time advertised them that he could not succour them This Prince was governed by the wisdome and upheld by the purse of the Count de Vertu brother to Orleans and Angolesme prisoners in England but he being at this instant dead he was like a ship without sailes he could not move towards the preservation of a place of so great importance The Town was surrendred the eighth of September upon disadvantageous tearms those who were guilty of the Dukes death were condemned a prime article not to be forgotten the souldiers were to be forthcomming till they could put in good security not to beare armes under the enemies of either of the two Kings that inhabitants submitted to pleasure their weapons and moveables were put into the Castle Monsieur de Barbasan who was accused of being guilty of the Dukes death was saved for that there appeared no proofes thereof against him save onely insomuch as he was the Dolphins servant This notwithstanding he was sent prisoner to Paris and from thence to Chasteau Galliarde where after nine yeares space he had the good lucke to recover his liberty the place being then taken by the Dolphins forces who his father being dead called himselfe King Monsieur de Preaux together with five or six hundred Gentlemen and Gentlewomen and Citizens were likewise sent to Paris put into severall prisons the chiefest of them into the Basteile those who were put to death were few amongst which was one Bertrand of Chaumont a Gascoine a naturall subject of England for that he was bribed to save Amicron de Lau an accessory in the Duke of Burgonies death though the Kings brother did intercede for him for he had alwaies beene valiant yet could they not obtaine his pardon for reason of State would not permit Henry to give way unto passion and to be partiall in the Duke the sonnes just revenge moreover in right he was to lose his life who saved the life of a delinquent not through pity but avarice Winter growing on the souldiers requiring rest after having been so long in field the two Kings retired themselves to Paris being met by the people and Clergy with great magnificency they rid together the King of France on the right hand they lighted at the Church of nostre Dame and from thence Charles went to l'Hostell de Saint Paul Henry to the Louvre and the Duke of Burgony to his owne house l'Hostelle de Artois the next day the two Queenes made their entry in the like manner and were received by the City with great expressions of joy and met by the brothers of the Kings and Duke of Burgony followed by all the Nobility richly presented by the Citizens particularly the Queene of England and the King her husband The Dolphin had beene set upon all this while onely by the way of war now they endeavour to opugne him by the Law a businesse which did nothing at all import Henries pretences his foundations were of another sort not supported by these formalities for without them without his marriage with Catherine or his being adopted by Charles all of them workes of supererrogation in this case he was lawfull King but it redounded to his advantage to second the Duke of Burgonies desires that thereby or by what ever other meanes the Dolphin might be by the people abandoned Princes are subject to no seate of justice save that of conscience all others are but phansies and tricks fansies and therefore not to be despised for such are oft times more embraced by the people then is reason whence it happens that their authority being darkened and deprived of its lustre by contrary opinions they are subject to the eclipses of their subjects disobedience Burgony endeavoured the Dolphins ruine his fathers murtherer he was to open the way thereunto by the peoples fury perswade them hee could not for though the fault were very hainous the guilty party was by the common Law and Law of nature of too great authority with them being borne their Prince yet men alwaies
reserving some seeds of equity in them hee hoped that by objecting this case cloathed with the habit of justice dyed in the colours of so many perjuries treasons and breach of faith hee might cancell the respect the people bore him and by degrees draw them from pitty and commiseration to hatred and from hatred to armes Charles the Dolphin according to the pretended Law Salique set aside that Henries pretences were by the people repulsed that so they might repulse his person not onely as a stranger but as an English man was presumed heire to the Crowne Moreover the murther of the Duke of Orleans set aside the circumstances was in its originall more wicked then this if the Duke of Burgony had then beene punished as of right he ought to have beene in his estate the Dolphin had had no occasion to bereave him of his life so as the parity of fault requiring parity of punishment it was against reason the second should be punished by justice when by injustice the former scaped unpunished whilst having no respect to the diversity of the delinquents qualities the Dolphin being a priviledged person as Soveraigne should be punished for being so rather then the Duke for being a subject let us learne by this that mens particular interest is that which ever hath ever doth pretend and that severity is quick sighted when the question concerneth others but blind when we are our selves concerned This cause was pleaded in the presence of both the Kings the Princes and Judges in the low Hall of l'Hosteile de Saint Paul by the dowager Dutches of Burgonies advocate and the Duke her sonnes who accused Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin the Vicount of Narbone Monsieur de Barbasan Tannigues de Chasteau William Butler Iohn Lovet President of Provence Robert de Loyre Olâ—…ver Laiet and others of this murther he demanded justice and particularised in what punishment this plea was seconded by a Doctor of Sorbonne sent thither for this purpose by that Colledge who by many allegations drawne from the Scripture laboured to perswade the two Kings to punish those who had had their hands in so grievous a fault but no declaration being forthwith to be made without the due proceedings in Law the Chancellor answered in the Kings name that by the advice of the King of England Regent of France and his declared heire all should bee done that was requisite in so important a businesse so as the Dolphin being cited to the marble table with the accustomed solemnities and not appearing he was for his contumacy declared guilty of the aforesaid murther falne from the Crowne incapable of what ever present or future succession and banished the Kingdome the Dolphin hearing this appealed to his sword the which was that alone which afterwards by the helpe of the Duke of Burgony his chiefest enemy did annull the proces decide the question and cut in two the sentence King Henry was to go for England after Christmas to make new provision or warre and to cause the Queene his wife to be crowned so as having licenced the three estates who all had sworne obedience to him he went his way having the Duke of Exeter with five hundred fighting men in Paris and in other places good and faithfull governours he stayed a while in Roan to give order for things belonging to the Dutchy and left therein the Duke of Clarence his generall from thence he together with his other brethren tooke his way towards Callice and were received in England with such joy as Kings use to receive who returne crowned with victory and accompanied by wives rich in dowry grace and beauty as was his she was crowned at Westminster on Saint Matthews day where whilst the pompe and solemnity exceeded whatsoever of former times fortune prepared funerall solemnities for the Duke of Clarence in France a businesse which being very diversly reported by authors forces me first to recount what the English say thereof then how others relate it for passion within circumstances of winning or losing is very great amongst them makes them to contradict one another who doth not joyne them together will hardly be able to extract the truth This Prince had made a select choyce of Soldiers out of all the garrisons of Normandy hee entred Umena and passed over Loire placing himselfe underneath Angiers hoping that those of the Towne would have fought with him but they not issuing forth hee spread himselfe over the countrey where after having enriched his people with prey and prisoners he returned for Normandy Being come to Bewford he understood that a great number of enemies were at Beuges conducted by the Duke of Allanson the Dolphins Lieutenant who had in company with him 26 French Lords one Spanish Captaine Iohn Earle of Bow han Robert his brother sonnes to the Governour of Scotland Archibald Dowglas Earle of Vigtonia Alexander Linsay brother to the Earle of Crayford and eighteene Scottish Gentlemen lately come from Scotland with 700 Souldiers Buchanan saith seven thousand hee was about to set suddenly upon them but did not for to assaile an enemy not knowing his forces is like walking in a darke night in unknowne wayes He had at that time one Ardrea Fregosa an Italian who had been with the French and who assured him that the enemy was so few in number that halfe his company was sufficient to rout them so as beleeving this mans relation who did abuse him being desirous of glory hee took only the horse along with him commanding the Bowmen not to stirre and leaving them under the command of his sonne Iohn called the Bastard of Clarence betweene him and the enemy there was an uneasie and a narrow passage through which when without any opposition hee had passed he discovered the enemy not farre off and contrary to the relation made unto him in full and well ordered troops whilst hee not able to retire the passage being taken which if it had not been he could not passe over it againe in File as he did before without danger it did more availe him to hazard himselfe by making a stand then by giving backe to venture the being shamefully cut in pieces The one side fought desperately the other bravely but the English not being above one for foure were discomfited the Duke himselfe being slaine the Earle of Tancherville Gilbert Vmfreville Earle of Kent the Lord Ros Sir Iohn Lumblâ—…y and Sir Robert Verend and neare upon two thousand others the Earles of Somerset and Suffolke the Lord Fitzwalter Sir Iohn Barckley Sir Ralph Nevil Sir Henry Iuglos Sir William Bowes Sir William Longiton Sir Thomas Burrowes and many others were taken prisoners Of the French were slaine about twelve hundred of the best of the Army The Bastard of Clarence who after the Dukes departure was informed of the number of the enemies marched with all possible diligence to succour him but came too late and the French having notice thereof retired themselves with their
sacraments which by the Church of Rome were prescribed to dying men he dyed the last of August of a plurisie a disease not wel known in those daies which caused amongst the common people two severall opinions of his death the one that he dyed of a disease called Saint Anthonies fire the other of that called Saint Fiacree which is convultions or extention of the nerves hee raigned nine yeares five months and twenty three daies not having fully compleated his eight and thirtieth year his temperature according to the observations of physicke promised a longer life he was of a leane and sinnowie body of a black haire his limbs well proportioned and active of stature higher then usuall his face well shaped though somewhat long endowed him with a manlike beauty England hath had before and since his time many worthy Kings but of perfections exceeding his none he was just wiâ—… magnanimous valiant I would say fortunate if fortune had any abiding place with vertue he undertooke a difficult warre in a time when his enemies intestine dissention did facilitate it unto him he thereby appeased his Kingdome purging it of all its ill humours he healed it and made it greater by reducing slothfull and vagabond people the ordinary plagues of common wealths from idlenesse and vice to warfare and honour hee was served by inclination and affection the greatnesse of his spirit and his heroique actions were the loadstones which drew unto him his subjects love and reverence he was of an unblameable life and an enemy to all vice which may serve for a sufficient testimony for whatsoever else of good may be said of him at home he spilt no bloud save that of the Earle of Cambridge and his fellow conspirators under whose ashes as long as he lived and some while after all civill wars was buried and if he used severity abroad armes his enemies obstinacy and the lawes of war must suffer the blame The end of the first Volume THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY THE SIXTH BY the lives of the preceeding Kings wee have seene that the Civill Warrs had their beginning from the bad Government of Richard the second that Henry the fourth did first commence them and Henry the fifth suspend them but that after 40. yeares Peace they should againe breake forth under Henry the sixth when the Government was established Mens minds quieted and appeased is a matter worthy of consideration which ought not to bee passed over to the end wee may examine whether this hapned by default of the Subjects or Prince and which of them it was that after the cure of the first malady were causers of the second Wee shall find Arguments probable enough if wee consider the different natures of the two last Kings Henry the fifth found a Kingdome usurped by his Father so exasperated by the deaths and confiscations of many as he would never have beene able to have setled and maintained a Peace had not his valour caus'd him to be fear'd and his vertue belov'd by his Subjects in all the time of his life he met with no other Conspiracie then that of Richard Earle of Cambridge which was suppress'd as soone as undertaken not for that Richards Heires were Children since that Edmund Mortimer lawfull Heire to the Crowne outliving him pretences were not like to be wanting to any one who durst have molested him but for that Edmunds fearefull or were it peacefull nature the tender yeares of such as were to succeed him the ambition of great ones allured by honours and inriched by forraigne Warrs and that another King could not better their private conditions nor rayse the publike honour to a higher pitch were the true causes which did suppresse alterations being dead the fortune which did accompany him during his life did not for a long time forsake him in the person of his Sonne insomuch as in his infancy and two succeeding ages he was by his Subjects served without contradiction out of hopes that together with the Kingdome he had Inherited his Fathers vertues his tender yeares priviledged by his owne comlines and the love of others had not afforded them time to dis-deceave themselves in what concerned vallour and wisdome vertues in him of much expectation whil'st the bright sunshine of other vertues dasled the Eyes of the wisest for malice it selfe cannot but confesse that Henry the sixth was one of the best and holiest Kings that ever England had if goodnes alone without the helpe of other vertues were only required to the office of a King but there is difference betweene the vertues of private Men and of Princes what is sometime to be praysed in the one is to be blamed in the other not for that the faculties of operation bee not from the highest to the lowest uniforme in all but that being diversified by the differing condition betweene Princes and Subjects they produce contrary actions according as the condition of those who operate is contrary and as the wayes and imaginations of God are not such as are those of Men so all due and reverent proportion being given if any proportion at all be to be given the conceptions and proceedings of Princes ought not to bee such as are those of private Men. Very morall vertues though the same in all Men are not in them considerable but with a particular difference for that becomes them and they may do that which becomes not us nor may wee doe Henry was a good Man but no good King Hee was borne with good intentions but of himselfe simple Conditions plausible in a private Man misbecomming him that Raignes and in all cases harmefull for as wisdome without goodnes is a meere infirmity so goodnesse without wisdome is a meere defect Were it not the part of wisdome to put us upon those actions which in reason wee ought to doe but only to make us simply or meerly good he would have had no need thereof nor yet they who are naturally given to be good Those who imagin'd all vertues though differing in name not to differ in Office but that they all were so many wisdomes did not perhaps beleeve amisse experience shewes us that without wisdome fortitude is rashnes justice severity and temperance disorder other vertues are common or indifferent to all Men this of wisdome in Princes is singuler The goodnes of Henry the sixth was a Cloyster life goodnes but as the affections of a King doe not befit a Clergie-man so doe not the affections of a Clergie-man besit a King Wee are borne under two Lawes the one of God the other of Nature the which though distinct are not incompetable if wee do embrace the former which hath no other end but the spirituall health the choice is good and much the better if it be accompanied with contempt of the World and mortification of the Spirit If the second in which Princes are comprehended and which joyned to faith doth not exclude saving
health to command and to Raigne requires active Spirits as farre differing from this contempt and mortification as ought a Clergie-man differ from the lively and ready resentments which are requisit in him that commands The foure Beasts which are described to have Eyes before and behind ought to serve for a type to Henry for if the inward eyes of conscience were sufficient to him as a Christian the outward eyes of wisdome were requisite to him as a Prince A Prince cannot be said to be good and innocent though of harmlesse intention and customes when his simplicity proves hurtfull to his wellfare honour and Subjects Goodnes ought not to be borne a Sister with us but be begotten by us wee our selves ought to be the Fathers thereof our will the Mother and Election the Soule for though naturall simplicity or sincerity brings with it many advantages hee is notwithstanding more to be commended who hath not transgressed when he might have done so for well doing is not defined by Ignorance of evill or an impotency thereunto but when a Man is able and knowes how to do amisse and doth it not A bound which does not exclude the faculties of civill actions as did Henryes goodnes which was borne a Sister with him but makes them so much the better by how much after the primary cause its objects are the second without which there is no corporeall nor civill life I know not whether his education did concurre with his nature to the making him what he was but doubtlesse faults enough are committed in the education of Princes in their Childhood they are observed with too much respect whilst their discreet Governours knowing that some Witts require the spurr some the bridle ought to make use thereof alternatly and with respect but not excesse for by thus doing they will not only make them be reverenced and beloved by their Subjects but respected and feared by all Nations However it bee 't is evident that Henry's ruine did derive it selfe from this simple inanimate goodnes which lame in its owne judgment rested it selfe upon that of others so as loosing reputation the Soule of Government he therwithall lost Authority Kingdome Liberty and Life The Conditions of affaires in both Kingdomes at Henry the fifths Death was such as by reason of the good directions he left could not be amended His Subjects were ready to obey drawne by the glory of so many famous Victories and by the profit which accrewd unto them by so many considerable acquisitions In France the home discentions of that Kingdome the wisdome and vallour of the Duke of Bedford and the good Commanders and Souldiers which waged Warre under him nourished hopes of more happy proceedings And the two Brothers Unckles to the Infant King free from jealousy and evill intelligence the Duke of Bedford remaining chiefe in France with the Title of Regent and the Duke of Glocester commanding in England under the Title of Protectour did conspire not only to preserve what they had gotten but to acquire more but the cause being tane away the effects cannot continue Charles the fifth King of France dyed within lesse then 3. Moneths after King Henry the fifth who being incapable of Government and govern'd by his Wife a revengefull Woman and bad Mother had by her meanes alienated his Kingdome deprived his Sonne thereof and set dissention among his Subjects to the increase of Englands greatnes Philip Duke of Burgony who according to the Councell of deceased Henry was to be insnared by allurements was by Glocester distasted driven thereunto either by ambition or love or both Whereby Men may learne not to build too much upon their owne knowledge but to watch over their selves every little intrest being sufficient to change us to the worse Since Glocester a good and wise Prince ceased to be so when he suffer'd himselfe to be transported by his passions and private intrests seldome meeting with publique respects those who looke after the one abandon the other or else do ruine both the one and the other together with the State and themselves as did he These were the true causes of the English retrogadations in France civill discentions in France had establish'd the English and the reconciliation betweene the Duke of Burgony and Charles the seaventh was their ruine So as though the recomencement of the Civill Warres be chiefely ascribed to the losses in France yet since they began not till the King was growne a Man and that the Affaires of France were little better then quite lost there would have beene no liklyhood of any disorders in England if things had succeeded well and the Sonne had beene like the Father for in the same manner as the one supprest the Conspiracie of the Earle of Cambridge and thereby wonne reputation the other might have quell'd the Duke of Yorkes audacity and have preserved his Kingdome but the Sword wherwith Scanderberg cut off arm'd limbs was not of the same temper when manag'd by another Hand and therfore the reall difference is that wheras the Earle did Justle with a strong and fierce Lyon his successors encountred with a weake milde lowly Lambe King Henry was proclaymed King when he was about 8 Moneths old the Duke of Exceter and his Brother the Bishop of Winchester were deputed for the Government of his person and the Queene his Mother for his Diet whilst the Duke of Glocester Protectour of the Kingdome took care for all things which might make for Peace at home or Warres abroad the Infant King was brought from Windsor to London to be showne in full Parliament his Mothers bosome was his Throne and generall acclamations serv'd as the earnest penny of obedience Ayds were willingly contributed for the perservation of what his Fathers worth had won The Duke of Bedford on the other side surprised by the disadvantageous Death of Charles the sixth which hapned in October the same yeare and by his being forsaken by many who had formerly followed his Standard to follow the Dolphin who was proclaymed King by the Name of Charles the seaventh knowing how contrary to their naturall affections that obedience was which those who remained with him had sworne to the King his Brother did in a solemne Assembly cause new Oaths to be taken in the behalfe of the now Heyre a thing readily obtained but very irreligeously observed and had it not beene for the power and authority of the Duke of Burgony a Prince of great Possessions and attendance the affaires of England would not have lasted so long as they did but they grew worse and worse according as he slackned his vigilancy therein by reason of Glocester and the City of Orleans wherewith he was not trusted by reason of the death of his Sister who was Wife to Bedford and by his totall alienation when having appeased his anger against Charles the lives of those first Warriers who were his friends did cease Henry in Paris was likewise proclaymed and sworne King of
taken care to assemble together such as were escaped hee had beene wholly destitute of Souldiers Steven de Vignolus called la Hire did the like for considering in what condition his King was without Souldiers Commanders and Princes of the bloud all of them being all most Prisoners to the English Hee quitted Vitres and other places in Champagnia to joyne his troopes with the others Charles had not any time before beene in a worse condition Monsieur de Rombarres deputed to the custody of Vernuille with 3000. men as hath beene said yeelded it up two dayes after comming all of them out of the Towne their Lives Armes Baggadge and Horses saved Hee likewise was of some comfort to the common apparent ruine The Duke of Bedford who after so happy successe had withdrawne himselfe to Roan and from thence to Paris sent the Lord Scales with 2000. men accompanied by Sr. Iohn Montgomery and Sr. Iohn Falstaffe to annoy Aniou and Mayne where though a number of Castles yeelded unto them yet this seeming but a small affaire the neighbourhood of these two Provinces being dangerous for the safety of Normandy and requiring greater effects the Earle of Salisbury with 10000. fighting men went to besiedge Mans the Metropolitane of Maine battering it in such a sort as throwing to the ground the Houses Walls and Toures thereof Hee wonne it to his obedience and giving the command thereof to the Earle of Suffolke and the Lieutenancy to Falstaffe hee passed forward to S. Susanna defended by Ambrogius de Lore assaying it on that side which hee thought fittest for assault but having got no good thereby the Walls being manifully defended Hee bethought himselfe how to have it without so much bloud Hee played upon it with his Ordnance two whole dayes together so as having layd flat its defences and reduc'd it to such a point as that it was not able to endure any other assault they were inforced to surrender paying some certaine monies and the Garrison comming forth onely in their Doublets their lives saved From hence he went too before Forte Barnardo where being advertis'd by the Gascons of Alansons Garrison how they had made agreement with Iohn de Villiers to sell unto him that place for 400. Crownes hee sent thither the Lord Willoughby and Falstaffe with 2000. Souldiers who surprised the purchaser whilst he thought to have made his entry with 200. Horse and 400. Foote which hee had brought to guard the place they slew him none of the rest escaping save 25. thankes to their Horses heeles The place which hee besieged being then yeelded up unto him together with a many more hee frighted France which thought fortune too partially favourable unto him At this time Edmund Mortimer Earle of March formerly deprived of his liberty died at Trimmes in Ireland whereupon his just and lawfull pretences fell upon Richard Plantaginet sonne to that Richard Earle of Cambridge who by the commandement of Henry the fift was beheaded at Antona wee shall shortly heare newes of his claime unfortunate to him the King and kingdom for though he turned England topsey turvy he did not notwithstanding compasse the government thereof the which was reserved with better fortune for his sonne This his death was accompanied by the death of Iohn Mortimer his Cousin who accused of treason to the scandall of all men suffered the punishment of the Law his faults being beleeved to bee calumnies and himselfe brought to so ignominious an end for that alone which by vulgar Politicians is called Reason of State The same resolution which as wee have said made the Duke of Glocester marry Iacoline of Baviers contrary to the Law made him likewise resolve to take up Armes against him who of all others was most requisite for the friendship of England neither could hee after the first errour forbeare committing of others for he was inforced to recover for her her possions injoy'd by the Duke of Brabant her legitimate husband the which hee now pretending himselfe to be the like must account his Neither thought he that he should neede any great forces since Hannault which was to be the seat of the warre was thought to favour him for the people of the Country had alwayes sided with their true and naturall Princes so as both of them imbarking themselves at Dover with 5000. fighting men conducted by the Earle Marshall they went to Calis Duke Philip according to appointment formerly made with the Duke of Bedford was come for this cause to Paris and after having friendly disputed it amongst themselves they framed an agreement to be accepted of by both parties the Duke of Brabant did not refuse to accept thereof but Iacolina and Glocester did who said they might goe to take possession of what was their owne without the interposition of others A resolution which did inwardly wound the brother who foresaw the evills that were to ensue thereupon and did touch Philip to the quicke being interessed in these states and Princes by neighbourhood and pretensions besides he thought Glocester did too little value him whilst the English ought rather to set an esteeme on him then on any other Neither did hee forbeare to say to Bedford that since his brother would not condescend to the agreement made between them two he was not to be blamed if he should imploy all the forces he had in the behalfe of Brabant against Glocester to the which Bedford knew not what to reply no reason being to be given for his actions who not respecting friendship equity nor publik interest is resolv'd to pursue his owne Caprichies Glocester passed through Artois into Hannault where he and his wise Iacolina were received with all expressions of obedience all the Lords and Gentry of the Country comming into their service except the Counts Conversan Angebert and Anguiere and Iohn de Iumont who were the onely men that with their Townes and Fortresses observed the oath they had formerly taken to the Duke of Brabant who growing more powerfull by reason of the concourse of men from Artois and Flanders for Philip had made it be proclaimed that such as were obliged to weare Armes should goe to his service he began the warre to the great incommoditie of the Country the which growing cooler towards their Princes would have shewed some effects had not not their places of chiefest importance beene in the power of the English Glocester did not beleeve that Philip would have opposed him but hearing of the Proclamations and seeing the effects hee made his grievance knowne unto him by letters which though in some sort modest yet were they not void of injury for he had let fall from his pen that in his Proclamations there were many untruthes whereupon Philip replyed that hee had taken upon him the defence of his Cousin the Duke of Brabant as by reason hee was obliged by accepting the Articles of that agreement which Glocester refused to doe whilst both law and conscience required that the deciding
incommodity had alienated the which if the English had in any sort imitated they had not lost France for Philip was their onely Piller whereupon their Fabricke was to relie but trusting more upon their owne forces then was convenient and being more jealous of him then they ought to have beene they seconded their hatred whilst anger harmefull in government for want of requisite dissimulation causeth irreperable ruine wherein if any one shall thinke that I contradict my selfe since I have else-where beene of another opinion he will be of another mind if hee consider when I treated thereof it was touching the legallity thereof where now 't is touching the expediency by which humane actions ought chiefly to bee regulated Philip sent a King at Armes to give an account of this peace in England changing the wonted stile in his letter which hee sent to Henry for whereas before he stiled the King of France and England his Lord and master in these he termed him onely King of England his welbeloved Cousin The contents thereof was that being overcome by entreaties of the Pope of the Fathers of the Counsell of Bazille of all the Princes of Christendome hee had made peace with Charles to shun the being thought cruell and implacable he desired him likewise to do the like to the end he might be numbred amongst the authors of publike tranquillitie offering to serve him therein The Embassadour was not permitted to see the King but sent backe without any letters what could be said to the greatest enemy was said to him by word of mouth wherein they forbeared not to call Philip perjured traitour and this newes being divulged in the Citie the people not able to revenge themselves of Philip vented their fury upon his subjects who for traffique sake had their abodes in London they slew many of them and would have slaine them all had not the Kings Proclamations withheld them But those who were most rationall and who had not imbrued their hands in the blood of these innocents accused by Philip of hipocrisie in that hee made a scruple to make the peace as having sworne to obey Henry as his King but yet did it when he had received absolution from the Legat which was a tacite kind of judgement which ought not to be made when both parties are not heard An oath is not subject to absolution if there bee nothing of evill therein no evill was in his oath since Henry was not declared nor was not to be declared an usurper save by the reall evidence of a Salique Law They did not accuse the Legats authoritie but his act the which though it were excusable the end thereof being good yet give it for granted that the evill thereof were pardonable in respect of the good that was thence expected what good was there to be hoped for whilst the Swords of such Princes were yet wreaking with blood for France and Burgondy being accorded and England excluded out of the agreement shee was thereby endangered as inferiour in Forces in other too lately united to her destructions But none understood this businesse better then Philip nor did better make it conduce to his owne ends for being scandalized with his fathers death he sided with the English violated the pretended salique Law bereft Charles of his Crowne and Inheritance and gave it to England hoping that the government should be conditionall in her absolute in him and if it be sayd that if he had had any such designe hee would not have refused the Regency when it was offered him I answer that he refused it out of singular wisedome for that being come newly to his estate and finding the people of Flanders contumatious hee would have increased their forwardnesse by living farre from them besides the danger that his command was likely either to cause a breach betweene him and the English who would not be satisfied with his superioritie or else coolenesse in the administration of succour which would not fall out under the authoritie of one of their owne Princes of fortune for that distracted by the regency of France hee could not have made those accusations which hee did finding himselfe afterwards deceived in his first hopes that the English would have beene governed at his pleasure Bedford having alwayes commanded by his owne particuler authority and having so farre revenged himselfe of Charles as that his anger grew now to be somewhat appeased distasted by Bedford and growne greater else-where hee changed his purpose hee chose that King which hee had rejected and rejected that King which hee had chosen So as after the death of 300000. men who all dyed in this quarrell after the destruction of so many Cities hee made peace gaining thereby that which he could never have pretended to much lesse have had from the English one onely thing did not succeed unto him neither did it much import him that as by the degrading of Charles and promoting of Henry the fifth hee added nothing to the claime of England whose pretensions were not grounded upon such foundations so by revoking what hee had done and gainesaying himselfe he brought no prejudice at all thereunto for what remaines he was a Prince worthy of the Cognomen that was given him of God if you will pardon this present affaire and that of his cosen Giacholina Countesse of Bavaria Philip did like unto Rivers overgorged with raine which when floods of waters cease returne to their former channell when his desire of revenge ceased hee forsooke the English and returned unto his owne proper nation and blood and as hee might have done better had hee not violated his plighted faith so if he had not plighted it his vertue had beene the greater but to commit errours being a thing common since there is none that doth not doe amisse not to out doe others in mischiefe is almost a species of vertue The Duke of Bedford dyed 7. dayes before the peace concluded by Philip the one happening the 14. the other subscribed the 21. of September but by him foreseene long before I will not say that his foreseene peace was his death but that it was in part a cause thereof may probably bee conjectured Generous hearts use to bee undaunted in danger but in the change of fortune if they bee not accumulated by adversity they are macerated by vexation his death is to bee numbred amongst the chiefest causes of the losse of France hee was a wise and prudent Prince of long experience in armes and governement inferiour to no Commander in his time hee was obeyed by his owne feared by his enemies in so much as Lewis the eleventh being many yeares after in the Church of Nostre-Dame at Roan where Bedford is buried and being told by some as hee was looking upon his Tombe that that sumptuous memoriall was a great shame to France since it had bin by him so much endamaged that therefore it should bee defaced and his bones throwne out hee nobly answered that
she was but 13. yeares old and he himselfe above 50. was married a second time to Matthias Count de Castelbuono of the house of Fois who had by her one daughter but being hardly handled by her husband she made a will whereby she made King Charles her heire in case her daughter should die without lawfull heires for the which her husband shut her up in prison when she was fourescore yeares old upon this her daughter dyed and Charles having his hands full else where Matthias maintained by the Count de Fois and by agreement with Count Armignac both his cousen smade himselfe master of many places of that County Amignac doing the like who laid pretences thereunto the King who was obliged to assist Iane and desires to enjoy in his due time the inheritance that was given him commanded her husband to present her at Tholouse where asperation between her him being declared halfe the county was assigned over to her the other half reserved for the kings use but she dying some three moneths after and Count Armignack having usurped many places Charles sent the Dolphin against him so as being abandoned by Count Perdriak his brother by Count de March and by Salatzar a Captaine of Arragon who did all sustaine him hee shut himselfe up in a Castle where thinking to couzen the Dolphins young yeares by simulation and treaties he was by the same arts cozened by the Dolphin who was a great master therein for when he suffered him to enter into the Castle hee tooke him prisoner and sent him his wife his second sonne and two daughters to Carcassonne from whence he was delivered at the intercession of Count de Fois his desire then to revenge this affront and to regaine this County from Charles made him offer this marriage which tooke no effect as wee shall see The Pope and all the other Princes of Christendome continued in the desire of making a peace betweene these two Kings to the which they thought the expences they had beene at and the reciprocall evills they had suffered would make them more inclinable to this purpose an Assembly was appointed at Tours whither came most of the Princes of the blood and those who came not sent their substitute amongst which the Duke of Burgony sent his for Henry came William Poole Earle of Suffolke Doctor Adam Mollins Lord Keeper the Lord Robert Rosse and others for Charles the Duke of Orleans Lodovick of Burbone Count de Vandosme and Monsieur de Pesigni but meeting with the wonted difficulties not likely to be ended in a short time A truce for 18. moneths was concluded by which meanes they hoped they might meet with the necessary expedients for the desired peace some report that upon this occasiō Henry demanded Margaret of Aniou daughter to Renatus King of Scicily for wife which was not so for his marriage with the daughter of Count Armignack was at that time thought as good as concluded her fathers performance of his promises being only expected for the consummating thereof the onely moover in the other was the Earle of Suffolke who did it of his owne head not acquainting any of his Colleagues therewithall and wherein hee did too boldly exceede his instructions if hee did it out of beleefe that this new allyance by blood was requisite to the joyning of their mindes he was much too blame for if consanguinitie be of no moment amongst Princes when particuler interest is in question much lesse affinitie if not Henry being the sonne of Charles his sister no tie save that of father could more strictly have united them so as it did not much import that the Queene of France should bee Aunt by the Fathers side to her whom he should marry since Charles was Vncle to himselfe by the mothers side what was credited was that the Earle did this to advance himselfe by meanes of this Lady intended by him for wife to Henry without any further respect The conclusion was that the King of Scicily should have all restored unto him which did patrimonially belong unto him in Aniou and Maine and which were now enjoyed by the King of England so as it was not sufficient that this unlucky marriage should neither bring profit with it nor any hopes thereof but that to make it on all sides disadvantagious hee should endow his father in law with these countries which had beene wonne at expence of blood and which for safety and reputation ought to be unallienable from the Crowne of England but the fate if any such thing there be which led him unto ruine was in-evitable for the Eà rle of Suffolke being returned to England figured forth this match as a meanes to end the warres to procure peace and make the Kingdome happy whereby he blinded the Councell and painted forth the Lady in the most lovely colours that beauty could bee set forth in and in conditions the most sublime that might become a Princesse whereby hee allured Henry so as though no man did approve of it as thinking it good some seemed to approve of it not to displease Suffolke and all to please the King who was perswaded to it for it is dangerous for such as councell Princes to have more regard to the Prince his profit then to the humoring of him in his affections Which were it otherwise Princes would be too happy and peradventure not acknowledged God the author thereof who doth therefore counterpoise the power of their might with the impotency of their passions The Duke of Glocester was hee alone who to his cost opposed it thinking the former intended match not fit to be broken as well for that it was amisse to faile the Count Armignac as likewise that his alliance was more advantagious and of more pregnant hopes of honorable atchievements whereas the other brought nothing with it but losse the Citie of Mens Mayne and that part of the Dutchy of Aniou which Henry possessed serving as a Bulwarke to Normandy did to the first losse of their surrendring adde a second of weakning the affaires in France which ought to be maintained in their full force to the end that the treatie of peace might bee made upon the better termes but all these reasons were to no end since the heavens had decreed that the Duke should for this cause loose his life the King his life and state the Crowne all that it possest abroad and the kingdome that peace at home which till then it had injoyed When Charles understood that Henry was herewithall contented he sent unto him the Count de Vandosme a Prince of the blood and the Archbishop of Rheins who concluded the match the more to honour this unfortunate marriage Henry created three Dukes and one Marquesse he made Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington Duke of Excester Humphrey Earle of Stafford Duke of Buckingham Henry Earle of Warwicke Duke of Warwicke and the Earle of Suffolke who was the authour thereof Marquesse of Suffolke and for his further
those of the Garrison were furnished with shipping to transport them and had safe conduct by land together with their weapons and goods the Souldiers without suffered much in this short siege for the season was very violent in raine and inundations so as the waters entered into all the Huts throughout the whole Campe this notwithstanding they willingly underwent all incommodities seeing the King expose himselfe to all dangers his example made them willing to suffer with him the onely way to infuse patience into the French for being led on by their King they out did themselves doing that under his command which under anothers had beene impossible for them to doe and because wee have diciphered this King else where with affections much differing from these present actions wee must cite Hallian for our discharge who will free us from reproach telling what happened in the yeare 1445. he falls upon these words In the concourse of so many affaires the King suffering himselfe to be transported by pleasures fell in love with a Gentlewoman belonging to the Queene his wife called Agneta Sorrell borne in Onvergne a Lady so faire as shee acquired the name of Agneta the faire and to the end that shee might have the title the King gave her during her life le Chasteau de Beante neare to the Boys de Saint Vincent and caused there to be erected that great Pavillion which at this day is there to be seene all covered When shee was called the Lady of Beauty the King had by her foure daughters all married into good houses of this Kingdome though some say hee had but one married to Monsieur de Bresse Of Normandy and others That she lived not long and that the King did not avow her for his but though the affection the King bore her lessened his due respects unto his wife and tooke from her much of of the rights of marriage yet was she faine to swallow this bitter pill and patiently permit the faire Agneta enjoy the best of her husbands affections 't is said that when she saw the King carelesse effeminate not minding the affaires of his kingdome nor the victories which the English wonne she one day said unto him that when she was a very young girle she was told by an Astrologer that she should be beloved by one of the most couragious and most valiant Kings of Christendome and that when she had the honour to be beloved by him shee thought hee had beene that valiant and couragious King foretold by the Astrologer but seeing him so soft natured not minding his affaires normaking head against the English and Henry their King who before his face had taken so many Cities of his shee very well perceived she was deceived and that this valiant couragious King could be none other but the King of England and therefore said shee I will goe finde him out for he is that King foretold me by the Astrologer and not you who neither have courage nor valour since you suffer your kingdome to be lost and doe not resent it These words pronounced by her whom he loved better then hee should have done did so touch him to the quicke as that hee fell a weeping and awakening himselfe tooke courage upon him gave not himselfe so much to hunting and dalliance as hee was wont so as by his good fortune and the valour of his good Commanders who faithfully served him he drove the English out of all France Callis excepted I was desirous to place here the words of this Historian not so much to shew that I did not lie in my other contrary descriptions as that it being my dutie to praise vertue and blame vice I have done it in their due places as every writer ought to doe particularly where they speake of Princes to the end that those who are alive may thereby be admonished that when they are dead the same rules will be observed in the writing of their story The affaires in Guienne Though they did not precipitate so fast of as those off Normandy Guichus a strong Castle foure leagues distant from Bayone was besieged with a formall army by Monsieur de Lantree brother to the Count and Bastard de Fois 4000. English went to succour it and that their comming might be the more unlooked for they embarked themselves in the River that passeth by Bayone and landed not farre from Guisches Lantree who by spies was enformed of their designe left the siege and treated them as they thought to have treated him for they not dreaming of being discovered were taken at such unawares as not having time to put themselves in order they fled towards their Barques were followed by the enemy and 1200. of them slaine George Stapleton one of their Commanders mistrusting to escape by flight passed through the middest of the enemy and was followed by 600. Launces who valiantly fighting saved themselves within Gueschin but it did but little availe him for the towne being blockt up and no body to succour it he departed at unawares with his men hoping to get into Bayone but being followed by the Bastard de Fois hee and many of his men were taken prisoners the Castle was yeelded up the next day and therewithall all the country which lies betweene Auxe and Bayone wherein was contained 15. or 16. strong holds which afterwards caused to the French the more easie winning of whole Guascony Charles did not forbeare to prosecute his designes in Normandy for all the frost and cold in Ianuary hee sent the Dunnesse to besiege Honnefleur whither hee afterwards came in person and was lodged in an Abbey not farre from thence valiant was the defence and furious the onset wherein neither wit nor labour was wanting The towne articled to surrender if they should not bee succoured by the eighteenth of February but the Duke of Sommerset not daring to trust the Citizens with Caan which if he had done wanting men to resist the French Forces Honnefleur was enforced to runne the same fortune the other townes did Iearnsy yeelded and paid downe 10000. peeces of gold not so much that the Garrison might be suffered free with their goods as for the ransome of Momfort their Captaine not long before taken at Ponte de Meere This meane while the English though at variance at home sent Sir Thomas Terrill into France a renouned Captaine and who had beene trayned up in these warres from his youth but being landed at Cherreburgh with 1500. men he could doe no good with so small a number and though in a short time hee tooke in Liseux and Valonges the matter was not so much since the enemy being severally busied else where had not leasure to divert them hee added to his number certaine troopes drawne out of the few townes which yet remained to the English conducted by Sir Henry Mowbery Sir Robert Vere and Sir Robert Gough which in all made us 5000. with these he judged it best onely to march towards Caen
of Yorke had domesticated a savage people reduced them to discipline and to obedience that England stood in neede of such a King who were to bee sought out if there were not such a one and were to be chosen were it not by nature and by the Lawes due unto him so as if he were not priviledged by his lawfull pretentions his onely vertues were sufficient to purchase him the Kingdome That Henry was illegitimate yet a King to be borne withall did hee resemble his grandfather or his father but that degenerating in worth usurping the lawes and being by nature incapable hee was unworthy and not to bee tollerated since that as France had beene lost by him England would likewise runne danger of being lost if his preservation should bee endeavoured That necessity the times and chiefely the danger the common wealth was in required other resolutions that advantage and the common weales good being joyned to justice it would bee injustice injury and ruine not to provide for it They did not preach this Doctrine in private but disperst it abroad to the end that like seed sowne in due time they might there out reape to harvest which they expected Every man had the vanitie to publish these things to shew their wisedomes and their affection to the publique necessitie and to the end that these seditious practises might bee followed by effects Yorke before the death of the forenamed Duke had wrought the end of Adam Molleins Bishop of Chichester and Lord privy Seale beleeving that hee being a man of integritie might oppose his designes hee caused him to bee assassenated by Fishermen at Ports-mouth to the end that hee might bee thought to bee slaine by the outragious commotion of that baser sort of people but all these things tending more to undoing then to the doing of any thing hee thought to beginne his worke by some popular sedition which precipitating the Rebells into a fault unpardonable and their feare of punishment making them obstinate in their errours hee might make use of them either joyned together or separated as occasion should serve hee perswaded one Iacke Cade an Irishman a bold man and who had a spirit which did not correspond with his low condition to faigne himselfe to bee a Cosen of his of the house of Mortimer to the end that winning beleefe by reason of his blood hee might bee favoured by the true Mortimers who did not know him and might seduce the rest which hee was to worke upon hee chose Kent for his scene beleeving it to bee fickle and fitter for his designe than any other place as being neare to London There did Cade exagerate the wickednesse of the Counsellours and of the government the grievances and such other like things till such time as having sufficiently enflamed the Inhabitants of those parts hee made offer of himselfe to bee their Leader promising them that when hee should have possessed himselfe of the Kings person the which hee faigned hee would doe and driven away those who governed him amisse hee would put them in a way of so just a government that the grievances introduced under spetious pretences and which framed the chaine of their servitude should totally bee taken away and the chaine broken Thus perswaded hee assembled a great number of people with whom hee encamped himselfe not farre from London and calling himselfe the Captaine of Kent hee sent for one Thomas Cocke a Woollen Draper under a safe conduct commanding him to bring him certaine numbers of Armes and Horse and a thousand Markes of ready money at the charge of the strangers that did inhabit the Citie by the name the Genowayes Venetians and Florentines threatning that if these things were not sent unto him hee would kill as many of them as hee could come by and 't is to be beleeved hee was herein obeyed For when afterwards hee entered the Citie hee did no harme at all to any forreigner the Citizens were not displeased at his commotion who did not consider their owne danger and the little beleefe which ought to bee given to such people But the King and Councell who foresaw the consequences sent to understand from him the reasons which had mooved him to take up Armes and make the people rise hee answered to amend the evills under which the kingdome suffered to chastise those who were the ruine of the Common-wealth and to correct the errours of the chiefe Counsellours which being said hee gave unto those that were sent unto him two writings the one was intituled The Commons of Kents complaints the other their demands from the King The Articles of the former were that it was reported that Kent should bee destroyed and reduced into a Forrest to revenge the Duke of Suffolkes death whereof the Countie was no wayes gurltie that the King had taken a resolution for the time to come to live upon the peoples contributions and to give his owne revenue to particular men that those of the blood royall were excluded from the government of the state and people of meane condition introduced so as businesses were not dispatch't according to the Lawes but by corruption that provisions for the Kings household were had and not payd for that by the Kings giving of confiscations unto his servants the innocent were falsely convinced and by being kept in prison lost the benefit of the Law so as they could not defend themselves that the like was practised against them who being justly possessed of their goods were denied to shew their title that they might bee thereof deprived That France being lost through the faults of certaine Traitors they should bee enquired after and condemned without pardon the writing which contained their demands was to this purpose that the King that hee might live conformable to his royall dignitie should retaine unto himselfe the patrimony of the Crowne and not participate it unto others That he should banish all Suffolkes kindred should punish according unto the Lawes such of them as had deserved punishment and should take neare unto him the Lords of the blood Royall viz. the Dukes of Yorke Excester Buckingham and Norfolke and all the Earles and Barons for that so doing hee would bee the richest King of Christendome that those who were guiltie of the Duke of Glocesters death who was injustly declared to bee a Traytor should bee punished the Commons declaring that they would live and die in this quarrell and maintaine the imputation to bee false that the Duke of Excester the Cardinall of Winchester the Duke of Warwicke France Normandy Gascony Guien Aniou and Mayne many Lords Gentlemen and others were lost through the fault of these Traitors to the Kings great prejudice Finally they demanded the Abollition of divers things which they termed extortions the Councell was much vext at the Arrogancy of these men and since there was none there who did not condemne them Henry with fifteene thousand men marched towards them himselfe in person to give them battle but Cade
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
treason in Henry the Sevenths time confest what had beene sayd after the same manner 't is here not knowing what became of their bodies after they were taken from the place were hee had buried them He suffered for other faults the punishment he deserved for this as did likewise the rest God doth not alwayes punish all faults in an instant but seldome suffers evill actions to have good ends for being approved of neither by men nor by the Lawes if they escape one punishment they fall upon another and for their second fault receive the punishment due for the former As long as Richard lived after this He was both outwardly and inwardly troubled with feares and agonies and according to the relations of some that were most inward with him He after this so execrable act injoy'd not one houre of quiet his countenance was changed his eyes were troubled and ghastly Hee wore coates of Male underneath his clothes and had almost continually His hand upon His Daggers-hilt ready to strike as if Hee had then beene strucken He spent whole nights in watching and if at any time He chanced to take a little rest He would be wakened with fearfull Dreames which would force him to quit His bed and so walke up and downe His chamber full of prodigious feares The other two though they escaped humane Justice yet were they met with all by Justice from above for Miles Forest dyed having almost all his members first rotted and then cut off if Deighton fared not altogether so ill yet was hee in daily expectation to be made an exemplary spectacle by some ignominious death for it is affirm'd by one who writes of him that in his time he was alive in Callis but so universally hated and detested by all men that hee was pointed at as he went along the streetes Others affirme that he lived and dyed there in great misery The first intestine troubles which Richard was afflicted withall were occasioned by the bad intelligence which was held betweene Him and the Duke of Buckingham What the occasion thereof might be is onely knowne by conjecture yet such as is not likely to erre They were both naturally proud therefore prone to breake and though Buckingham first endevoured Glocesters friendship before Glocester His he did it not in respect of his alike Genius but fearing least hee might fall from the greatesse he was in under the authority of the Queene and her kinred to shun this Rock he gave against the Other which though it were the more dangerous yet did he rather chuse to submit himselfe to a Superior who was borne great then to his Inferiors who had acquir'd greatnesse It is said that Edward being dead he sent his servant Persall presently to Yorke where Richard then was who being privately admitted by night made offer unto him of his Masters service in this change of King and that if neede should be his master would come unto him in Person waited on by a Thousand fighting men that he made the same be said over to him againe when he came to Nottingham and that when he returned to Yorke he went to visit him attended by three hundred horse where a close friendship being contracted betweene them things followed as hath been said even to the Usurpation of the Crowne after which they cooled in their affections to the amazement of those who observed their friendship for they came to the point of not Trusting one another and 't was thought moreover that in the last journey to Glocester Buckingham ran hazard of his life The cause of their distast was supposed to arise from some claime Buckingham had to the Duke of Hertfords Lands for that reputing himselfe to be his Heire he thought that Richard would not have denied them unto him neither in Justice nor yet in Recompence of his service But these Lands were so linkt to the Crown as that being falne from the house of Lancaster upon the late depos'd Henry and from Him upon the Crowne they were to be free from any privat propriety or pretension which still continuing in the Duke Richard feared least his thoughts might exceed the condition of a Subject insomuch as when Buckingham demanded them he received so sharpe so threatning and so scornefull a deniall as not able to endure it he fained himselfe sick that so he might not be at the Coronation and Richard sent him word that if he would not come he would make him be brought thither whereupon he was forced to go in all the rich and stately Equipage which at an Extraordinary charge he had prepared before their distasts Others notwithstanding will have that the distasts between them rose after this not having as Then any being that the King standing in need of him would not have hazarded the losing of him in that manner and that the Duke very well acquainted with his Nature would not have hazarded his Life being assured that upon any whatsoever occasion he could not expect better dealings then his Nephews had met withall Notwithstanding the first opinion was thought true in respect of his proud behaviour as likewise for that in the very act of Richards Coronation he turned his Eyes another way as Repenting he had bin the occasioner of it and that Richard though he knew him to be distracted treated him civilly and presented him at his departure to Glocester but his Alienation grew after he was come to his house at Brecknock and had had discourse with Dr. Morton Bishop of Ely This Bishop was a learned man and of a good life a constant part-taker with Henry the sixt neither did he ever forsake him even till his imprisonment He fled with the Queen and Prince into France and returned with them into England But their affaires succeeding ill and Edward being established in the Kingdome He was by him received into favour for knowing him to have bin Loyall to his First master he thought he would be the like to Him so as leaving him Executor of his last Will and Testament he continued his wonted loyalty to his Children which Richard knowing to be such as was unalterable he put him in the Tower and afterwards assigned him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham with whom discoursing of Richards iniquities he gave the rise to his Ruine for they found the true way to put a period to the Civill warres by marrying Henry Earle of Richmond to Edwards eldest daughter But having retired himselfe to Rome with intention not to meddle any more in Worldly affaires he returned not till sent for by the said Earle when he was King by whom hee was made Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England and who likewise procured him to be made Cardinall in which Honours he died as vertuously as he had lived This man at the Dukes returne found a great alteration in him towards Richard He hoped to worke some good effect thereout not by propounding any thing but by seconding his opinions
as had their Husbands for if they were endowed with Absolute Soveraignty and Dominion they might wage War put the State into Combustion and utterly lose it but having learn'd that she had great power in the Council and that the Archduke could do no otherwise whilst the world would believe that Perkin was protected in Despite of Him he recalled the English Merchants from Flanders and banisht the Flanders Merchants out of England and transported the Staple of Cloth and Wooll from Antwerp to Callis the which though it were to the great losse of the People and that Philip knew they would exclaim against it yet did not he forbear doing the like by driving the English out of his Dominions The King moreover upon advertisements from Clifford imprisoned the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montfort and Sir Thomas Thwaites William d'Aubeny Robert Ratcliff Thomas Cressenor Thomas Astwood William Worseley Dean of Pauls and certain Friers amongst which two Dominicans he would have shut up More but the scandal would have been too great Montfort Ratcliff and d'Aubeny were convinc'd of High Treason and beheaded the Lord Fitz-water being sent prisoner to Callis not in despair of Life by his endeavouring to escape lost both his hopes and life the rest were pardoned The King had created his second son Henry Duke of York in Westminster where as is usual at such Solemnities divers Knights of the Bath were made but when he heard that Clifford was landed in England he withdrew himself to the Tower that he might hear him There to the end that if he should accuse any of extraordinary quality they might be imprisoned without any great noise Clifford being admitted to his presence threw himself at his feet and begg'd his pardon the which being formerly granted he again confirmed unto him and being commanded to speak if he had any more to say concerning the Conspiracy he named the Lord Chamberlain Sir William Stanley at whose name all the standers by were startled it not being likely that a man of his quality rich the Favorite neerest to the King and the chief instrument of his Assumption to the Crown should be a Traitour whereupon being advised to think Better what he said he without Haesitation or Altering his Colour accused him as Before Stanley was shut up in his Chamber and was the next day examined by the Council he denied some few Circumstances but confess'd the Fault affying his Former actions for which he presumed the King would pardon him but he was deceived Deserts and Mis-deserts weigh not alike when they are of a like Excesse though he had Put the Crown upon his head by negotiating how to take it Away again he nullified his Former deserts his Repenting for the Service done cancell'd the Obligation the which though it were very great was in some sort rewarded Recompence cannot be given for a Kingdom by conferring Another Kingdom to the Donour or by resigning over to him the Same the Inequality of the Persons equals the Disparity of the good turn the Riches and Honour he received from Henry were equivalent to the Crown which Henry received from Him if it may be Formally said that he did receive it from him the one was Born for It the other for Meaner things Yet was Henry in great doubt with himself whether he should put him to death or no the love and reverence which he bare to his Father-in-law pleaded for Clemency Example and the Condition of the Times put in for Severity but if it be true which some Authors write his Riches bore down the balance he being esteemed one of the greatest money'd men in England Neither were men deceived in this their opinion for in his Castle of Holt were found Fourty thousand Marks in ready money his Jewels and Moveables not therein comprehended and in Revenues and Pensions he had Three thousand pounds a yeer a considerable sum in those days Whereupon after having deferr'd this businesse some Six weeks to the end that his Brother and the People might have time to Examine it he was condemn'd to die and lost his head His execution afforded matter of diversity of discourse those that were not of the Court who were ignorant of the Secrets of Government and made their conjectures upon Circumstances and doubtful Relations esteemed the case if not wholly void of Fault at least not worthy of the Highest punishment a belief which was occasioned by reason of a Rumour that was spread abroad That in his discourse with Clifford concerning Perkin he should say unto him That if he should for certain know he were the Duke of York son to Edward the Fourth he would not take up Arms against him A manner of Speech which though it did not Openly declare any ill-will to the King's Person yet such was it as did not sound well in His mouth his Example being sufficient to alter the whole Kingdom and the words not admitting of any other interpretation then his Opinion of Henry's unjust title to the Crown which derogated from the Pretences of the House of Lancaster and from the Authority of Parliament The reason which alienated him from the King is said to be That he desiring the King to make him Earl of Chester a Title and County which the Kings of England do for the most part give to the Princes of Wales their first-born Sons the King did not onely Deny his request but was Offended with him for it thinking him now arrived to those pretences which did exceed the condition of a Subject after he had rewarded his services with equivalent rewards having made him Privy Counsellour Lord Chamberlain given him daily whatsoever he demanded assigned Pensions to him and in the day of Battel wherein Richard was slain seemed not to take notice that he appropriated unto Himself the Prey and Booty of the whole Camp of which He himself stood in Need being but a New King permitting all things to him to the end that when he was grown Rich he might satisfie his own thirst of having This man's death put all the Court in a Quandary one man durst not trust another each one feared lest all his friends might prove Cliffords Yet such was the spirit of Back-biting that they made use of pen and paper to utter what for fear of danger they durst not do with their tongues Libels were written against some of the Council and against the King himself the authors whereof could not so well conceal themselves but that Five of them miscarried paying for their Errour with the losse of life Perkin's party this mean while decreased no man durst so much as think any more of him and they were but very few that tarried with him in Flanders amongst which Clifford's companion was the chiefest who notwithstanding afterwards alter'd his opinion and together with his Pardon got leave to return home But the death of the Conspirators and the dissipation of the Complices were not sufficient to make Henry rest in quiet unlesse
the Nation nor the Peoples Tranquillity had sold the Kingdoms best friends for ready money made dishonourable peace and not only oppressed the subject but unjustly put to death the Lord Chamberlain Stanley and divers others who were likely to have withstood his oppressions Ambition had moved Richard to tyrannie Henry Avarice Ambition had made use of cruell means Avarice not only of Cruell but Base extortive means his Cruelty was witnessed by the death of so many and by the imprisonment of the Earl of Warwick Son to the Duke of Clarence his Basenesse and Extortion by such extraordinary grievances Tenths Subsidies Taxes and Impositions under the name of Benevolences and by the wars and peace hee made only that he might heap up treasure and because his unjust possession of the Crowne made him live in perpetuall fear and suspicion not only of Men but even of Women hee had married Ladies of the blood Royall to people of mean condition amongst which a sister of Him the Duke of Yorke and a sister of his Cosin the above-mentioned Earl of Warwick that hee might have the lesse reason to fear so that as hee now came to free them from violence by such forces as God should assist him withall so by his plenary Regall authority hee did at that present free them from all Grievances by Revoking and abolishing in perpetuity All that had hetherto been imposed upon them contrary to all Law and Custom and to the end that the good will of his subjects might not be prejudiced by the Law for having illegally obeyed the Tyrant he granted to them a Generall Pardon for all their transgressions upon condition they would submit themselves to Him and acknowledge him for their King the which they that should be the Forwardest to do should be the First that should enjoy the Maidenhead of his Regall favours that he would maintain all that his Ancestors more particularly his Father Edward of glorious memory had sworn unto which was the Preservation of their Priviledges and Liberty the Franchise of the Clergy Nobility and People He promised a Thousand pound in ready money and Five Marks a yeare of Inheritance for ever whosoever should take or kill Henry he declared that the King of Scotlands assisting of him was not done out of any Bargain or Promise made Prejudiciall to the Kingdom of England but out of the near love to Justice a vertue wherein he excelled and that when he should have put him in a condition or posture that he might be able to defend himself by the forces of his own English subjects he would return to Scotland pretending to nothing else but the Honour of having Raised Him up This Declaration proved like seed sown on the sands whereupon King Iames after he had long in vain expected some Commotion be took himself to plunder and destroy with as little mercy as the Scots had wont to doe in former times and Perkin who till now had plaid his part extreamly well failed in This shewing too much Affection therein For having desired the King not to suffer his men contrary to the Laws of Arms to commit such out-rages for that no purchase whatsoever could be acceptable to him which was got with the Blood and Ruin of his own subjects the King who either had before informed himself of his being or else began to suspect it by this his so Affected and Impertinent request answered him smiling That he took too much care of what did not at all belong unto him and that to endeavour the preservation of an Enemies countrey was the most that could be done by a Perfect Christian. Having enriched his souldiers he returned back knowing that great forces were coming down upon him and that it would be dangerous for him to stay till they came finding himself encumbred by that great booty he took along with him Merchants were much troubled at the breach of Commerce between England and Flanders insomuch as meeting with a fit occasion they began to treate thereof with their severall Princes since that the reducing it to the former condition would make for the advantage of Both sides and therefore was to be desired by Both by the Arch-duke for being informed that Perkin the cause of the disorder was a Cheater he should have wronged his Reputation in favouring him any longer and have much injured his Subjects and Himself by the evill that might there hence have resulted by Henry for not valuing now Perkin any more the breach of correspondence with Burgundy was not only prejudiciall to Private men but even to Himselfe since that thereby his Customes a principall arrow in the quiver of Princes were diminished notwithstanding though he did desire it he would not seem to doe so but appeare to be drawn by the instance of others Commissioners were sent from both sides who renewed their friendship and reestablished the commerce in a better way then formerly and to the articles touching this busines and the Freedom of Fishing was added an Inhibition of either side to entertain the Rebels of one another in which article the Lands belonging to the Dutchesse Margaret were by Name inserted to the end that such as did adhere to Perkin might not be shelter'd there The affront offered by the King of Scotland stuck yet in Henrie's stomack which was not to be revenged but by war war was not to be made without money nor was money to be had without a Parliament wherefore he called a Parliament and therein acquainted them with the Losses he had suffer'd by the King of Scots in Northumberland who having no cause of enmity with Him had taken upon him for a Pretence to protect Perkin though he knew him to be an Impostour how the injury was aggravated by the Affront for finding that countrey unarmed and void of defence after having ruin'd and burnt up the countrey he had safely retired himselfe laden with booty into Scotland This busines was judged worthy of the Kings consideration such injuries not being without shame to be put up wherefore the Parliament decreed unto him good store of money to be raised according to the usuall wont which being paid in all parts else was only deny'd to be paid in Cornewall the Inhabitants thereof thought this an unjust exaction and that the Scotish Commotion was so farre from Them as they were not thereby to be obliged as were the countries thereby detrimented asif when the Head akes the Legs and Feet be not concern'd but may put over the execution of their duties to the Arms and Neck as neerer thereunto To make good this mutiny two mutinous heads appeared the one a Farrier by his trade the other an Atturney each of which had their ends Michael Ioseph the Black-smith was moved by Ambition beleeving such a seditious action would adde luster unto him and that his clownish loquacity would procure him the first place amongst the Countrey people Thomas Flammock the Atturney having gotten credit by his profession had so
Pope Alexander the Sixth upon the occasion of the year of Jubile for since they only received the benefit thereof who went to Rome he thought it fit that it should be commuted for by Remote countries the inhabitants whereof could not make so Long a journey in so much as they staying at Home might receive the same indulgences which those did that went on Pilgrimage to Rome if they would give a certain summe of money to be imployed in the wars against the Turks whose advancing Hungary Germany and Italy did much apprehend This man did so wisely negotiate this af fair as he thereby got a great summe of money without any manner of grudging or murmuring save against the Kings Person who being naturally given to Extort from his People it was thought hee would not have suffered these monies to have beene gathered had not he Himselfe had a share therein An opinion which was known to be false in the time of Iulius the Second who making it a difficult busines to grant Prince Henry a Dispensation to marry Katharine who had been wife to his brother Arthur Cardinall Adrian de Corneto who endeavoured the obtayning of it alleadged amongst the rest of the merits of King Henry his Father that he had not pretented to share in the monies raysed by Pons in that kingdom Neither was there any dissimulation used in this by Alexander at least there Appeared none for he propounded this war in the Publick Consistory in the presence of as many Emssadours as were then resident in that Court with designe to set upon the Turkish territories in Three severall places in Thracia by the Hungarians Bohemians and Polanders in Greece by the French and Spaniards and at Constantinople by him Himselfe accompanied by the King of England and the State of Venice and he sent Nuntioes to All Princes that they would joyne their Forces and Monies according to their Abilities in so pious a worke The Answer which the King gave to Pons was That he was ready to Accompany his Holinesse but that it was impossible for him to doe it in that manner the remote Distance of his countrey would put him to Double the charge of any of the rest that the Kings of France and Spaine were first to be made Friends which if it should not be effected all other designes would prove but vain that when they should be made friends 't was they that best might accompany him as being Neerest him which if they should Refuse to doe He would wait upon him Himselfe not considering either Expence or other incommodity upon Condition he might have some Cities upon the Sea-side in Italy delivered into his possession to make use of what ever chance might happen This answer and it may be the Like of other Princes made this undertaking vanish away to Nothing when the Proposition was such as might very well have beene effected Cardinall Morton who was likewise Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England died this year We have spoken of him formerly He was a man of great Integrity yet somewhat given to Gripplenesse which made him be ill thought of for it was beleev'd he had nourished in the King his humour of Impositions But time proved the Contrary and had he left no other laudable memory behind him his being the First agent in the uniting of the two Roses is a merit whereby to render him Glorious to all Posterity Iohn Earl of Lincolne he who was slain at the battle of Stoke left his brother Edmund Earl of Suffolke heir to his Humour and his Misfortune in so much as calling to mind that he was Son to Elizabeth who was sister both to Edward and Richard hee thought he might be as bold under This King as he had been under the Other two his Vncles He had slain a man in such a manner notwithstanding as the Circumstances did not Aggravate the fault Henry gave him his Pardon but so as he was to passe all the course of Law and Justice and to appear before the Iudges and receive Sentence of Condemnation This manner of proceeding against him did so touch him to the quick as reputing the Favour that was shew'd him Ignominy he sodainly left the Land and went into Flanders to his Ant Margaret at which though the King was offended yet was he resolved to apply Lenitive salves giving order to his Agents in those parts to offer him his Pardon at the very First so as he would return knowing that Despair in banisht men begets thoughts in them of Little service to Themselves and of much Trouble to Others It succeeded according to his imagination for accepting the Pardon he returned to England the Dutchesse not opposing him therein either for that she thought his Genius inferior to the Kings or else that she was satisfied that in Perkins publick Confession her name was conceal'd But arrogant and proud natures such as was that of this Earl leading men into Dangers brought this man at Last to his Ruin under Henry the Eighth The match between Prince Arthur and the Infanta Katherine of Spaine which had been treated on for the space of seven years received this year its maturity the King her Father sending her nobly attended into England The tediousnesse of this negotiation proceeded from Both parties for the two Kings being endued with equall wisedome before the establishing of the Affinity would see each others fortune established the Infanta had for her Portion 200000 Duckets without any covenant of Restitution either to Her selfe or her Family and in lieu thereof she had set out for Ioynture the third part of the Principality of Wales of the Dutchy of Cornewall and of the County of Chester and if she should come to be Queene she was to have as much as any other Queene before her had had The marriage was solemnized in Pauls the Bridegroome was Fifteene yeers of age the Bride Eighteene The Festivals being ended they returned to keepe their Court at Ludlow in Wales but their abode there was but for while for the young Prince died there on the second day of Aprill in the yeare 1502. five moneths after he was married having lived 15. Years 6. moneths and 13. Dayes Nothing more is to be said of him Authors write nothing of him since hee lived not long enough to be knowne All that is related of him is That being naturally given to study he was learned beyond his Age and the Condition of a Prince This his death did much molest the King the Infanta Katharine was left upon his hands and if Prince Henry were to marry Another wife he was to find out a second Joynture a thing repugnant to the merit of State and to his Frugall honour whereupon resolving to marry him to the same Katharine he wrote concerning it to Spaine and Rome Ferdinand was contented but he met with Difficulties in procuring a Dispensation from the Pope and in getting his Sonnes Good-will who though he was then but
Hen Do Cary Baro de Leppington Comes Monmouthensis et honble Ord Balniae Eques DEO CARI NIHILO CARENT Guil Faithorne fe CAROLVS D.G. MAGNAE BRITANNIAE FRAN ET HIB REX MARIA D.G. MAG BRITANNIAE FRANCIAE ET HIBER REGINA AN HISTORY of the Ciuill Warres of ENGLAND betweene the two howses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall where of is set downe in the life of Richard the second theire proceedings in the lives of Henry the 4th Henry the 5th and 6th Edward the 4th and 5th Richard the 3d and Henry the 7th in whose dayes they had a happy period Englished by the Right honble Henry Earle of Monmouth in two Volumes Imprinted at London for Iohn Benson are to be sould at his shop in St Dūstans churchyard 1641 AN HISTORY OF THE Civill VVarres OF ENGLAND Betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke The originall whereof is set downe in the life of Richard the second their proceedings in the lives of Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth Edward the fourth and fifth Richard the third and Henry the seventh in whose dayes they had a happy period Written in Italian in three Volumes by Sir Francis Biondi Knight Gentleman of the Privie Chamber to his Majesty of Great Britaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of MOUNMOUTH in two Volumes THE FIRST VOLUME Imprinted at London by T. H. and I. D. for Iohn Benson and are to be sold at his shop in Saint Dustans Churchyard 1641. THE TRANSLATORS EPISTLE TO THE READERS HIS COUNTRIMEN THat Translations are at the best but like the wrong side of Hangings is granted Yet he who cannot get to see the right side may by the other guesse at the Story therein represented This of mine may yet seeme to be of a worse condition as onely the reducing back to our owne Language that which hath beene collected from our home Stories and published in a forreigne Tongue so as it may almost be termed the turning into English what was turned out of English But the Authour hath had his end the making the valour and honour of our Kingdome knowne to his owne Countreymen for which we owe him a Nationall thankes I have chosen this way to pay mine by affording you all a means how to acknowledge yours and thus I have part of my end likewise The remainder being my observance of his desires and the shunning of spending my time worse The Italian saith Chi non puo quel che voule quel che puo voglia If I could coine anie thing out of my owne Braine worthy of my Countreymen they should have it since not let them accept of this Piece of Gold changed into Silver and therein of the good will of their Compatriot MOUNMOUTH THE AVTHORS EPISTLE DEDICATORY To the High and mighty Monarch CHARLES King of great BRITAINE FRANCE and IRELAND I Was of opinion Sir that the eminent condition of Princes did require from such as serve them actions answerable to the greatnesse of their thoughts and that otherwise they would prove contrary to the dignity of the one and duty of the other But upon better advice I found that Princes make use of men as they do of mettals which though not all of a like worth yet are they all adapted to proper uses so as iron and lead though of meane esteeme are not to be slighted in things where gold and silver are of no use I Sir that am the meanest of all your Majesties metalls having undertaken to write the story of the Civill warres of England was in some dispute with my selfe touching the Dedication And though in all reason I was to dedicate it to your Majesty as I most humbly doe yet the thread of my discourse wanting the mentioned proportion I have laboured to perswade my selfe to offend rather against it then against my duty not that I ever imagined my lead could be any ways servicable unto your Matie but that I faine would hope your Majesty through Royal clemency wil be pleased to approve of my resolution occasioned by the leasure times your Majesties liberality causeth me to enjoy The reason Sir why I write it not from its beginning is my not being sure to finish it To make therefore an entire story I have chosen that part thereof which is to be handled under one title and object And I have written it in this language for that Italy though rich in science and history is but meanely furnished with this story having had no light at all thereof save by Polidore Virgill who by writing it in Latine hath made only for the learned and by making it so succinct hath afforded me field room to make it for all men and to adde many things to the much which perhaps for lacke of time was by him omitted I know not Sir whether the freedome I take in giving my opinion upon the passages herein be to please all men but a bare story seemed to me to be like a naked body which exposed to the injury of ayre groweth infirme and being seene by others is ashamed Some are of opinion that all things ought to be represented in their originall purity that so the liberty of giving judgement might be left unto the reader yet the best both of ancient and moderne writers have done otherwise But a whole peece of cloath being presented to the Readers view he cannot judge whether all the threads bee of equall goodnesse unlesse the weaver who knowes from whence he had them give him a true information not therby taking from him the liberty of giving his judgement but rather affording him a double freedome therein for to the examination of the story he adds the power of examining the historians opinion I prayse goodnesse and blame vice but in the second Volumne I doe not praise the soft unsinnowy goodnesse of Henry the sixth Xenophon decyfering a perfect Prince in the person of Cyrus amongst exercises prescribes him hunting not that by the custome of seeing blood shed hee should become cruell but that by not commiserating delinquents he might become just and not abhorring the sight of dead beasts warlike otherwise contaminated with a womanish pitty he would at the same time have made him incapable both of scepter and sword Goodnesse though feminine by name is of masculine effects and fixing its undazled eies upon God its primary end ought to become void of folly scruples and feares I am sorry Sir I was so late in undertaking this affaire since I am too late aware that contemplative sciences do in their universall objects produce particular ends bring delight and glory to the understanding no profit that truth may sow the seeds but opinion reape the harvest that we are not wise save when we know we know nothing which is that learned ignorance so ingeniously handled by the Cardinall of Cusa I place not here divine knowledge◅ she hath two reall foundations to be esteemed such prophesies miracles and histories take from this number
But since we are taught to know no more then is behoovefull and that with sobriety and according to the gift we are endowed with all I see not that we are necessitated to busie our selves therin unlesse there be a lawfull vocation whilst we ought to content our selves with the knowledge of God by the generall way of the worlds harmony and order and by the particular way of faith The true cause then Sir which hath moved me to this undertaking is the having considered that the end of civil life being to live well and happily and that there is no happinesse without knowledge nor knowledge without science since those of contemplation doe not it must be the morall sciences which doe produce it the which appeareth manifest unto me for that nature hath imprinted in us the principalls thereof to make it the more easie unto us to the end that without contemplation or learning the learned and unlearned may be equally capable therof agevolated by their object the which is either familiar in us as are affections or hath dependency upon us as have actions As soone as we are borne by the traditions of our parents and such as have the care of our bringing us up we learne to love vertue and hate vice being become men to governe our family growne more mature to rule the weale publique and if we meet not with so much of facility in the last as in the other two it happeneth for that morall and Oeconomicall vertues are but the Columnes whereas the practice of States the knowledge of Princes and how to manage people are the true structure of this edifice upon the modell though of past events For as wits though never so excellent expresse no other conceits then what have formerly been expressed sine they cannot exceed the bounds wherewith knowledge in generall is limited so adventures though casuall happen not but by way of Analogy to what hath already happened depending upon the constant causes of former orders the which though diverse in time are notwithstanding at all times like unto themselves if not equall So as since we are wanting in the practice of present affaires the knowledge of what is past is necessary the which not being to be had but by history it followeth that history be the safest way to this happinesse worthy to be with all diligence frequented not by me alone but by the very best This Sir is the occasion of my present labours which I consecrate unto your Majesty not so much for that they appertaine unto you containing the Acts of your most glorious predecessours as that your Majesty possessing all such discipline as does become a great King will together with the worke accept the devoted good will of the workeman who boasts himselfe of nothing more then of the honour he hath to be Your Majesties most hmble and faithfull servant Giovanni Francisco Biondi THE GENEALOGY OF EDWARD THE THIRD Who had Five Daughters and seven Sons 1. IZabella who married Ingheran Lord of Cousi by whom shee had two daughters 1. Mary married to Henry of Bar. 2. Philippa married to Robert Vere Duke of Ireland afterwards repudiated 2. Ioane married to Alfonso 11. King of Castile and Leon. 3. Blanch who dyed young 4. Mary married to Iohn Montford Duke of Britany 5. Margaret married to Iohn Hastings Earle of Pembroke who dyed without issue 1. Edward Prince of Wales who married Ioane daughter of Edmund Earle of Kent brother by the fathers side to Edward the second by whom he had Richard the second who succeeded his Grandfather in the Kingdome and dyed a violent death without issue 2. William of Staifield 3. Lionel Duke of Clarence 4. Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster 5. Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke 6. William of Windsor 7. Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester The two Williams both dyed young without issue The Genealogies of the foure other are hereafter set downe The Genealogy of Lionel Duke of Clarence third Sonne of Edward the third Lionel duke of Clarence married Elizab daughter of Will. Burgh earle of Vister by whoÌ„ he had Philippa who married Edmund Mortimer Earle of March and had by him Roger Earle of March. declared by Richard the second successour to the Kingdome the yeare 1387 who married Elizabeth sister to Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey and had issues Edmund Earle of March who died in Ireland without issue the third yeare of Henry 6. Roger who died young Anne who married Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edward Duke of Yorke she afterwards laid pretence unto the crown Eleanor who dyed without issue Edmund Iohn beheaded in the third yeare of Henry the sixt Elizabeth married to the Lord Pearcy surnamed Hotspurre Henry the second Earle of Northumberland who was staine in the first battell at St Albans who by Eleanor daughter of Ralph Nevil first Duke of Westmerland had Henry the third Earle of Northumberland who was slain siding with Henry the sixt against Edward the fourth Philippa who had three husbands but no issue The Genealogy of Iohn Duke of Lancaster fourth son of Edward the third from whom came 4. Kings viz. Henry the 4. 5. 6. 7. Of 3. wives he had 8. children what Sonnes what Daughters By Blanch daughter to Henry Duke of Lancaster grandchild to Henry Earle of Lancaster great grandchild to Edmund second sonne to Henry the 3. Henry the 4. married to Mary daughter to Humfrey of Bohun Earle of Hertfora Essex and Nottingham Constable of England by whom he had Henry the 5. marriea to Catherine of France by whom he had Henry the 6. who married Margerit daughter to Regnald Duke of Aâ—…ou King of Siâ—…ily from whom came Edward Prince of Wales slaine by Edward the 4. who all died without issue Thomas duke of Clarence Iohn â—uke of Bedford Humfrey duke of Gloster Blanch married to the Elector Palatine Philippa married to the King of Denmarke Philippa married to Iohn King of Portugal from whom came the successors of that Crowne Elizabeth married to Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter beheaded at Chester Richard Holland who dyed young Iohn Duke of Exeter who had two wives viz. Anne daughter of the Earle of Stafford by whom Henry Holland Duke of Exeter dis-inheâ—…ited by Act of Parliament the first yeare of Edward the fourth and found â—…ad the thirteenth yeare betweene Dover and Caleis Anne daughter to Ioh. Montacute earl of Salisbury by whom Anne married to Thomas Nevil brother to the second Earle of Westmerland Ralph Nevil 3. Earle of Westmerland Edward who died without issue By Constance daughter to Peter King of Castile Catherine married to Henry son and heyre to Iohn King of Castile and Leon from whom descended the heires of those Kingdomes By Catherine Roët daughter to a King of Armes by whom hee had before he married her and who were after made legitimate by the Popes authority and Act of Parliament Iohn Beaufort Marquis of Sommerset and Dorset who married Margerit daughter to
Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
by the victory he had over the Duke of Ireland no vaine-glory was therein found in him his discourse thereof did not exceed the bounds of modesty and the relation hee made thereof unto his associats was void of amplification or boasting Aid from Genua being demanded and granted against the Pirates which roved up and downe the Mediterranean Sea and coasts of Italy hee was made Commander of them France joyning in this expedition with England Being come into Africa and by meanes of his Archers landed he returned home his modesty added to his reputation while the one and the other equally contending strove for precedence in his renowne Those who write that in stead of making this journey hee went against the infidels in Prusia did not perhaps equivocate but the different relation of Writers makes the undertaking indifferent since they all agree in his praise In the combat with the Duke of Norfolk he proved himself to be both wise and valiant for though strucken as if with lightning at his unexpected accusation he fell into no disorder his wisedome was inflamed but not by anger consumed to ashes as it is oft-times seen in such as are unexpectedly offended he patiently endured his exile and with dry eyes left his Countrey whilst those who saw him goe moistened theirs He would have gone into Holland if the Duke his father would have permitted him but the warre made by Albertus of Bavaria Lord of those Countries against the Frisons at the instigation of his son the Count of Ostervent being very dangerous and but little honour there to be won for that people did more by desperatenesse then skil in war defend their liberties he advised him to goe for France He was there graciously received by the King Princes and Court But the King of France would needs of his owne free will allow him five hundred Crownes a weeke for his petty occasions as it was termed he thought not to receive it would argue incivility and that the receiving of it would fasten upon him too great an obligation so as he resolved to leave France and go into Hungary to warre against the Turkes He wrote hereof unto his father who approving of the cause but not of his resolution propounded to him a voyage into Spaine where having two sisters the one Queene of Castile the other Queen of Portugall hee might with lesse danger and discommodity make the warre which he desired against the Infidels but being by his friends advertised that the Physitions had given his father over as not likely to live many monthes he went not The Duke of Berry who had a daughter of three and twenty yeares of age a widow to two husbands Henry being likewise a widower a rich heire and after his fathers decease the prime man in England next unto the King thought to give her to him for wife King Charles being therewithall well contented a match which would have been serviceable to the Queene his daughter and of publick good for thus united yea peace between the two Kingdomes might the easilier bee maintained But Richard thinking this match might prove disadvantagious to his designes and that Henry being offended was likely alwayes to be his enemy sent the Earle of Salisbury to breake it nor would Charles his wives father displease him therein seeing he tooke it so to heart When the Archbishop of Canterbury propounded his return to England offering the Crown unto him he could not at the first prevaile with him nor had he prevailed with him at all had not the King by depriving him of his inheritance caused him despaire a bad resolution but excusable and which cannot be blamed by the law of Nature save as it is interdicted by the law of Christianity so as innocent in the one and faulty in the other hee erred in both such resolutions being prejudiciall to a Kingdome which ought alwayes to detest all alterations Let businesses fall out well or ill to malecontents who are egged on by ambition and revenge two spurres slightly guilded over with the leafe-gold of publicke good the people cannot but bee alwayes losers by civill brawles nay if the two Registers of humane actions Profit and Uprightnesse in proceeding meet not together as they seldome doe and that profit have the precedencie it ought to be when the conservation of the Common-wealth is in question and not to satisfie the ambition and private interests of particular men If love unto his Countrey or the desolation of the State had moved Henry Richard being deposed there wanted not lawfull succeeders But howsoever the malady had been better for the Kingdome then the remedy for the one was not of long continuance the King being mortall and of such yeares as hee might have amended where as the other for the space of sixe Kings reignes produced nothing but one ill upon the necke of another and had it not been for the matrimoniall conjunction of the two Roses in the seventh the mischiefe had perhaps yet continued But as it is the losse of what they did possesse in France their losse of reputation abroad their desolation at home the death of hundreds of thousands and of fourescore or more of the bloud Royall approve the remedy to have been more pestilentiall then the disease and that to have continued Richard in his authority would have been reputed lesse harmfull then to have substituted another King how good soever who in a capacity of growing worse was cause of those wofull consequences which such substitutions use to draw after them Wise Phifitions apply only approved medicines to the â—…icke party where the case is not desperate and in case it be the more discreet sort doe rather suffer them to dye peaceably then tormented with the violence of medicines The malady here was not mortall save as made so by the remedies So we may conclude that the good conditions of such as do pretend are more harmfull then the bad of of such as doe possesse Vertue not being what she appeares to us to be in her abstract but what she is in the concrete of her corruptions Henry had though silent yet conspicuous competitours by law questionlesse before him as the sons of Roger Mortimer the eldest son to Philippa the only daughter heire to Lionell Duke of Clarence not onely by nature but in the eight yeare of King Richard by Parliament declared Heire to the Crowne she being dead her right remained in these so as by vertue of the Lawes he could not justly pretend to that which contrary to the lawes the prejudice of others he did violently usurp But because his succession was not truly justifiable it behoved to seek out some colour for it his friends propounded divers titles unto him all of them counterfeit and disguis'd whilst right rich and substantiall of it selfe needes no false props Henry did by his Mother descend from Edmond Crook-backe Earle of Lancaster they would have this Edmond to be eldest sonne to Henry the third
the Earle of Warwicke restoring them to their dignities and goods which had been taken from them The Dukes of Aumerle Surrey and Exceter the Marquis Dorset his owne brother by the father and the Earle of Glocester as being those who had chalenged Arundell and Warwicke were deprived of such titles as had after that act been conferred upon them and of all the goods which from that time they enjoyed given them by Richard by confiscation or otherwise the Titles and incomes which they formerly enjoyed remaining onely unto them so as Aumerle from Duke was reduced to be Earle of Rutland Surrey of Kent and Exceter of Huntington the Marquis Dorset his brother to be Earle of Somerset and the Earle of Gloster to be Lord Spencer I call those chalengers who accuse others and offer to prove their accusations by single combat as these had accused the above-named to gratifie King Richard and as in this Parliament in hopes of pleasing King Henry Aumerle Salisbury and divers others were accused as traytors to the King and offered to bee proved so by Duell But the King considering the time and humours knowing that Clemencie and Grace would more redound to his glory then by giving eare to accusations to make himselfe bee beleeved their on-fetter appeased them pardoning all of them and prohibiting any further discourse concerning that matter Hee thought to doe the same another way and to winne the friendship of his most profest enemies those whom he found to be so in the behalfe of the deposed King The three degraded Dukes were the chiefe of these Aumerle Richards cousin-german and he who was most intimate with him while hee reigned hee hoped to win the good will of the other two though Exceter were King Richards brother and Surrey his nephew sonne to his other brother who died two yeares before hee feared not Exceter having some interest in him as who had married his sister Elizabeth but beleeved to make good use of him concerning Surrey if need should bee so as if hee would not suffer the combates to proceed nor that the people should triumph in their deaths as they seemed desirous all three of them being the causers of infinite grievances and extortions it was out of these respects which were not in likelihood to deceive him the present good turne which hee did them being likely to oblige them very much for though with justice he might have satisfied the people and secured himselfe hee chose by pardoning them to displease his subjects and prejudice himselfe whilst he might so justly have rid his hands of them An excuseable fault for a Prince who stands upon such ticklish tearmes An enemy resembles glasse which never can be peeced And though Christian Religion have the secret of peecing an enemy which is for the love of God yet Christians though they should do seldome arrive at so great perfection and though Nature may pretend to have the same secret yet ought shee not therein to be beleeved unlesse it proceed from two great extravagancies either from a dead and senslesse pusillanimity or from a generositie onely by imagination to be comprehended The first is not to bee trusted for basenesse and cruelty are tearmes convertible And of the second they onely are capable who like Iulius-Caesar and King Henry beleeve that benefits are able to blot out injuries but others who judge their enemies good conditions by their owne bad ones beleeve that good turnes are baits to revenge and abhorring him so much the more for that they are made the Looking-glasse wherein his noblenesse and glory may be seen they are Diamonds to all other impressions wax to the impression of hatred as in the three above-named and divers others we shall shortly see The first newes which France heard of these alterations in England was by the Merchants and those so uncertaine as they knew not what to thinke thereof Madame de Cousi had the charge of the young Queene who being commanded to be gone without demanding any question or further troubling of her mistresse obeyed and was waited upon to the Sea side where a ship stayed for her and conveyed her over to Bullen she was the first that brought any true relation The which when Charles understood he was thereat so much grieved as that while hee was thinking upon revenge he relapsed into one of his wonted frenzies the Councell not knowing what to resolve upon they perceived by the generall hatred against Richard and the universall consent in Henry's election that in a businesse of this nature 't was bootlesse to use force for England is not to bee undone but by division The Duke of Burgondy who had been no lesse averse to this match in France then was the Duke of Gloster in England upbraided them with the small account they made of his counsell and was of opinion that the businesse was not to bee remedied by a sudden warre but that they should doe well to wait for such occasions as are by discontented subjects offered unto their neighbours such as were those of Gascoigne who were the more displeased at Richards being deposed for that hee was borne among them and was alwayes called Richard of Burdeaux A wise consideration if this ill bloud had growne to a rebellion or if Sir Robert Knolles Lievetenant of Aquitaine a wise and valiant Gentleman had not hindred them by remonstrances and reasons who likewise advertised England of the danger This meane while the French were not wanting to themselves The Constable de Sanserres was the first who presented himselfe upon their confines endevouring to blow the already glowing Coal The Duke of Burbon had recourse thither likewise provoking the Nobility and people offering all they could desire adding withall such promises as upon such like occasions are usuall with as much readinesse of speech as they proved afterwards difficult in performance Bayon Burdeaux and other townes being required sent him their Deputies who having no further directions then onely to heare returned laden with offers But these first passions being calmed the comparative condition of France and England the latter free from Burdens the other subject to perpetuall taxes pointed out unto them the wholesomest resolve For the common people love nothing more then to cultivate their owne grounds to their owne proper use and to enjoy the fruits of their owne industry not being forced thereout to feed officers or souldiers While things were thus carried Thomas Percy Earle of Worster came thither with a fresh supply of souldiers upon whose arrivall all practises ceased while Richards friends endeavouring his liberty did thereby hasten his death which was the onely meanes to free him of the miseries wherein he now lived The Dukes of Aumerle Exeter and Surrey as hath beene before said were friendly embraced by the King who hoped by his good usage to win their love but the latter two not being able to withstand the power of blood nor the first the like of friendship the which was
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
The sheep being thus delivered over to the Wolfe the Duke at the very first shut him up in Saint Andrewes Castle a jurisdiction of that Archbishopricke the which after the death of the last Archbishop hee had unduly usurped under pretence of keeping it during the vacancie of that Metropolitan See but thinking him to be there too nigh the Kings eare and the Courts eye desiring rather his death then his amendment he carried him to the strong hold of Faukland a jurisdiction of his owne where he caused him to be put into a dungeon with direction that he should there dye of hunger a commission though given in secret yet by the effect sufficiently published no preparation being made in so little a place where all that was done was seene neither for the person nor nourishment of such a prisoner He had died in a few dayes and it had been better for him since die he must had he not been kept in life by the daughter of the Keeper of the Castle and a countrey Nurse who commiserated his condition and had accesse through an Orchard to the Castle The former nourished him with oaten Cakes which by little peeces shee conveyed unto him through a chinke the other gave him sucke through a small Cane the one end whereof he tooke into his mouth whilst she squiezed her milke in at the other end His keepers marvelled to see him still alive but the meanes being discovered the two charitable women were cruelly put to death the father accusing his owne daughter to prove himselfe faithfull to him that was unfaithfull and a tyrannous Governour At last when he had torne his flesh and eaten his fingers through rage by death hee put an end to his vices miseries and life This bitter accident was generally knowne every where before the King had any notice of it every one fearing to be slaine for recompence of doing so good an office Having at last hearâ—… some whispering thereof hee could not believe otherwise then as it was Great were the complaints but the brother excused himselfe deluding justice by laying the fault upon divers who were in the castle for faults deserving death whom he accused for having murdered the Prince for which they suffered death The King not herewithall satisfied but unable to revenge himselfe he publickly besought God by some miraculous judgement to punish the author of so great a wickednesse He had yet a second sonne living named Iames he was advised to send him abroad since it was not likely he who had committed so horrid a treason would stick at the murthering of him also without the which his former mischiefe would nothing availe France was thought the safest place to send him to The young Prince was with much secrecie imbarked Henry Sincleer Earle of the Orchades being given unto him for governour but having shunned Scylla hee fell as the Proverbe sayes upon Carybdis for the Marriners having cast anchor before Flemburgh in England either driven by the windes or to refresh the Prince much afflicted with seasickenesse they were known to be Scots the Prince known to be there so as he was detained and brought to Court it was long disputed at the Councell Table whether he should be suffered to depart or no but the negative prevailed His Father fearing such an incounter had given him a letter for Henry which though full of compassion and pitty did not alter the resolution taken So as hee being old deprived of his sonnes and feebly hearted gave himselfe over to griefe would take no more meate and in three daies died for meere sorrow Scotland confirmed the government of that Kingdome upon the Duke of Auboney till such time as their new King Iames should regaine his liberty Buchanan accuses King Henry for that action his chiefe reason being that he detained him whilest there was yet a truce of eight yeares betweene the two Crownes but I finde no other truce then that of the preceding yeare already expired Edward Askew treates at large upon this you may peruse him This imprisonment by consent of all Scottish writers was more happy to him then whatsoever liberty for the King gave him such education as belonged to his birth The Scotchmen are naturally given to all discipline as well speculative as active ingenious at sciences stout and valiant in warre but this Prince out did them all in aptnesse to all these for he surpassed his teachers aswell in horsemanship as in Theologie Philosophy and other liberall sciences especially in musicke and poetry wherein he proved most expert so as that fortune which was thought unhappy crowned him with glory for besides the advantage of so good education he was free from feare of his Uncle and was in his due time an introducer of learning politenesse and such arts as were not before known in Scotland it is to be observed in him that evill fortune is the best Academy for a man to profit in A rule which suffered exception in the Earle of Northumberland whose last actions we must now treate of for though an old man he died a schollar in that Academy before he had learnt the maxime of good government not using patience but in his vast thoughts plausible but pernitious counsellors resolving rather to dye then live declined a noble resolution in a better cause or upon more mature occasion He had made many journeyes into France Flanders and Wales to raise up warre and get helpe against his King all which proved of no use to him at last he returned to Scotland from whence accompanied by Bardolf he fell with great troopes of men upon Northumberland he there recovered divers Castles his army much encreasing by divers who from those parts came to assist him from thence he passed into Yorkeshire where by proclamation he invited all those to side with him who loved liberty The King at the first noise hereof went to meet him but hardly was he come to Nottingham when he understood that Sir Thomas Rookesby Shirife of that Shire had given him battell slayne him and taken Bardolf prisoner who afterwards dyed of his wounds The King did not though forbeare to pursue his journey that hee might quench the yet hot ashes of that rebellion he mulcted many and put many to death answerable to the condition of their faults The Bishop of Bangor and Abbot of Ailes who were taken prisoners in the conflict met with different fortunes according to the diversity of their habits The Abbot being taken in armour was hanged the Bishop who was clothed in the habits of his profession was pardoned the heads of the two Peers were cut off put upon the top of two speares and sent to be set upon London bridge This was the miserable end of the father sonne and brother descended from one of the noblest races that came from Normandie into England all this ruine being occasioned out of a meer capritchio of wrastling with the King and detaining in his despite the Scottish
prisoners which had not happened had they not beleeved to have so well deserved at his hands as that they might make him doe what they listed a presumption which hath and will deceive many for Princes will not be thought capable of such obligation as that they must acknowledge their being from another and much lesse to have their subjects their benefactors the very thought thereof hath beene and ever will be with them mortall Here all King Henries adverse fortune had a period and in this calme he likewise calmed all home suspitions and jealousies having in the short time he afterwards lived some small forraine armies not to weary him but to keep him in breath he had as wise Princes ought his eyes every where he tooke order for the very least affaires for negligence in a new and not beloved Prince is no lesse the mother of contempt then is diligence the mother of reverence and respect many ships appertaining to particular men were come upon the coast of the Kingdome upon this occasion of warre to lie in waite for pillage which hindred the Merchants ships from traffiquing abroad he gave order for a sufficient fleet commanded by Edmond Holland Earle of Kent formerly created Admirall who having scoured the coasts of England and France and met with no enemy he understood they had retired themselves into Britany whither he steered his course he assaulted Briache a place upon the sea side The inhabitants did couragiously defend the place wounded many of the English in particular the Admirall himselfe with a stone in the head of the which he died five daies after a fatall blow to him and unfortunate to them for the assaliants growing more obstinate through this losse tooke the Towne by force burnt all the houses and put all to the sword that they found in posture of defence This Earle was brother to Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey who in the conspiracy at Oxford was slaine by the Townesmen of Chester he was in such favour with the King as besides the restoring of him to his bloud inheritance and honour he with much labour and expence procured him to marry with Lucia Visconte This Lady was the tenth daughter of Barnaby Visconte Lord not onely of Millaine but almost of all Lumbardy the other nine were matched to great Princes as to Leopald Duke of Austria the two Dukes of Bavaria and to the King of Ciprus so as if the King had not extraordinarily favoured him it was not a match befitting his fortune she brought him 100000. Crownes in gold an unusuall portion in those dayes and to the last of so many daughters Corâ—…us calls him Earle of Kent and sonne to Henry the fourth beleeving that any inferior quality was unfit to match with so great a Princesse she being now a widow and without children the King purposed to marry her to Marquis Dorset his brother but she not liking thereof he being a man in yeares and of no pleasing aspect did secretly marry herselfe with hazard of losing for ever all shee had to Henry Mortimer to whom she bore three daughters which being all honorably married left a noble and continued succession The affaires in France this mean while the which hereafter must be interlaced with this our story were come to the period of ruine so to bring England to the period of greatnesse which had not happened for whatsoever worth or fortune had not the way beene chalked out unto them by the enmity between the house of Burgundy and Orleance Let me bee permitted to make a large relation thereof since they were the rice of all the disorders that succeeded betwixt these two warlike Nations we have heard how the Duke of Burgundy having the second time resolved upon the enterprise of Callis was commanded to the contrary that thinking that this affront proceeded from the ill will that Orleans bore him hee was mightily incensed this anger afterwards increasing and not able to suffer him his superior nor the other him his equall he resolved to bereave him of his life with this resolution he went to Paris where he got together eighteene men the very scum of all the rascality of France making one Rolletto Antoneville a Norman their chiefe who having by the favour of the late Duke of Burgundy father to this present Duke obtained an office of great moment had it tane from him by the Duke of Orleans so as the obligation he had to the one and the losse he received by the other made him more covet this murther then did Burgundy the Queene had bought a house without the gate Barbet for her recreation where shee was at this time brought to bed the child being dead so as she keeping her bed they were sure Orleans would not faile to visite her they tooke a house neere the said gate for that he returning by night as of necessity he must doe by reason of the shortnesse of the dayes the season being November they might have opportunity to doe that wicked action the Duke went to make this visit and they fearing lest in his returne he might come some other way sent unto him a footman of the Kings one of their number to will him from the King to come presently to him for that he had a businesse to confer with him in which concerned them both The Duke who knew the messenger took leave of the Queene and got on horsebacke waited upon onely by five footmen with torches by two gentlemen which rid before him both of one horse and by a Dutchman who being come out of pagery and not having whereon to ride followed him on foot the assassinates stood waiting for him in a corner as the torch light appeared they came forth upon him and at the first stroke strucke off one of his hands he cried out I am Orleans t' is Orleans that we would have replied they wherwithall loading him with wounds he fell from his horse with his head so cloven as that his braines fell out upon the stones the faithfull Dutchman desirous to be his shield threw himselfe before him and was soone slaine the horse which was gone before did so start when hee came neer these men as that huffing and pricking up his eares he runne so hard away as the two men could not in a long time take him up having stayed him and returning backe to meet their Master they might see the Dukes horse with no body on his backe which they led backe by the bridle thinking that the Duke lighting upon such like accident as they had done might be fallen but being come unto the place and by the murtherers threatned to be served with the same sauce they run to the Queens house crying out murther murther the murtherers this meane while having set the house on fire wherein they lay to the end that their neighbours fright might make their escape more secure got to the Pallace of Artois a house of the Duke of Burgundies This newes being knowne
and heire of Charles Duke of Loreine for being conscious to himself that the Dukes exclusion from the Crowne was unjust he thought himselfe not rightly possessed of the Kingdome save in the right of his grandmother upon whom the rights of Charles fell and consequently upon him as heire to her At last hee made his intended offer in generall termes promising that if the King would resolve upon this enterprise the Clergy would give him such contributions as greater were never given by them to any of his predecessors This enterprise the reasons thereof and the offer made by the Archbishop did so farre prevaile with the King as that Ralphe Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Warden of the Marches confining upon Scotland fearing lest the King would be perswaded thereunto and that by taking along with him the flower of all the souldiers small forces would remaine with him to oppose the endeavours of that Kingdome did thus oppose himselfe to what the Archbishop had said He confessed the enterprise to be just and honourable but dangerous and full of hindrances He shewed that preposterous proceedings were the overthrow of all undertakings and that to fight with France before that Scotland was subdued was the most preposterous course that could bee taken That to make triall of fortune in a forreine Estate whilst the State at home was subject to alterations was a resolution no waies agreeing with wisedome That it was to bee beleeved that Scotland that had never let slip any advantagious occasion would much lesse passe by this so faire a one presented unto them by the Kings absence and the absence of the chiefe of the Chivalry of England That though it were granted that Scotland being without a King and in some sort divided within it selfe might in likelyhood be carelesse in other affaires yet would it not neglect this as not permitted so to doe by their ancient confederacy and when they were not by obligation tyed to this yet monies assistance and chiefly their owne safeties would force them unto it since it was not to be doubted that the diversion of Scotland being one of Frances chiefest defences the French would not abandon her for if she should be lost or weakend they themselves would suffer a great losse and diminution of strength Since then her safety obligation and so many other severall obligations were in question upon the which her good or bad did depend shee would not stand idle The which being granted it would necessarily follow that the one warre would produce the other with this difference that France could assist Scotland but in part whereas Scotland could totally assist her France could not so fully assist Scotland by reason of her distance and that her aides would be weakened by pawses and interruptions they might meet with by the way and that by reason of her infirmities shee was unfit to make a diversion by open warre that Scotland on the other side was not onely free from these inconveniences but sure to make an open diversion notwithstanding whatsoever opposition so as making warre with Scotland though she might be strengthened by auxiliary forces which are alwaies hatefull and full of jealousies yet one onely war was made and in France two for since his Majesty could not passe over the sea without weakning England it would so fall out as being infested he must be forced to quit the warre with France and undertake the other which at first ought to have beene undertaken the which could not bee done without the losse not onely of reputation but of much treasure which would there bee fruitlesly spent That the events of warre being doubtfull the least difficult was to be chosen so as rather then to thinke of conquering France whilst Scotland might divert them they should hope to conquer Scotland if England being free from forreine diversions should bring all her strength against those parts onely otherwise she were likely to finde to her cost that to buckle with an united body separated from the sea of insufferable expence with a thousand hazards of fortune sicknesse windes deaths want of victualls and munition would prove infinitely dangerous the rather for that she should leave behinde her an indefatigable warlike enemy which was not likely to meete with any incommodity supplies being to be had in every house not subject to winds nor tempests in a time when that Kingdome being without a King and ill satisfied with the government she was to be presumed not able to withstand so valorous an undertaking And if Edward the thirds past victories in France and those of the blacke Prince his sonne did render mens mindes confident let them remember that fortune was fickle and that those who dreampt that the world was eternall did not fancy to themselves that all things should returne to their former condition till after the slow revolution of 36000. yeares he concluded that if England would make a successive warre in France shee must first conquer Scotland These two opinions might have beene ballanced had it not been for the third Marquis Dorset the Kings Uncle which overthrew the latter of the two This Gentleman was a good Schollar for the Duke of Lancaster his father who thought to have destined him to the Church had caused him to be brought up to his booke the which being added to his travells in divers Countries especially in Italy had setled his understanding which guided by the two great Masters speculation and practice could not chuse but render him perfectly wise he repeating what had bin alleadged by the Earle and arguing against the reasons he had brought shewed that Scotland had the same relation to France as boughes to the tree the Nobility of Scotland being maintained by pensions from her and the yong men thereof bettered by her military discipline so as to take away the bud you must cut downe the tree that give the conquest of Scotland for granted more difficulties would bee met withall in the keeping of it then in the defending the borders of England whilst warre was made elswhere for Scotland being in some parts inaccessable in other parts savage and wholly an enemy would continually produce some new motions being incouraged by assistance and monies from beyond the seas That she had never endangered England in former times upon the like occasions but had bin sufficiently endamaged That Malkin was slaine whilst he would make use of William the seconds absence who went to wage warre in Normandy and David Bruce was taken prisoner whilst Edward the third was at the siege of Caleis that it is true the like doth not alwaies happen but that therefore worse successe should not be feared whilst the enemies forces are not augmented nor our own diminished the which was now so farre from being so as that they were without a King and in a molested government whilst France was in no better estate for to boote with the warre which would distract her shee was molested by the infirmity of her
of reason they had required of him Assoone as they were gone the first thing he did was to secure the consines upon Scotland by adding to the Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroope Lord Greystock and Sir Robert Vmfrevill The last of which desirous to trie his fortune set upon the enemy of Godering where hee slew 600. of them and tooke 300. prisoners whilst the King sent a Herald into France with new letters of defiance who having accesse unto the Councell but not unto the King departed with this replie That answer should be made in time and place convenient The King was a ship-board in Antona when he was informed that the Earle of Cambridge the Lord Henry Scroope and Sir Thomas Grey had conspired his death This was the onely mischiefe undertaking against him though in vaine by the raging bloud of Civill ware More certainly would have beene indeavoured had it not beene for the warres with France which hindred such attempts whilst it served for a cauter to the bad humours of England This Princes misfortunes were put over to those that followed him for the cautery being closed up after his death produced such sicknesse as slew his sonne and grandchild as wee shall see in the second Volume The three Conspirators were apprehended The first was grandsonne to Edward the third cousen german to Richard the second and Henry the fourth and brother to the Duke of Yorke a Prince of great expectation one of whom England and the King himselfe did promise unto themselves deeds worthy of his birth in these present occasions he easily confessed I will not say the truth but that which being likely to be true redounded to his advantage that it should be beleeved He confessed that he and the other two had beene bribed by great summes of money received by the way of anticipation which caused them resolve since it was impossible for them to deliver him alive into the French mens hands to kill him before he should set footing in Normandy This did very much afflict the King he thought it improbale that men of so great fortunes should be capable of so base corruption for in his person they betrayed their Country exposed the very flower of England to the slaughter and cut the very nerves of the fortune of the land He bewailed the fault but did not perceive the true occasion of the treason which if he had done he had perhaps by rooting out the house of Yorke prevented the ruine wich was a framing against his house of Lancaster But humanity attains not to the secrets of above and if it did it is not wise enough to divert the wisdome of heaven God is as well the reward of good in thousands as he is the punisher of evill in the third fourth generation In Richard the 2. he punished the death of Edward the second In Henry the sixt and his sonne the death of Richard the second In Edward the fifth and his brother the death of Henry the sixt and his sonne And in Richard the third the death of Edward the fifth and his brother and yet hee was pleased to suffer those to dye in peace which were the authors thereof I would not place Edward the third in this number if his mothers fault did not in some sort lay upon him the aspersion of parricide Henry the fourth who murthered Richard the second and Edward the 4. who murthered Henry the sixt remained all unpunished But to Richard the second he denyed life perhaps repentance his inhumanity not deserving successor nor pardon And though he died a violent death yet not so ill as he deserved for who doth live through cruelty should through cruelty die It was not credited that the Earle of Cambridge was corrupted by France as he himself said but of his own accord for being married to Anne great grandchild to Lionell Duke of Clarence and sister to Edmond Earle of March to whom the Crowne did of right belong his designe was to kill the King and his brethren that so he might make his brother in law King who having no children nor in a capacity of having any he and his sonne were to succeed in the right of Anne so as fearing lest to confesse the truth might endanger his heires life he framed this fable He and his complices were beheaded And though he was pittied by all yet his resolving upon so wicked a deed in the nicke of so important a businesse to the common losse and danger did much abate their commiseration for his death was thought expedient for the life and safety of King and and subjects Walsingham writes that the Lord Scroop Lord Treasurer whose hypocrisie had wonne so much of credit with the King that nothing was done without his approvall was he who was corrupted by the Embassadors of France and that the other two received their infection from him That the Embassadors being returned home reported that they had so ordered the businesse that King Henry was as then either diverted from the enterprise of France or slaine A manuscript cited by Iohn Speed saith that the King of France gave them a million of Crownes that they might either kill him or deliver him up prisoner into his hands and that the Earle of Cambridge desirous to draw the Earle of March unto his party revealed the designe unto him forcing him by threats to sweare secrecy and that having obtained one onely hour for resolution the Earle of Marsh accused him unto the King The sentence of death which in history is recorded saith That it was so wrought as that the Earle of Marsh should take upon him the government of the Kingdome in case Richard the 2. were dead there remained still an opinion that he was yet living in Scotland and that he should be proclaimed heire to the Crown in opposition to Henry of Lancaster usurper The which doth partly correspond with the manuscript as likewise that the Earle of Marsh was the accuser it being probable that having no children and voide of ambition and of a peacefull condition he would not hazard his life to satisfie his brother in lawes ambition But it is not possible that the King of France should have payed this mony for if so it would have beene found after the delinquents death and some mention would have been made thereof Moreover the revenues of France in those daies not amounting by much to so great a sum it must of necessity either be taken out of an already gathered treasure or from the common peoples purse not from the treasury for Princes lay up treasure onely in peace and by good government both which were a long time unknowne to that Kingdome Not from the purse of the common people for it was impossible in such an instant and with so much secrecy to have drawne it from them So as for what appeares to me the reasons alledged in their sentence ought most to be beleeved the rather for that King Henry did never upbraid
phantasticall planet glistering with incomparable felicity and miseries Amongst his miseries was his fathers frenzy to whom it behoved to side with one of the two factions alternately Two warres at the same time with Burgony and England his mothers hatred and thereby the losse of little lesse then the whole Kingdome Amongst his felicities the death of foure elder brothers whereby the Crowne fell upon him the death of King Henry which settled it on his head for if Henry had lived he was in hazard either to have wholly lost it or to have injoyed but a small part thereof and that with difficulty and continuall warre being bred up in hatred to the Duke of Burgony to undoe him he undid himselfe He was of as various an humour as his fortune was various as indulgent to his pleasures as his dangers would permit him whereby he was tutored sometimes in abstinence sometimes in temperance inconstant in his affections constant acurate in his actions insomuch as when he died he left that Kingdome entire and peacefull which at his entry thereunto he found not onely turbulent but almost lost So as it may be said that tribulation made him wise and glorious which otherwise of himselfe he would not have been he had before him three powerfull enemies the King of England the Duke of Burgony and his mother who though a woman and unarmed was more of trouble and damage to him then the other two It was hard for him to fence against them all He could not encounter the first without affording leasure unto the second who the more domesticall he was the more dangerous was his enmity For whereas against the King of England he might rely upon his peoples faith and assistance he durst not affie in them against the Duke whom they were inclined to favour so as hisgreatest difficulty for the present was which of the two he was first to oppose if he quitted Paris he lost it and if he left it not he lost Normandy But Count Armignack were it out of passion or the interest of his owne authority or out of true judgement shewed it unto him that losing his capitall City he would likewise the lesse inferior ones which would follow the others example and therefore thought it most necessary for him to secure that City against the Duke a Prince of the bloud and a subject then to oppose himselfe against the King of England a forreine Prince and pretender to the Crowne though thereby hee might lose Normandy The Duke therefore perceiving that it was impossible for him to enter Paris for the present betooke himselfe to the taking in of some small Towns neare about it and after many too 's and fro's besieging Corbeille whilst every one thought he did it to famish Paris it being the most important passage whereby to cut off the victualling of Paris be rose from thence and hasted to Towrs and finding the Queene in Maurmoters Abbey according to the agreement which was formerly made betweene them he brought her in liberty to Towrs with reciprocall commodity for her to reenter into authority and command by means of the Dukes forces for the Duke to make way to his designes by meanes of the Queenes person and name They were to the peoples great joy received into the City and Castle gladded that they were freed from all other taxes save that of salt not perceiving that such graces were of no long continuance aswell for that they cannot bee granted but by the soveraigne Prince and in such times onely as being free from warre it redounds to his advantage that his people be eased as likewise that those who are factious and seditious cannot subsist without oppressing the people From hence they went to Chartres where the Queene made herselfe be proclaimed Regent of the Kingdome establishing two Courts of Justice the one at Amiens the other at Troyes in Champania and prohibiting upon great penalty any whatsoever recourse unto the Parliament at Paris Divers Cardinalls and Prelates treated a reconcilement betweene her and her sonne the Duke desired it hoping thereby the more to tame him But Count Armignack and the Chancellor Marle which thought it would bee the overthrow of their authority brake off the treaty becomming thereby more hatefull unto the people Whereupon those who sided with the Duke in Paris embracing the occasion opened one of the gates by night and brought in Monsieur d'Illeadam who strengthened by the Citizens crying out Vive la paix Vive le Roy Vive Bourgogne did assault the houses of such as were of the Armignack faction Tannigues du Chasteu a faithfull servant of the Dolphins guessing by the first bruit at the matter ranne at the Dolphins bed side and conveied him safe in a sheete into the Bastille The Count Armignacke hid himself in disguise in a poore neighbours house who afraid of the punishment wich was proclaimed against whosoever should conceale him did discover him Those who led him away prisoner having much adoe to save him from the fury of the people The King compelled to rise out of his bed was by this rascally route set on horsebacke and led through the City to the end that the mischiefe which was done and which was to be done might be authenticated by his presence as if a lewd and deadly mischiefe should have tended to his service and that he had commanded it The Chancellors divers Bishops Councellors and Magistrates were taken and made prisoners whilst the common people possessed with a fresh fury brake the prisons and slew them all their madnesse reaching to the rich enemies and friends wealth anger and inheritance were under colour of the Armignacks the death of many innocents who never had to doe in any faction so as death though every where of an alike countenance was clad with different liveries The Constables and Chancellors corps having been three daies together dragd naked up and downe the streets to the end that the aire might not be therewithall corrupted were throwne out of the City where carrion used to be laid The Duke of Burbony who was then at Dijon approving of the fact but seeming not to approve of the manner thereof came from thence together with the Queene and were in great triumph received by the Parisians Being thus arrived where he desired increased in power freed of his enemies possessed of government and having the King to dispose of at his pleasure hee did his uttermost to draw the Dolphin to him he sent Embassies one after another as sent from his father and mother pleading the infirmity of the one and the others for their inabilities to resolve upon any thing requisite against the King of England without his assistance nor was he sparing in the vowing of his owne service unto him But the Dolphin though he was thereunto inclined was disswaded by those who thought themselves irreconciliable with the Duke Thus doe Princes ruine themselves and their affaires whilst wanting judgement how to
knew fit for the purpose Hee gave the charge thereof to the above named who guided by Coulonnis made an Ambuscado of 6000. men Monstrelet saith but 1500. in a place called la Bassecourt neare unto a Bridge betweene Pontersonne and the plaine over against Monte Saint Michael where the Lord Scales and his men were furiously set upon this place as it was the more advantageous for the assailants so was it the lesse proper for the assailed who were beset on the one side by the enemy on the other side by the sea so as inanimated by necessity and danger and despairing of all other hopes then what they should by their Swords receive they did in close files and on foote so well defend themselves as that the Britons could never open them but this their first heate being abated and being withstood by an unexpected and stout incounter they began to give backe and then to runne away being followed at full speed by their enemies who were gotten againe on Horsebacke the number of those who were slaine and taken prisoners was about 1100. amongst the dead were the Baron Coulonnis theinciter to this enterprise Messieurs de Castelgironne and de Hananday and amongst the prisoners the Viscount de Belliere and many other Gentlemen So as the Lord Scales loaded with victualls munition and prisoners came with much honour and praise to the Campe. The Constable went afterwards to perswade the Duke his brother to succour the towne but could by no meanes worke him thereunto for his experience upon this occasion had proved unto that to hazard a battell might be his ruine for by loosing it he should loose Dukedome whereas the enemy was to loose nothing but men so as Pontersonne being for three moneths space well defended and not succoured surrendred it selfe in May the Garrison marching forth with their Armes and baggage Which as soone as the Duke of Bedford understood he went from Roan to enter Britanny with a powerfull Army and likely he was to have done good had he not beene perswaded to accept of the Duke of Britannies offers who being too weake to incounter with him Pontersonne his chiefe hold being lost his hopes but small of being succoured by Charles hee himselfe not knowing what to doe his Peeres and People affrighted having nor provisions nor forces no courage but full of apprehension and danger hee was compell'd to send unto him that pardoning what was past hee would bee pleas'd to grant him peace Bedford yeelded thereunto unwillingly and as some will have it by bad advice but in my opinion very discreetly if wee consider the uncertainety of events For the garrisons of Britanny give the conquest granted would require a great many people not to bee made use of elswhere Countries subdued are subject to infidelity and chiefely Britanny which naturally ill inclined was to bee thought subject to the least puffe of alteration so as joyning it by this meanes unto himselfe or if not so cutting it off from the enemy Hee might upon all occasions like Poliphemus keepe it for his last bit Moreover hee could not have desired more honourable nor more advantageous conditions For the Duke oblig'd himselfe to renounce all former confederacies made with the Kings of France to observe the treaty of peace betweene the two Kingdomes and to doe homage to King Henry as soone as hee should have crost the Seas in the selfe same manner as the Dukes his predecessors had done to the Kings of France requiring but 3. monthes space after requiry The Bishops and Barons of Britanny bound themselves to the observance of this treaty together with the Dukes two Sonnes Francis and Richard the Chapters Cathedrall Churches Citizens and all those who amongst the meaner sort of gentry were of any name so great was the feare wherewith the one was inforced the others surprised foretold as Argentres will have it by a terrible earthquake which shooke the whole Country of Nantes some few Monthes before Small things and but of small importance were done during the seige of Pontersonne Nicholas Hansonne one of the garrison of S. Susan plundered the Country of Aniou Hee tooke Ramfort before the Captaine thereof knew of his comming hee slew and tooke as many as hee found there A number of the French on the other side assembled to succour Pontersonne went to regaine Ramfort they besieged it the space of 10. dayes and Articles being made that the defendants should come forth with their Armes Horses and other provisions they returned abandoning their first designes Messieures de Raise and Beumanoir tooke Malicorne and the Castle of Iude in the Country of Maine by assault treating them according to the Lawes of places taken by force they saved the lives of none save such by whom they might reape advantage being gone from thence and Pontersonne surrendred the above named Hanson surprised S. Lorance de Mortiers the Captaine thereof being gone to heare Masse in a neighboring Church and returning home not knowing that the Towne was taken hee was tane prisoner but those who followed him sav'd themselves Falstaffe the Governour of Aniou and Maine having almost at the same time taken the Castle of S. Oven by composition went to lay siege to Grieville a place not to bee taken by force but wanting victuals they treated on a surrender if they should not bee succoured by such a day Falstaffe himselfe went to advertise the Regent thereof who suddenly came into the field hoping to fight if the French should come but they appeared not though not farre off being taught to bee circumspect by the battle of Vernuille Grieville which this meane time was victuall'd deny'd to make good their treaty and the English not likely to reape any good by tarrying long there raysed the siedge hanging first in sight of the Castle their hostages their friends and fellow souldiers The Regent at his returne from England had given the charge of those men which he then brought along with him to the Lord Iohn Talbot who afterwards proved one of the most famous Captaines in all the French warres His name lives there yet amongst them who never read his story before that by his worth hee atchieved greater titles of honour hee was of most noble bloud Sonne to Richard Talbot Lord of Goderick Castle who in his time had fought valiantly under Henry the fifth Camden speaking of him cals him Englands Achilles His warlike humour cannot bee better described then by the Latin inscription on his sword on the one side of which was read Sum Talbotty on the other side Per vincere inimicos meos The Regent thought fit to conferre upon him the Government of Aniou and Maine fitting Falstaffe with some other charge The first thing hee did after having receaved his command was the taking in of Lavat wherein Monsieur de Loac and other People of account being casually at that time they bargained for the liberty of their Persons and goods paying therefore 100000.
the Cardinall of Winchester was at Dover ready to passe over into Bohemia with 4000. men The Hussites had much troubled that Kingdome not without danger of infecting the Neighboring Countries with their opinions the which Martin the fifth being willing to withstand hee did together with other remedies nominate the Cardinall of Winchester his Legate in this Warre and that by comming arm'd hee might not bee despis'd hee gave him power to raise the tenth part of all the Ecclesiasticall livings in England to make thereby a leavy of souldiers The busines being propounded in Parliament and approved of by meanes of the said moneyes these 4000. men were raysed The Duke of Glocester who could not make so suddaine provision of men intreated the Cardinall to assist the busines of France by transporting those souldiers to the Regent and that when hee should see those affaires out of danger hee might goe on his journey The Cardinall obeyed him though unwillingly mov'd thereunto out of consideration that if any disaster should be fall the Kings businesse the fault might be laid on him The Regent re-inforced by these men came forth againe into the field continuing his resolution of fighting with the enemy who being incamped between Baron and Monpillier he incampt himselfe betweene Baron and Selins where many skirmishes were made but Charles not willing to set upon him in his owne Campe though he were by much the greater number nor the Regent to expose himselfe to all disadvantages they both retired the Cardinall taking his way towards Bohemia where having had ill fortune he returned home with little honour and Cardinall Guilian was sent in his place Henry was now entred into the eighth yeare of his raigne and the ninth of his age not having beene till then crowned so as on the sixt of November this solemnity was with much pompe celebrated at Westminster with all such demonstrations of joy as upon like occasions are usually made both publiquely and privately Charles this meane while being free from the incounter with Bedford received as hee passed by such Cities as surrendred themselves amongst which Campaigne and Senlis but thinking this successe not sufficient unlesse hee could totally sever Philip from the enemy hee resolved to send Embassadours to him who excusing the death of his Father might shew unto him how misbecomming a thing it was for a Prince of his qualitie so blamefully to joyne with those who did oppugne the house royall the Country and Kingdome to the which hee or such as should descend from him might sometimes aspire if Fortune should throw the succession upon him offering him what conditions hee pleased and such as were never to be effected But Philip keeping himselfe upon generalls neither giving hopes nor taking them quite away and demanding such things as were not to bee granted him reserved himselfe to his best advantage for being courted by both sides he was sure that without him neither of them could prevaile This meane while Beaunois and Omale being come over to Charles the Regent fearing yet worse went to Normandy the Province which though all the rest were lost was chiefly to be preserved as being the Patrimony of the Crowne of England and the most convenient for it of all the rest leaving Lovis of Luxemburg Bishop of Ierouanne who by Henries meanes enjoyed the office of Chancellorship of France in Paris with 2000 English under good Commanders Charles would not not lose the opportunity of this absence to try whether fortune would favour him in the atchieving of that City S. Denis yeelded it selfe up unto him without resistance so as his men began to scowre the country even to underneath the walls of Paris and the chiefest of his Army being lodged at La Chapelle they levell'd their Artillerie against the gate Saint Honore and tooke the Bulwarke thereof whereupon the Maid throwing her selfe into the ditch and resolute contrary to the advice of Alansonne and all the rest to give an assault he pretended revelation having not revealed unto her the depth of the ditch and the water therein she was wounded in her leg the which not abating her violence but she still persisting in causing where withall to be brought to fill it up she had there beene taken had not a servant of the Duke of Alansonnes withdrawne her from thence so as force proving vaine many brave souldiers being there slaine and the Bulwarke abandoned they wholly forsooke the enterprise Charles tooke his way from Touraine by Berry being not naturally inclin'd to businesses but rather to the trimming up of gardens as usually are the lovers of idlenesse an humour which though it be allowable in men who have not much to doe yet is it harmefull in Princes whose art it is to give lawes to peace to governe their people with honour to pardon the humble and punish the proud The Regent understanding the danger that Paris was in made hast thither he thanked the Citie for the loyaltie they had shewed upon this occasion promising whatsoever might be expected from a moderate government and from a King who loved nothing more then the preservation and content of his people Philip was not long in comming thither who after having treated with him of what was to be done after a short stay departed leaving him to the recovery of Saint Denis and the adjacent places whilst the Bastard of Orleans layd siege to the Castle of Turcis which being very strong both by scituation and art held out six moneths at the end whereof it yeeded the Souldiers lives being saved and the Castle wholly demolished At this very time Sir Thomas Tirill had with 400. Souldiers much damnified the county of Cleremont the Count thereof resolute to chastise his boldnesse drew out the Garrisons from thence and the neighbouring places and chasing him therewithall overtooke him about Beauvois in so narrow a passage as his Horsemen could not make use of their Horses they therefore quitted them and fiercely set upon him the bickering lasted a good while without knowledge which side had the better till such time as the English bowes decided it the Count saved himselfe for which he owes thankes to his Horses heeles of the rest 300. were slaine and 200. taken prisoners with whom Sir Thomas returned to Grovay the place of his Garrison Omale had a little before yeelded unto Charles as hath beene sayd Mounsieur de Ramburres remaining Governour thereof the Earle of Suffolke besieged it and after 25. assaults the Towne not being able to doe any more surrendred it selfe the Earle caused 30. of the chiefest of them to be hang'd on the Walls as falsifiers of their faith and perjur'd to Henry he fined the rest and sent Mounsieur de Rambourres into England who six yeares after recovered his lost liberty by exchange On the other side Laval which Talbot had taken the yeare before was retaken by the French who lay in ambush all night neare unto a Mill and following the Millers advice who
horse and those wearied resolved to set upon him before his bowmen should come up vnto him And to make the Earle the more confident hee sent forth 50. horse as if there had beene no more in the Castle The Earle sent Sir Ralph Standish with 100. horse to encounter them who had hardly begun the skirmish when the rest that were within the Castle sallyed forth slew him and his companions and without any interposition of time set upon the Earle who as hee was manfully fighting was defeated by a Culverin which being shot among the thickest of his men swept away a great many of them and at the second shot broke the Earles legge above his ankle who in a swound fell from his horse and was taken prisoner with Woodville and a hundred other horse Two hundred were slaine the rest saved themselves by flight The Earle was carried to Beauvois where within a few dayes hee died His losse was as much bewayled as his valour had hee lived was full of expectation and hope Hee was the fift Earle of Arundell of the noble house of Fitsallen Six others of the same succeeded him the last of which was Henry who dying without heires male the Earledome and the title fell upon Philip Howard eldest sonne to Thomas Duke of Northfolke and Mary his wife daughter to the said Henry This Thomas was father to the now present Earle of Arundell Earle Marshall of England who married the Lady Alithea daughter to Gilbert Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewesbury lineally descended from Iohnâ—…ord â—…ord Talbot of whom wee have spoken in this our story I was willing to â—…ist upon this particular here which I desire may not bee imputed to me as a superfluous digression but rather to the gratitude which from mee and all Italy is due unto them both Tenne yeares were past since the battaile of Aiencourt where and since when the Duke of Bourbon was prisoner in England when having payed his ransome of 18000. pounds sterlin the very day destinied for his returne hee was seized upon by his last infirmitie which brought him to his grave dying a free man after having lived so long a captive The confederacy friendship and affinitie of the two Couzins Bedford and Burgony were come to the period of their dissolution not so much for the death of the ones wife the others sister as for that the distasts caused by divers passages betweene them had afforded field-roome to such as desired a breach betweene them to whisper such tales in both their eares as being supposed to be spoken in the prejudice of each other could by neither of them be taken in good part but with a great resentment of their honours an Idoll which amongst imaginary deities especially betweene Princes is the most supreame though as too suspitiously false sometimes with much losse too much idolatrised friends enterposed themselves but 't was not sufficient the gangren'd sores of their soules were not to be cured by Lenities A meeting betweene them was treated of out of hopes that by an enterview and speech together they might come to understand one anothers minde better then by reports 't was obtained Saint Omers was named and agreed upon for the place A place which belonging to Philip redounded to his honour since Bedford went to him not he to Bedford Bedford came thither first whilst Philip being in his owne dominion and his owne house should have beene there to have met and welcomed him But hee was so farre from doing this that though he came last he pretended to be the first visited Perhaps a just pretension in a neutrall place hee being the last commer thither For as for other respects which give precedency to Princes there goes not much difficultie to the deciding of the question Bedford had two which argue for his precedency the one casuall and but for a time the other borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft His regency of France was that which was casuall and therefore I build not upon it as well for that Philip might have beene regent if hee had so pleased though what might have beene gives place to what is as likewise for that France held it an unjust usurped dignity though hee ought not to esteeme it so who held Henry for King of France for that that was borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft Bedford was the Sonne Brother and Uncle of a King And tooke these prerogatives from him superiour without question to any thing that Philip could alledge they were in their genealogies equall For if Iohn King of France were great Grandfather to Philip Edward the third King of England was the like to Bedford and if any difference bee made betweene the Princes of the bloud in France and the Princes of the bloud in England where there is no such title by Law the former being priviledged by the pretended Salique Law the latter not since women doe succeede t is a reason whereof Philip ought make no use since that Law was by him broken and so much the lesse against Bedford as that if Henry should dye without heyres hee was the next presumed heyre to the Crowne In titles they were alike in soveraignty and peculiar power Philip was before him But if soveraignty were ever to precede there are little soveraigne Lords and no Princes who should take place of great Princes who are no soveraigne Lords and power which contributes advantage doth nor contribute degrees of dignity But let all bee granted civility will not permit the affecting of the best place in a mans owne house but rather wils that it bee given alwayes to our equals yea sometimes to our inferiours To end this difference Philip propounded that the businesse might bee discust by third persons which Bedford would not condescend unto so as parting without the sight of one another their friendship was broken and all memorials of their former affinity were cancelled wherein if the English lost all hee got not much for one would thinke that in the fall of this great tree hee should have seized upon one of the greatest boughes for himselfe the which if hee had not formerly done the fault was his since he by their assistance which did divert those who might have troubled him obtained territories else-where to the unjust and violent possession whereof I meane Hannault Holland Zeland and Frisland he had never come their naturall Princes being alive if France had beene at liberty Hee had sundry times given fast signes of this his bad inclination especially when notwithstanding the heate of warre hee was contented that his brother in law the Count de Richmont should receive the sword of Constableship and that Charles de Bourbon the now Duke a great sider with King Charles and an implacable enemy of the English should marry his sister Agnis powerfull meanes for the accommodation which his delayes did not cut off but deferre Hee had thus two strings to his bow Moreover when the councell
it would bee a greater shame to France to shew her selfe cruell to his bones who whilest hee was alive none durst oppose that hee was sorry that the memoriall was no more stately and that none was to bee found answerable to so great a worth none of the Sonnes of Henry the fourth did degenerate a thing not usuall in so large a family Henry the fifth dyed gloriously in the pursuite of his conquests the Duke of Clarence valiantly fighting and though Bedford of a naturall death and Gloster of a violent yet dyed they not with lesse fame then did the others so as nature having done her utmost in them if shee failed in the present Henry it is not to bee wondered at for having clade him with a rich shirt of goodnes shee was scant unto him in an upper roabe of reall vertues and of fortune Bedford being dead a new choise was made of who should succeed him of two that pretended thereunto the Duke of Yorke bore away the bell whereat the Duke of Somerset was scandalized who being the Kings cousen thought to have beene preferred before him but the councell was of an other opinion Yorkes true pretences unto the Crowne though at that time not spoken of was perhaps the cause why they would not discontent him Somerset finding no other remedy endeavoured the hindring of his dispatch to the common losses for Paris and the chiefest places which the English held in France were in this interm lost which would not have hapned if hee had had his dispatch time enough Disadvantages which infant Kings are usually subject unto who governed by many and shared by the emulation of great ones cannot favour private interests without disfavouring the publique to the ruine of King and Kingdome Yorke seemed not to take notice of these practises a dissimulation which caused an inward impostumation in him wherewith Somerset being afterwards infected it in a few yeares after brought them both to immature end In the same month of September Queene Isabell mother to Charles King of France and Katharine Queene of England dyed in Paris shee was buried by the side of her husband in Saint Denis without any funerall pompe the times not suting with such like solemnities shee lived not much esteemed of by any no not by the English which made them undergoe the imputation of ingratitude though without reason since nature hath endued us with a secret not well understood light which cleer's unto us all ambiguities so as the imagined good which is not is will wee nill wee not taken by us for good No man denies but that ingratitude is of all vices the most abominable but neither is it to bee denyed that benefits sprung from charity or any other species of courtesie and love not from ostentation or interest are those alone which denominate an ungratefull person Isabels good turn's had their rise from selfe interest if shee sided with the English 't was to side against her sonne shee favored them not as friends but as instruments of her revenge her daughters marriage was from the like cause shee loved her as having beene her companion in her misfortunes but t is not likely shee would ever have sought her advantage to the injury of Charles had shee not hated him shee confounded the World ruinated her Kingdome disinherited her owne bloud and out of dispight not any inclination favored the enemy so as if the English seemed not to bee over gratefull to her it was because her benefits were none of those which conduce to gratitude The rebellion of Normandy was one of the first evill effects caused by the death of the Duke of Bedford for seeing herselfe freed from that chaine which held her in obedience to England shee gave her selfe up unto the French Charles de Marest accompanied by the Marishall de Rieux Messieurs de Bousack and Longaville two houres before day scalled the Walles of Diepe neere to the Gate and met with no opposition by reason of the intelligence they held within the Towne hee had the like successe in forcing open the Gate which leads to Roan through which the Marishall and all his People being entered hee made a stand in the market place crying out according to the military custome of France the City is taken these acclamations awakened those who slept who with stones and dartes made some short defence but they were forced to give way to the last commers there were but few that were slaine The Lieutenant Mortimer with some few others saved himselfe the rest remained prisoners together with such Citizens as had almost affectionately favored the English their goods were ransackt but not theirs who were willing to receivè the oath upon the newes of this acquisition Anthoni de Chabanus Sentraglie Estouteville and many other Lords with betweene three and foure thousand horse came thither to whom one Kernier a leader of the common People followed by 6000. of the Country-people joyned himselfe and all of them did willingly take the oath being marched forth into the field with these and many other Gentlemen of the Country which daily flockt unto him Fescan yeelded it selfe up unto him on Christmas eve and on Saint Stephens-day Monsieur Villiers the Gnascoigne Captain who commanded there having revolted hee assaulted Harfluer but being beaten back and forty of his men slaine whilest hee put himselfe in order for a second assault the Inhabitants capitulated to surrender up the Towne upon condition that the English garrison which consisted of 400. men should be suffered to depart peaceably with all their goods Beccrespin Tancharville Gomesseule Loges Vallemont Graville Longerville Neneville Lambraville and other Townes did the like Upon this flood of fortune the constable Richmont arrived to whom Carles Mesull Aumerle and many other Townes yeelded themselves all which having Garrisons put into them he with-drew himselfe for want of victualls the rest doing the like So as in a short time Normandy was dismembred of the greatest part of the Country of Caux the English were not now to defend themselves against one onely enemy The treaty at Arras as pointed out unto them a second viz. Philip and though warre was not yet declared betweene them they forbare not to bethinke themselves how they might prejudice each other the Garrisons of Callais and the adjacent parts had a designe upon Ardres and those Burgonians which were in the Country of Ponitean upon Crotoi designes wherein they both failed The low Countries were not well pleased with this Breach for the losse they thereby received by want of commerce having acquainted Philip with the importancy hereof they prevailed so farre with him as to permit them endeavour the continuation of peace Iohn of Luxenburg Count de Ligni who had not yet revolted from the English was thought fittest for this imployment hee writ hereof to his Brother the Archbishop of Roan one of Henries chiefest Counsellors in France who writ over into England where the proposition being
They made some resistance though but for a small time their numbers not being able to withstand the great Forces of the Constable and people so as some of them being slaine and the rest retired into the Bastaile they were beset with Corps de Guard in such places as were least to be annoyed by the Artillery in so much as being blockt up on all sides this their retreate served onely for their recapitulation which is no small advantage in such a case the goods they had left in the Citie were seised on and shared the Bishop of Terrovan to boote with his other houshold implements part of which hee afterwards recovered by the favour of Messieurs de Trenant and Lalaigne lost the richest adornements of his Chappell the goods of such Citizens as had sided with the enemy were confiscated the antient Officers cashiered and new ones put in their places and the besieged not able to hold out and not likely to bee succoured after tenne dayes came forth their good and lives saved and with a safe conduct from the Constable retired themselves to Roan Thus Paris returned to its former government sixteene years after that the Duke of Clarence had placed a Garrison there in the behalfe of his brother Henry the fifth This and some other losses had rather madded them then mated the English The Garrison of Callais went to Bullen and had almost taken that part which is called the lower Bullen But Fortresses are taken by great Forces not great anger having burnt many of the shipps which lay in the Haven they passed into the precincts of Gravelline where destroying all the country they gave a furious allarum to the common people who having taken Armes ran to oppose them but as it is usuall to homebred people to presume much and performe little they were rooted 400. of them slaine 120. taken prisoners the rest escaping whither they could whilst the English leading away their pray and prisoners retired themselves to their Garrisons on the other side some of the inhabitants of Gisores were corrupted by La Hire to permit him entry in to the City so as comming with great forces from Gerbery hee entered in and laid siege to the Castle wherein the Garrison had saved themselves and given notice hereof to Roan so as whilest the oppugners and defendors were in their chiefest heate the Lord Talbot came thither with the Lord Scales and 1800. Souldiers werewithall he freed the Castle recovered the Citie chased the enemy away and punisht the traytors At this time the Duke of Yorke came from England to Normandy bringing along with him 8000. Souldiers with which if hee had bin dispatcht away when he ought to have beene the Country of Cauxe had not beene lost and much lesse Paris The Duke of Summersets envy the cause of so great losse was not punished for that hidden mischiefes are not subject to punishments or for that the faults of great delinquents are not without great danger taken notice of Monsieur de Croy Bayliffe of Hannault had at this time gathered together 1500. Souldiers under the conduct of Messieurs de Vaurin Noyrule Sananses and other remarkeable commanders with intention by way of Praeludium to the siege of Callais to runne the country round about it The Garrisons of Callais Guines and other neighbouring places fall upon the same designe who the same night were gathered together to the number of 2000. to sacke the country about Bullen so as the Burgonians had advanced themselves but one houre sooner they had met with their Scouts who they descryed by breake of day upon the passage over the bridge of Millay Croy having advised what was to bee done resolved to set upon them whilst in disorder they should be pillaging the country and though hee could not take them at unawares yet howsoever to give them battell hee devided his men into two squadrons himselfe following the English with the former having for his guide the smoke of such houses and villages as they burnt The English had notice of his comming from Some who at the same time they had taken prisoners so as having there forraging those who were nearest him united themselves together and placed themselves upon the top of a little hill where being by him discovered but not the rest that marched after he set upon them not expecting the arrivall of his second Squadron and finding them in disorder and but a few in number and the first incounter he slew betweene three and fourescore of them the rest fled to their companions and were pursued by the victorious But when they perceived a second Troope they made a stop expecting the arrivall of their second Squadron and wavering in their resolution of fighting they encouraged one another to what none of them had any minde The English this meane while having reordered themselves set furiously upon them the Bickering was not long and the formerly victorious making very little resistance were driven even to underneath the walls of Ardresse the number both of slaine and prisoners did not exceede 100. for surprised by feare they betooke themselves rather to flight then fight Decroy was wounded and his horse slaine under him but he had the good fortune to recover another and was more vext at the manner of his losse then at the losse it selfe which might be counterpoised by his former encounter The victualls returned with their prisoners to Callais and were met by the Earle of Mortaigne sonne to the Duke of Sommerset who was sent thither with 1500. men to oppose Philips designes who if hee had undertaken this enterprise with men taken into pay and not with the common people of Flanders who will be entreated and not commanded by their Princes hee would either have reaped more advantage thereby or lesser shame had he gathered together so many men as thinking the number superfluous he dismist the greatest part of them the number of those who remained amounting to 40000. An Army which if considered in ' its number richnesse of apparell splendor of Armes quantity of Artillery Pride of Pavillions and infinite number of Carriages fit to conquer a whole nation not a single towne but wee are deceived in nothing more then in a good opinion wee hold of our selves The people of Gaunt thought that the walls of Callais ought to have fallen downe at their appearing as did the walls of Iericho when the Israelites appeared They were troubled that the ships came no sooner from Holland fearing least the English having the Sea open should leave the towne empty and fly away to England they thought that being terrible to their owne Princes at home they should bee the like abroad to all the world and growing insupportable by reason of this confidence they became odious to all men before they came from Flanders they caused two Mills belonging to two particuler men to be beaten downe imputing the late losse of the Flemings before the Graveline to them neither durst Philip contradict
hee gave him the wife hee had promised and each of them bestowed on others their severall orders Philip the fleece to Orleans and Orleans the Porcospino to Philip actions wherewith Charles was no whit pleased and which made him not to admit Orleans to his sight till one yeare after his being at liberty Of all the Antient prisoners there remained now none in England for the Count de Eu had ransomed himselfe some two yeares before save Iohn Count d'Anglesme who was not a prisoner by name but lay in pawne for the security of 209000. Francks or of 100000. Câ—…wnes according to St. Marta as the residue of 240000. due for the expences in the assistance given to the house of Orleans against the house of Burgundy as wee heard in the life of Henry the fourth This Prince in the yeare 1413. when hee was given in hostage into England was but nine yeares old and hee tarried there till the yeare 1445. which was 32. yeares The Duke of Orleans his brother left him in hostage not being able to doe otherwise since hee himselfe was ransomed by an other but what by some monies hee had and some other monies hee got for the Country of Perrigord which hee sold for this purpose hee set himselfe at liberty foure yeares after From these two brothers who had so long lived in captivity did two Kings descend which succeeded one another from Charles Duke of Orleans Iris the twelfth and from Iohn Count de Angulesme Charles Count de Angulesme who was Father to Francis the first Thus fortune is pleased to sport her selfe with men as if sorry she had beene so long crosse unto the Fathers these would recompence them in the glory of them who should descend from them The Duke of Yorke was this meane while carefull in the discharging of his office his honour and actions were subject to the censure of evill Willers which made him more diligent not onely to preserve what was gotten but to adde to what the Crowne of England did for the present possesse in France where much having beene lost he thought the best way to preserve the remainder was to prevent the enemy and rather to assault them in their owne territories then suffer himselfe to bee prevented and assaulted by them To which purpose hee selected forth the best Souldiers out of all his Garrisons and divided them into three parts hee gave the one part of them to the Lord Willoughby the second to Talbot and kept the third for himselfe and had the Duke of Somerset in his company Willoughby entered Picardy and forbearing to sack and burne that hee might avoid giving an Allarum to the Country hee advanced further by such silence then hee would have done by ruinating where hee went for thinking themselves safe and hearing no newes of any enemy they were either slaine or taken prisoners ere they were aware The neighboring Garrisons this meane while awakened by their losses joyned themselves together and opposed him but hee having slaine about 600. of them and made the rest to flie their fortune led them to fall upon the Count Saint Paul whereby they were totally ruinated and Willoughby returned to Roan loaded with booty and prisoners the two Dukes having scoured the Countries of Aniou and Mayne not meeting with any to withstand them Yorke retired to Normandy and Somerset entered into Britanny where having taken Guarches a place belonging to the Duke Alanson hee put all the neighbouring parts into great combustion whereupon Charles sent the Marishall Loehac to stop his further progresse who whilest hee intended to set on him by night was by Somerset prevented who slew a hundred of his men and tooke 72. prisoners amongst which Messieurs de Davesigni and de Bueil and with the taking in of Beaumonte called the Visconte hee put a period to his progresse Talbots commission was to besiege Diepe an enterprise not likely to bee effected with 1500. men hee forbare not though to trie his fortune hee first made himselfe master of the adjacent places and notable to beguirt in with a formall siege hee built a Fort upon a hill called Polet which lookes up in the Haven and beginning to play upon the Towne with his cannon hee left it to the care of his Bastard Sonne till such time as hee might returne from Roan with sufficient Forces Giles saith that hee left there 600. men and 200. peeces of Artillery which is not likely if wee consider the small number of those who conducted them the number of horses which were requisite to draw them and the small precincts of the Fort. The preservation of this place did more import Charles then the winning of it did the English though it did much concerne them so as resolving to succour it the Dolphine got the charge of the conduct with the title of Lieutenant generall and governour betweene the two Rivers of Sceine and Lomes hee gave unto him for his assistants and counsellors the Bastard of Orleans and the Bishop of Avignone he was followed by a great number of Gentlemen who flockt unto him from all parts amongst which the Count Saint Paul made one who just then had quitted the English party hee came to Diepe with 15000. fighting men hee entered the City where having built six bridges of wood which ran upon wheeles to passe over the ditches of the Fort hee assaulted it and had what hee desired Yet great was the resistance that was made for many of the assailants being slaine the rest gave back and had it not beene for the Dolphins example who fought as if hee had beene a common Souldier the Fort had not beene taken his presence made them to returne fight and over comming all difficulties enter the Fort by force 300. English were then slaine the rest remained prisoners amongst which the Bastard Talbot two Knights the few French that were found there were hanged up and the Fort beaten downe this hapned in the yeare 1443. Though I have placed it here to avoyd telling the same thing twise The Dolphin gave many priviledges to the City because it had constantly held out which were afterwards confirmed by Charles and left Monsieur de Marrets Governour of the Towne who had behaved himselfe there very valiantly The affaires in Gasconi passed on with the like remisenes for the English they had besieged Tartras a City belonging to Monsieur d'Albret the Defendants had agreed to surrender it up if they should not bee succoured by Saint Iohns-day and had given Monsieur d'Albrets eldest sonne in Hostage To this purpose Charles came to Tolousse and from thence to Tartras with an Army of 40000. fighting men with the which the English not being able to bicker the Towre was quitted and the hostage restored back from thence hee passed to Saint Levere hee tooke it by assault and be sides the Inhabitants slew 400. of the English and tooke Sr. Thomas Ramstone who was Governour there prisoner Ayes yeelded after two
and ruine of himselfe wherein did no lesse appeare the common consent by the secresie in such a busines of great importance which was inviolabely observed then the ill satisfaction given by such as governed who were not aware that by alienating such as ought to have depended upon them and not spying into their actions nor making use of liberality and hopes things usuall in him who knowes how to governe they were of necessity to fall but on the contrary they trusted every one whilest they discontented all and minded not any friendship beleeving the bare name of King to bee sufficient whilest weakenes and simplicity made the King to bee despised and them hated who made use thereof The first day of Aprill 1447. the truce expired and the desire of peace prorogu'd it till the first of Iune 1449. when an accident brake forth which interrupted the quiet and quite dasht the hopes of a conceived peace Duke Francis the first who was comprehended in the truce raigned in Britanny and Francis Surianne named the Arroganne who for services done to the Crowne of England had deserved the order of the Garter was Governour in low Normandy his Garrisons namely those of Saint Iaques and Beveronne had by reason of their commerce discovered the weakenes of the neighbouring frontier Townes especially of Tongeresse in Britanni the which being rich and ill guarded was by the Arragon scaled by night and taken together with the Castle not without the marke of much cruelty and avarice for to boote with the breach of truce and the taking of other mens goods in a time when in all reason they ought not to have done so they slew many of the Inhabitants and pilladged all they had giving more scandall by the circumstances then by the deed it selfe Duke Francis complained hereof by a Herauld to the Duke of Somerset requiring of him amends for the injury and the restitution of the place together with what was taken from thence Somerset cooly replied that the accident displeased him that hee did approve thereof and that hee should make such satisfaction as hee should thinke fit Francis was herewithall no whit pleased but represented his injury to Charles as done unto his Majesty requiring aide at his hands affirming hee was resolved to re-have his owne by the way of Armes with him to force it hee forthwith dispatcht away Messengers to England and Normandy making his complaints and received the like answer as formerly the Duke had done And Somerset sent unto him two Knights one of which were Sir Iohn Hungerford affirming by them that the action displeased him as being blamefull and done without his knowledge but reparation for the injury and satisfaction for what was taken away being demanded they said they had no other order but to endeavour that all places as well of the one side as the other should remaine according to the truce in their former secresie To the which Charles replied that if the Duke of Somerset were really sorry for what had hapned hee should doe well to shew it by making amends for the injury done which if hee should not doe hee would faile his Nephew the Duke of Britanny and therefore hee would not bee tyed to secure any place nor was it reason that being injured and endamaged hee should bee denied revenge since hee was allied in bloud to the greatest Princes and Lords of his Kingdome That Somerset should minde his owne affaires for so would hee doe since it was but reason that the English having possest themselves of what was anothers in time of truce the offended party might bee free from any tye of obligation and allowed to recent the injury received Hungerford not knowing how to answer him desired him to send some body to Sonniers a Towne belonging unto Charles whither the Duke of Somerset would likewise send some other Charles willingly did this but hee sent thither Monsieur de Cowlant and two others but whilest they were treating with Somersets deputies Monsieur de Bresse Captaine of Sonniers in company with Monsieur de Manni Robert Hacquet and Iames Claremont tooke Pont d'Arc being therein assisted by a Marchant who wonted to goe from one place to another and therefore well knowne was got to the Gate upon breake of day with a Cart wherein were two Souldiers apparelled like Carpenters and called for the Gate to bee opened the which being done hee stayed his Cart upon the draw Bridge and faining to take out some mony to reward them hee let a peece of silver fall which the keeper of the Gate stooping to take up he was slaine before hee could raise himselfe againe by the two Souldiers and together with him an Englishman that came to open the Gate at the same time the forenamed Captaines came from forth their ambush and with their followers entered the Towne they tooke sixscore English prisoners in their beds amongst which the Lord of Faulconbridge the Commander of the Towne whom Argentres beleeves to bee a Dutchman came thither the night before and sent them all to Sonniers this accident displeased the English but Charles liked it well of whom restitution being demanded hee replied hee would willingly doe it when Tongerres with all the Losses and interests thereof should bee restored to the Duke of Britanny The which the English could not doe for the losses and interests of the Towne were irreparable life could not bee restored to them that were slaine and the spoiles estimated at 1600000. Crownes were diversly disposed of by them that tooke them and emborsed them that were the Authors or Permitters thereof This inconvenience could not have hapned in a better time for Charles being enformed of the Duke of Glocesters death the Nobilities division the Kings weakenes and the Queenes detasted government hee thought it a fitting time to drive the English out of France yet moved hee not suddenly to the end that the breach of truce might bee on his side justifiable hee made a confederacy with the Duke of Britanny with an obligation of reciprocall assistance by Sea and Land and under the name of the Duke of Britanny Charles consenting thereunto Gerbory was taken by Monsieur de Mony and as many as were found there put to the sword Conques by Robert Hocquet Coingnac and Saint Magrine neare Burdeaux in Gascony by Verdenne Somerset complained of these invasions to Charles and required restitution answer was made that hee wondered that the English who had taken Tongerres in time of truce without any occasion given and without restoring should pretend the Duke of Britanny unjustly injured should restore what by just reprisall hee had taken from them At last they came to conference in the Abbey of Boneport the which prooving fruitlesse Charles resolved to make open warre and it succeeded well unto him for not having before any designe upon Vernuille hee understood that upon day breake it was surprised by Peter Bresse and Iames Claremont by the meanes of a Miller who was Sentinell
and her Children remaine any longer in so eminent danger Caen was by King Henry given to the Duke of Yorke so as though the Duke of Somerset as Lieutenant generall had all plenary authority in all other places yet had hee not so in this without Sir David Halls consent Commander of the Towne under the Duke of Yorke But Somerset summoning together the chiefest Citizens told them that it was impossible to defend the Towne and that in endeavouring it they would endanger being taken by force His proposition was gladly entertained by them all Hall opposed him shewing him that though his authority was generall yet had hee nothing to doe in that place which did belong to the Duke of Yorke and whereof the charge was committed to him that the Towne was not in such danger as hee pretended for it neither wanted men munition nor mony that therefore it behooved them to spin out the time till the Duke himselfe might come to the succour thereof or els give order for the surrender thereof That in the meane while hee would defend it against whatsoever power since the Castle was impregnable and though subject to the thunder of a cannon yet onely Women and Children were there at to bee affraid not men of warre Long were the disputes hereupon but the Inhabitants siding with the Duke all of them naturally enclined to the French and fearing to bee sackt they mutined against the Captaine vowing that if hee did not yeeld up the Towne within three dayes they in despight of him would throw open the Gates to the King their threats were not to bee despised since the common sort of Souldiers and the Duke sided with them so as hee was constrained to yeeld but would not have his name used in the articles which were signed in this manner the next day of the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist that in the Towne Castle should be yeelded up on the first of Iuly in case they were not before that succoured that the Duke Dutchesse their Children all others that had a minde to depart might do so the Souldiers with their horses harnesse the Inhabitants with their Wives Children and moveables but at their owne charges that they should pay what they ought unto the Citizens and should leave behinde them all sort of Artillery Sir David Hall tooke shipping for Ireland to advertise the Duke of Yorke his master hereof who was so much offended thereat that if his former injuries received from the Duke of Somerset did touch him to the quick this vext his very heart Of a 100. Townes enjoyed by the English they now enjoyed but foure Lisieux commanded by Gough yeelded their lives and livelyhood saved but the Garrison was to march forth with a white truncheon onely in their hand Falce whereof the Earle of Shrewesbery was Master by gift from Henry held out a while the souldiers sailed forth to surprize the cannon which they saw appeare but being repulsed and Charles himselfe comming thither in person they demanded parly which was granted them they agreed upon two articles one for each side for them that they should surrender the place if they were not succoured within twelve dayes For Charles that hee should set the Earle of Shrewesbery at liberty who was prisoner in Dreux Dumfronte yeelded the second of August the lives and goods of the Inhabitants saved Chereburg held last out it was valiantly defended as long as their munition lasted from thence the Governour thereof Captaine Thomas Gonvall and the Garrison went to Callais where he found the Duke of Somerset and the rest who after so many adverse fortunes had retired themselves thither Normandy returned back againe to the possession of the French 30. yeares after it had beene conquered by Henry the fifth and 3. were the causes of her losse the first that a small number of Souldiers were not sufficient to retaine it in obedience for though it did patrimonially belong to the Crowne of England yet did it not any longer retaine those former good affections to England which had beene cancelled by the interposition of the government of two ages from the time that King Iohn of England was deprived thereof by Philip the first so as being French in scituation tongue and customes it was impossible to preserve her with the weake forces of bare garrisons devided conquests and which are aloofe of are not kept without great Collonies or without the totall rooting out of the people especially when they neighbour upon great Princes that may helpe them the common wealth of Rome doth antiently teach us this and in moderne time the Turke and the Spaniards the Turke in the Easterne Countries and parts adjacent the Spaniards in Cuba Muxico Pera and the rest of America wherein destroying as many as could hurt them they reserved none alive save some few that they thought might doe them service the second was the Duke of Somersets avarice for that hee did not keepe such garrisons there as hee should have done but pocketted up the money in his owne purse as appeares by his conniving during the truce at the robberies which with suppository beards were done upon the high wayes by his Souldiers whereby hee gave just occasion of complaint unto the French and by not paying of his Souldiers lost all power either of suppressing their out rages or punishing their selves the third home divisions of these three the first is not to bee questioned the second though some what obscure yet cleare enough by the effects the third may suffer a dispute for though ill humours were conceived they were not ripe enough to cause the ruine of the state â—…or would they have beene at all conceived or bred under a princely spirited King 〈◊〉 proceed from ill government ill government from the want of judgement insufficiency and easinesse and cruelty in the Prince now to come to these ruines I say the chiefest of them had their beginnings from the Duke of Suffolke of whom there are divers opinions Polliâ—…ore Holinshead and Hall judge evilly of him following the vâ—…lgar opinion which never adheres to favorites Caniden and Speed evilly but not with ingratitude grounding themselves upon many truthes I in like manner beleeve both well and ill of him the good in him was that he was very vertuous and of heightned conditions for what concerned himselfe he waged warre in France 44. yeares without intermission in seventeene of which he never saw his owne country when he was taken prisoner his ransome cost him 20000. pound sterling though then he had no greater title then bare knighthood he was of 30. yeares standing of the order of the Garter his father was slaine at the siege of Harflore his elder brother in the battle of Ajencourt and two younger brothers in the same warres so as it cannot be denyed but that his Prince and country ought much unto him since he spent his life and livelihood in the service of the one his reputation in the service
thereby set them at liberty and armed them but this did but little availe him for the Archbishop of Canterbury having wisely framed a generall pardon and authorised it with the great Seale hee himselfe being Lord Chancellour hee crost the River over against the Tower accompanied by the Bishop of Winchester made it bee proclaimed in South-wark where it was so welcomly received by the rebells that without taking leave or seeing their Captaines face they returned to their owne homes so as being suddenly forsaken and those aydes not appearing which were promised by such as sided with the Duke of Yorke hee fled in disguise into Sussex and was pursued by many to gaine the 1000. marks which were promised to him that should kill him this good fortune befell Alexander Iden who did well deserve it by reason of the danger wherein hee put himselfe for finding him in a Garden hee slew him hand to hand without any manner of treachery and brought his Body to London where the Head being taken of it was put upon a spear's end and set it upon the Bridge as are usually the heads of Traitors and Iden received the 1000. marks which hee had generously wonne The Archbishop of Canterbury plaid a discreet part in this busines by applying the generall pardon to the seditious in a time when many of them being slaine or hurt the rest shreudly affrighted and fearing yet worse hee did that with a few stroakes of his pen which many a stroake of sword neither could nor would have done an act of a wise Minister for the common people are for the most part like pettish children who grow wilde at the whisk of a Rod and are made tractable at the sight of a red cheekt apple The King was advised to goe into Kent where having chastised some hee made good the pardon to all the rest to the great satisfaction of the Country Charles made use of these dissentions in England to impatronize himselfe of Gascony just as hee did of the disorders of Normandy to make himselfe master of that Province the experience of so many yeares wherein hee had governed himselfe amisse had made him more minde his busines Monstrelet observes that the conquest of Normandy was an effect of his good order taken with his Souldiers for hee had reduced the horse which was the chiefest part of his strength to so perfect a discipline by well arming of them and well paying them as that the Country people did in safety enjoy their own goods any transgression in that behalfe being severely punished which if all Princes would doe they would seldome bee loosers Nothing did more preserve the Guascons for 300. yeares and upward in their obedience to the English not withstanding all the forces pollicies and proffers of France then good government for they were ruled under the liberty of the lawes as if they had beene naturall English-men not that when a goverment is come to it's period any thing is able to uphold it since the orders of fortune and of nature have their bounds prefixt as well in what is good as what is bad Bergerac was the first place besieged in Guien a place seated upon the River Dordon in Perigord Charles made the Count Pointeverres who was likewise Count de Perigord and Viscount de Limoges his Lieutenant in those parts hee was accompanied with many Gentlemen and with 2500. horse 500. whereof were lances for every lance consisted of five horse the man at armes his page his servant armed and two bow men When the artillery came up Bergerac yeelded the English came forth on horseback and with their goods the Inhabitants enjoyed their owne as formerly Iansack seated upon the same River was taken by assault 35. English being there slaine the rest taken prisoners Monferat Saint Foye and Chalois yeelded for the Inhabitants were affrighted and resolved not to hazard their lives and livelyhoods since the Lord Cameile had written into England for succour and no order was taken for any by reason of the home broyles there so as no Towne now durst any longer hold out but that which did chiefely quell their Spirits was the defeat given by Monsieur de Orvall the third sonne of the house of Albret to the Maior of Burdeaux Orvall was parted from Bazas to make an inroade into the Island of Medock with 4. or 500. fighting men when night came on hee staid some two leagues short of Burdeaux and the next morning being all Saints day as hee was on horseback to enter the Island hee was tould that betweene 8. and 9000. of those of Burdeaux what Townesmen what English were marched forth to give him battell whereupon hee set his men in order expecting to bee set upon When they came to blowes hee slew 1300. of them and the Maior fled away abandoning the Infantry which hee had placed in the front of the enemy and besides those hee slew hee tooke 1200. prisoners this is according to Monstrelets relation Hallian who taxeth the Geographers of ignorance for calling the country of Madock an Island since it is onely environed on the one side by the River of Garronne and on an other side by a little arme of the Sea all the rest being firme continent joyning to the lands of Burdeaux doth agree almost in all things with Monstrelet save that hee saith that the English Authours write that the French were twise as many as they and that their victory cost them the lives of 1000. of their owne men Chartier saith that Monsieur d'Orvall had betweene 6. and 7000. fighting men that as hee returned with his booty hee was set upon by the English that hee slew about 2000. of them and tooke 2200. prisoners The English writers on the contrary side say that the Maior of Burdeaux was overcome more by number then valour that those who were slaine and taken prisoners were about 600. and that 800. of the French were slaine Which of these is the true relation is left to the judgement of him who will take the paines to examine them if Chartier bee to bee beleeved the 2200. prisoners will proove likelier to bee sheepe then men for every one of the Victors must binde at least 3. or 4. and if it bee said that they who could kill every man 14. which is not granted might much easier take every man his 3. or 4. prisoners The argument holds not for it is easier for one man to kill 14. then to take and detaine 4. The English have divers times fought against 7. or 8. and have overcome the French themselves will not deny it but there is some reason given for it for though valour bee to bee accounted in the first place since without it no so disadvantagious resolution can bee taken yet in the second place may bee alleadged the disorder of the enemy their owne good order and their arrowes which gawling and disordering the horse were cause of the victory In this present affaire neither the valour nor the
enemy he was with all appearing respect carried from thence and comforted and made beleeve that the Duke of Somersets death had established the Crowne upon his head being come together with them to London A Parliament was called wherein all things were decreed directly opposite to what had beene enacted in former Parliaments to testifie that the late government had beene unjust and the King abused by the malice of those that councelled him Humphery Duke of Glocester was declared to have beene Loyall unto the King and faithfull unto his Country all Donnatives howsoever made whether by patent from the King or by Parliament were revoked beginning from the very first day of his raigne to the present time as things which impoverishing the Crowne bereaved the royall dignity of lustre and that the now spoken of insurrection though condemned by all lawes might bee thought meritorious declaration was made that the Duke of Somerset Thomas Thorp Lord chiefe Justice and William Ioseph the third that governed the Kings will were the occasioners thereof by detaining a letter which if it had beene delivered unto the King his Majesty would have heard the complaints and so taken away the occasion of the aforesaid disorders that therefore the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Salisbury Warwick and their associates should not for the future be blamed for it since the action was necessary to free the King from captivity and bring health to the common weale These pretences thus past over they came roundly to their worke by framing a Triumveâ—…at the ground worke of the designed monarchy Yorke caused himselfe to be created protectour of the Kingdome Salisbury Lord Chancellor and Warwick Governour of Callais so as the politique authority remained in the first the civill in the second and the military in the third whilest Henry King onely in name was bereft of all authority and safety all that had dependency upon the King and Queene were put from the Councell bereft of whatsoever charge they bore in the City or Kingdome and Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was by force taken from Westminster whither he was fled for sanctuary and sent prisoner to Pompheret a sacriledge not formerly ventered on that I know of by any King They now thought no more needed to the establishing of their power whilest tyrannies are not established without meanes much more abominable the Duke of Yorke should have done that wickednes then which once was to be done and which not long after was done by his sonne Edward A Kingdome cannot brooke two Kings and if experience had made knowne unto him his errour in preserving Henries life his carelessenes was very great to stumble the second time upon the same stone and thereby loose his owne life as hee did Moderate evills in such like cases have alwayes beene their authours overthrowe The respect due to Henry was not yet so much diminished nor his Majesty so much darkened but that Henry the now Duke of Somerset Humphery Duke of Buckingham and other Lords that sided with him resolved no longer to endure the injury that was done unto him and together with them to quit themselves of the eminent danger that hung over them for every man saw Yorkes end to be the usurpation of the Crowne and that his delay proceeded from the feare of danger for the King being by reason of his sanctifie reverenced by the â—…est hee thought hee could not on a sudden compasse his ends without scandall and the being oppugned by the greatest part of the Kingdome the â—…ch if it should happen he should for the present ruine and for the future totally loose all his hopes So as consultation being had with the Queene who being highly spirited did with impatiency endure the present subjection a great Councell was called at Greenwitch wherein it was resolved that since he was now no child and consequently needed not a Protectour nor was so void of wit as that he was to be governed by other mens discretions that therefore the Duke of Yorke should be understood to be freed from his protectorship and the Earle of Salisbury from his being Chancellour and that he should surrender the great seale to whom the King should please Yorke could not fence himselfe from this blow being taken unprovided and it selfe strengthened with reasons not to be gainsaid without a note of rebellion so as he was enforced to endure it but not without the dislike of such as sided with him who were not wanting in adding fuell to the fury of the people by making them rise up in tumult occasioned by a dissention betweene a Marchant and an Italian which though they did yet did not things succeed as they would have them for after having pilledged many houses of the Venetians Florentines and Lutchesses thetumult was appeased and the chiefe authours thereof punished but the present remedy had nothing to doe with the threatning mischiefe and both sides failed therein The Duke of Yorke since that he did not quit himselfe of his enemy when he might have done it in expectation of an opportunity to doe it with lesse danger to so horrid a cruelty and those of the Kings side in that they durst not venter upon the Duke of Yorks life for feare of some insurrection since the City was for him and the greatest part of the greatest adhered more to the hopes of a profitable tumultuous change then to the preservation of a quiet condition whereby they could not be advantaged for the King did no more distinguish of deserts then doth a distasted pallate of tastes and the Queene so jealous as that shee durst onely trust those who being injured were to run the like fortune with her Husband But where last extreames are in question extremities are to be chosen for chance may doe that which councell cannot Yorke left the Court confirmed in his former designes by this new affront whilest the Scotts entered England in one part and the French in two the Scotts having endamaged the confines retired themselves with their booty into Scotland the French pilledged some houses surprised Sandwich tooke some ships and returned to Normandy the surprise of Sandwich did but little availe them for they went away and quitted it it not being to be made good by small forces against many enemies England was like a body oppressed by a general distellation humours disperst themselves every where abroad the vitall faculties which are the lawes had not force enough to repulse them Thomas Percy Baron of Egremont one who was an enemy to the Earle of Salisbury sonnes fought with them in open field and slew many of their followers he thought to have escaped but could not for the King who would not have the fault to goe unpunished had used meanes to have his body seised upon and the offended parties being of the contrary party he as not willing to be thought partiall in justice caused him to be roundly fined and imprisoned from whence hee escaped to the much trouble
common sense faile to suggest unto him what injury hee was to suffer by the rule of the house of Lancaster notwithstanding the seeming favourable proceedings of Parliament in his behalfe hee cloaked therefore his sorrow and seemed to be glad at what did inwardly afflict him hee endeavoured to fit himselfe to the present times till fortune might afford some other occasion When Warwicke had thus taken order for things at home hee applied himselfe to foraine affaires his first thoughts were to divert Duke Charles from assisting Edward beleeving that whilest hee was busyed with the Armes of France in Picardy and those of England in the confines about Callis danger would enforce him to mind his owne affaires and not trouble himselfe with what concerned other men hee sent 400 men to Callis to make inrodes into the parts about Boloigne which were with all dutifull respect received by Vauclere which freed him of all suspition of being any way inclined to the contrary party Before Edward landed in Holland Charles was informed that hee was dead neither was hee troubled at the newes moved by his antient inclination to the house of Lancaster and though Warwickes power did much molest him not hoping ever to gaine him hee hoped notwithstanding strongly to oppose him by meanes of the two Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter who had beene by him maintained in their miseries but when hee heard hee was arrived in Holland he was altogether amazed for should hee assist him he should draw upon him Henries enmity neither could hee deny him aide since his Wife was his Sister Charles knew not that Callis was at Warwickes command building much thereon hee sent Comines to see what hee could promise to himselfe therein for Vauclere having denyed entrance to Warwicke and accepted of a Pension from him hee had reason to believe him to depend upon him the Duke and not to be reconcileable with Warwicke but as soone as Comines was come to Callis hee found hee had lost his labour hee was not received as formerly all hee met wore the Earles colours the gate of the house wherein hee lay and his owne Chamber doore were marked with the White-crosse Songs were every where sung of the firme friendship and intelligence betweene Lewis and Warwicke Being by Vauclere invited to Dinner hee met there a great many Gentlemen who talked neglectfully of Edward and those most who had formerly seemed most to affect him none but Vauclere himselfe spake modestly of him Comines faining the first report of Edwards death to be true said to them that 't was now to no purpose to talke any more of him since hee was dead and that if hee were yet alive the Duke of Burgondy had contracted no other friendship with him then with whatsoever other King That the Articles of contract mentioned onely England and the King thereof that the friendship between England and Burgondy should still continue the same the names of Edward and Henry onely altered Charles was not displeased with this agreement though it was not as he could have desired for under-hand hee could do what he listed whilst hee was free from suspition of being molested by England which was that he most feared The Wollen-Drapers of London wrought well for him in this businesse for Warwicke having taken 4000 men into pay to send against him the Merchants for feare the War might overthrow their Trafficke did so behave themselves as they made him alter his resolution which had it not happen'd much mischiefe might have ensued to him for this fell out just at the same time when Lewis had taken from him Amiens and St. Quintines so as his affaires were likely to have succeeded ill he not being able to defend himselfe in two severall parts against two so potent enemies Charles had not yet seene Edward their first encounter was in the Towne St. Paul the perswasions the King used to him were that he himselfe shared with him in his losse since that he had not now to do with Henry of Lancaster but with the Earle of Warwicke whose Friendship was never to be hoped for as long as Lewis his amity did prevaile that by assisting him hee should not onely assist a Brother in Law and one that would alwayes be his friend but hee should do a worke becomming a just and a great Prince without exposing himselfe to a long and impossible businesse since hee had such intelligence such friends and servants within the Kingdome as hee needed onely to shew himselfe with some Convoy of Ships armed with a few men rather for reputation sake then any neede These perswasions were but coldly entertained by Charles for the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter shewed unto him what hee owed to his Birth hee himselfe comming of the house of Lancaster and promised him what hee could desire against Warwicke to whom they were both irreconcileable enemies Edward was not well pleased to be nourished with hopes whilest Charles made him believe that his dissembling was necessary for them both for him because hee was not to fight with two Kingdomes at one and the same time and for Edward because opportunity might render his succour more usefull But Edward not satisfied with these put-offs considering that his designes were the lesse likely to succeede well by how much the more firmely Henry grew settled in his Kingdome hee caused foure Ships to be made ready for him at Vere in Holland which being a free Haven not denyed to any one the Ships might seeme to be set forth by Edward himselfe and hired 14 more for him of the Easterlings bargaining that they should passe him over into England and serve him fifteene dayes after he should be landed Hee caused moreover 50000 Florines to be secretly delivered unto him and that this aide might not seeme to be given by him he made it be proclaimed that whosoever should assist Edward should incurre great punishment hereby hee freed himselfe from giving suspition to England and come what might come remain'd friends to both sides Edward had 2000 men with him besides Mariners with which having landed at Ravenspur in Yorkeshire he sent forth some light horse to discover how the Inhabitants were inclined and finding them wholly turned over to Henries side not so much as willing to heare him named hee changed his resolution hee gave out that he did not pretend to the Kingdome Fearing lest the troubles that might thereby arise might alienate the peoples hearts but to his patrimoniall estate of Yorke under the obedience of Henry It cannot be imagined what good effect this his crafty wisedome produced for this his pretence being thought not onely moderate but just no man opposed him therein Equity orany thing which resembles it is of so great efficacy amongst men as that hee who but a little before was banished declared a Traitor and had his Lands confiscated yet being so great a Prince by birth as hee was and having beene King it moved all men to compassionate him
in due time with equall cruelty The Duke of Somerset the Prior of Saint Iohns and fourteene others were beheaded on a munday This battell was the last of the Civill warres during Edwards time The Queene was brought to London and some yeeres after ransomed as some say by her father Renatus King of Sicilie for fifty thousand Crownes which were lent him by Lewis the eleventh and not having wherewithall to re-pay them hee sold unto him his pretence unto the Kingdome of Naples by which title Charles afterwards went and laid claime to it Tillet is alledged for one of those who writ this I confesse I never found any such thing in his Collection I remember I have therein read that Charles the Count of Provence who tooke upon him the Title of King of Sicily after Renatus his death made Lewis the eleventh his heire by vertue whereof Charles the eighth pretended to that Kingdome The two brothers of Sancta Martha in their Genealogicall History of the house of France affirme the same and speaking of this Queene they say she was set at liberty in the yeere 1475. having renounced all she could lay clame unto in England by the way of Joynture they mention the opinion of the fifty thousand Crownes but they believe it not to be true However it was she was sent backe to France to spend the rest of her life in perpetuall sorrow not for the losse of her husband or Kingdome but of her sonne whose sad memory accompanied her to her grave After this Edward visited the neighbouring Countries chastising in sundry manners such as had appeared against him from thence he went to London to remedy an inconvenience which if it had hapned at the Queenes arrivall his affaires had not succeeded so prosperously Authors observe him to have good fortune in such accidents as might have hurt him since they hapned at such times as they could not doe so Had the Queene come before Warwickes defeat he might peradventure have been enforced to a second forsaking of England if the Duke of Somerset had stayed for the Earle of Pembrooke at Tewkesbury or that the like accident we are to speake of had then hapned he had met with much of danger and difficulty The Earle of Warwicke after Edwards flight into Flaunders had given the charge of the Narrow-seas betweene England and France to Thomas Nevill a base borne sonne to the Lord Faulconbridge Earle of Kent a man well knowne for the greatnesse of his courage and Spirit The Earle of Warwicke being dead and he having lost the profits of his place which was Vice-admirall being declared an enemy to the King and consequently an exile void of meanes he betooke himselfe to live by piracy robbing all ships that past by whether friends or foes But thinking that by doing little harme he could doe himselfe but little good he bethought himselfe that Edward being now with his forces in the Westerne parts of the Kingdome a faire occasion was offered of handsomely handling his affaires With this designe he landed in Kent he had many ships full fraught with desperate people and such as abhorred poverty and parcimony not knowing how to live but by rapine and wickednesse flocked unto him to these were joyned seventeene thousand men more if not better yet upon better pretences They gave out that they would set Henry at liberty re-invest him in his estate and drive out the usurper the pretence bare with it a specious shew but their ends were to sacke London they assaulted it on three parts upon the Bridge upon Algate and upon Bishopsgate but not able to force the City they were by the inhabitants thereof beaten backe and many of them slaine Thomas Nevill their chiefe Commander hearing that Edward hasted towards him retired with his first followers to Sandwich leaving the rest to returne upon their perill to their owne homes but not long after having mis-governed himselfe in his charge or given some signes of infidelity or were it that the King thought it not safe to trust his Fleet with one of the Lancastrian faction especially in a time when the Earle of Richmond was in Brittany he was arrested in the Haven of Southampton and executed paying for his former defaults which to the hurt of all men hee had committed by Sea and Land The Earle of Pembrooke was yet in Wales after all the rest of his faction were either slaine or fled which much troubled Edward he commanded Roger Vaughan a man much followed in that Countrey to kill him in any whatsoever manner but the Earle being informed thereof prevented him using Vaughan as Vaughan would have used him he then retired himselfe to Pembrooke a strong place where hee thought himselfe safe but he was there besieged by Morgan ap Thomas who so blocked up the Castle with ditches and trenches that it was impossible for him to get out had it not been by the meanes of David ap Thomas brother to Morgan This man brought him forth and embarked him and his nephew Henry Earle of Richmond who were both by fortune driven into a Haven in Brittany his intention was to have landed in Normandy and to have put himselfe into the protection of King Lewis who was likely to runne advantage thereby for after the warre made under the title of the Common good Lewis was very jealous of his brother and of the Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany and feared that England now free from home dissentions might assist them He apprehended nothing more then that the English should once more set footing in Normandy so as the Earle of Richmond next heire to the Crowne after Henry and his sonne was likely to serve him as a powerfull meanes to keepe Edward so busied at home by such as sided with the house of Lancaster as that hee should not dreame of forraine enterprizes but being falne upon Brittany the Duke thereof which was Francis the second knew very well how to make use of this accident to his advantage for hee was now sure he had a pledge which would upon all occasions enforce Edward to comply with his desires Hee graciously received them and promised them all security hee sent them to Uannes in appearance free and at liberty but in effect hee set a good guard upon them This Princes escape was the deadly blow to the house of Yorke for though Edward left no meane unassayed to have him in his hands hee could never get him When Edward had setled the businesse in Kent he himselfe being gone thither to punish the faulty hee thought not himselfe sufficiently established as long as Henry lived and till hee had extirpated the roote from whence did budde forth all the rebellions Some have thought that Gloucester put this into his head That even from that time hee began to have thoughts of the Kingdome and that to have hereby one lesse opposition thereunto he advised his brother to it the which I believe but not upon that designe there was
Richard Buried The onely Memoriall that remaines thereof is the Stone Coffin his Body vvas buried in which now serves for a Trough for Horses to drinke in in a Neighbouring Village They say the Body being taken from thence was with much derision buried againe at the foote of Bow-Bridge in Leicester and many other things are said of it which I rather believe to bee the Peoples Invention then that there is any thing of Truth in them In Richard the Line masculine of the House of Yorke ceased some except Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke Sonne to the Duke of Clarence whom I do not account upon since fifteene Yeares after Hee likewise died without any Heires Male As vvee shall see The End of the Eighth Booke The Ninth BOOK OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND In the LIFE of Henry the Seventh OUr Discourse leading us to treat of the Occurrences of a Kingdom the Government whereof passed now from one Family to another it will be necessary to know what pretences the present King had to lay claim to the kingdom to the end there may remain no scruple touching the Justice or Injustice of the Alteration Henry the Seventh was by his Genealogie so remote from laying any claim to the Crown by right of Blood as the common opinion is he had no right at all thereunto His father Edmund Earl of Richmond was son to Owen Teuder and Queen Katherine the widow of Henry the fifth whose Houses had no affinity nor relation of Kinred to the House of Lancaster By his mothers side somewhat may be said for him since Margaret Countesse of Richmond onely daughter to the first Duke of Sommerset and grand-childe to Iohn Duke of Lancaster the father of Henry the fourth the first King of that House pretended that in case the then-present Succession should fail she and her son were to succeed as rightly descended from the said Iohn the father as well of the house of Sommerset as of that of Lancaster But this meets with two oppositions The one That the House of Lancaster had no right at all to the Crown The other That say it had the House of Sommerset did not partake therein though sprung from the same Head The reasons why the House of Lancaster had no pretence are these Henry the fourth usurped the Crown from Edmund Mortimer descended from Philippa daughter and heir to Lionel Duke of Lancaster elder brother to the Duke of Lancaster upon whom King Richard the second dying without sons as he did the Succession fell So as the usurpation having continued from father to son in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth 't was impossible for them to transmit that right to Others which they Themselves had not That the House of Sommerset though the Other had had right did not partake therein is thus proved The Duke of Lancaster having had three wives Blanche Constance and Katharine the due claims of his children had by them were not the same forasmuch as concern'd Inheritance in respect of the several Dowries and different Qualities of the three mothers Blanche brought with her the Dutchy of Lancaster Constance the pretences to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon and Katharine nothing at all being but a meer Waiting-woman to the above-said Blanche So as if Henry the fourth and the daughters born of Blanche could not pretend to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon in prejudice to Katharine daughter to Constance nor Katharine to the Dukedom of Lancaster in prejudice of Henry the fourth and his sisters much lesse could the children of Katherine have any pretence at all in prejudice of the children by the former two wives unlesse what you will allow them meerly in respect of their Fathers Inheritance wherein must be considered their disadvantage of being the last born therefore not to enjoy the prerogative which the Laws give to the first-born To this may be added that they were born whilst Constance yet lived so as they were not onely Bastards but in such a degree as doth aggravate the condition they being on the Fathers side born in Adultery And though after the death of Constance he married Katharine which subsequent Marriage was made legitimate by the double legitimation both of Pope and Parliament yet they not being of the whole Blood the House of Sommerset had nothing to do with the House of Lancaster in what belonged to the Inheritance of the Crown their legitimation making them only capable of their Inheritance by the Father So as Henry the fourth being established in the kingdom by the Authority of Parliament and by the same Authority his sons such as should descend of them being declared his lawful Successors therein he in case his succession should fail made no mention at all of his Half-brothers or such as should descend from them So as let it be granted that his Usurpation was no longer an Usurpation it being allowed of by a Publike Act of Election yet had not the House of the Sommerset though descended from the same father the same pretence since not being able to pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster much lesse could it pretend to the Crown the father having no pretence at all thereunto And if Henry his eldest son obtained the Crown it was by Purchase and so as none should enjoy after him but such descending from him as he should specifically name So as the Crown according to the Laws of England belonging to the House of York by the Marriage with Anne sister and heir to the aforesaid Edmund Mortimer there remains somewhat of doubt whether the Parliament could invest the House of Lancaster to the right of the Crown in prejudice to the first Mortimer and consequently to the House of York If it could not Then justly do it neither could it justly do it after Henry the Seventh's pretence unto the Crown and if it could do it in the same manner and by the same right as it did operate to the prejudice of Mortimer the House of York by making Henry the fourth King it might do the like to the prejudice of the House of Lancaster by making Edward the 4 King So as Henry the Seventh be it either by Election or by natural Descent is totally excluded from any right unto the Crown which exclusion notwithstanding rests onely in his Own Person not in those who have descended from him For having married Elizabeth the true Heir of the House of York his sons begotten upon her were true Heirs to the Crown And if in this particular we desire to be any thing favourable to him let us say that if the House of Lancaster had any such pretence it had it by the Mother who was Heir to the House of Sommerset and if the House of Sommerset be different from that of Lancaster so as he Thereby have no colour of Claim yet may he have it Another way being chosen King by the same power of Parliament as Henry the Fourth and Edward the 4 were
the Remainder which was much out of his Own moneys to the end the Hostages might return for England as they did He forgot not the services done to him by Iohn Morton Bishop of Ely and Richard Fox Bishop of Exceter for which he made them both of his Privie-Councel and gave unto Morton the Archbishoprick of Canterbury which fell void by the death of Cardinal Bourchier he made Fox Lord Privie-Sea promoting him from the Bishoprick of Exceter to that of Bath and Wells from thence to Durham and from thence to Winchester the richest of All the rest Having now no impediment to hinder the performance of his promise he married the Princesse Elizabeth to the peoples so great joy as he was not much therewithal pleased ror he never had any great inclination to the Match his inveterate enmity to her Family prevailed more with him then did the Goodnesse Fruitfulnesse and Beauty of so worthy a Wife Soon after Henry's coming to the Crown England was afflicted with a disease not known in former times so as the remedies not being known many perished of it of a Hundred scarcely One escaped till experience taught the Way how to cure it Men were taken with a deadly Sweat with Pains in the Head and Burnings in the Stomack which rendred them dry and desirous of Cold they were by the one and the other of them dispatcht in Four and twenty hours for casting off their clothes and drinking cold Beer as it came from the Cellar they died irrecoverably But some few relapsing twice or thrice into this Maladie it was found that taking Cold and not drinking Warm drink were the causes which made it mortal The Cure then that was found for it was To endure the Heat Four and twenty hours in such manner as the Sweat was neither Irritated nor kept Back and to drink Warm drink a little at a time rather to Allay then to Extinguish thirst This Sicknesse began in the midst of September and continued all October it hindred not the solemnity of the Coronation it begot no Swelling nor Sores and became curable if the remedies were Timely applied neither was it Contagious but the Fever which did accompany it was Pestilential It was judged to proceed from a Malignant vapour which stuffing up the Vital spirits was wrestled with by nature to drive it out by Sweat An Author of good quality saith it could not be called Epidemical though it so generally spred it self and that if sprung from a certain malignity of the Air occasioned by the Unseasonablenesse of the weather But Fernelius who wrote of it at the intreaty of an English Ambassadour calleth it Epidemical Those that esteemed it a Prodigie would have it to foreboad a Hard and Troublesome Reign But Virgil's opinion is not to be rejected That the King should be troubled even till the Last day of his Life since from the beginning to the end he Never had any quiet A Divination which was not likely to prove false being made After the Event nor did the Other which was made Before it All things having succeeded according to his wish Henry thought now he should meet with no more oppositions He was King by his Own Title in his Own Right he had married the Princesse and by his General Pardon and Restitution of Goods he had reconciled such as were his Profest Enemies yet the Northern people bearing still a love to the House of York and to the late Richard he thought it requisite for him to go into those parts hoping by his Presence to cure their infatuated imaginations He kept his Easter at Lincoln whither he was hardly come when he understood how the Lord Lovel and the Two Staffords brothers Humphrey and Thomas had forsaken Sanctuary it not being known whither they were gone but assoon as he was come to York he understood that the Lord Lovel was not far from thence with good store of men about him and that the Staffords having raised Forces in Worcester-shire were marched towards York to assault him This second information though it did a lit tle trouble him yet he took it to be but the remainder of Richard's yet panting spirits but he was more confused to think that he was amongst a people that did not affect him that sided with the House of York and of whom without danger he could not make use Amidst these difficulties he muster'd out of those that followed him and such as had relation to them Three thousand fighting men on whom he might affie which being sufficiently ill armed he gave in charge to the Duke of Bedford giving him for his Vant-guard a General Pardon which like Cannon-shot might ruine the Enemy as it did For the Duke being come in sight of him and the Heralds having published the Pardon he was therewith so stricken as doubting not onely to be Abandoned but to be yeelded up Prisoner he fled the same night towards Lancaster and from thence into Flanders to the Dutchesse Dowager of Burgundy whilst the rest laying down their Arms yeelded themselves to the Duke Whereupon they that were with the Staffords their hopes being lost disperst themselves into sundry places and the two brothers got into the Sanctuary at Colnham neer Abington where they found not the safety they imagined for the priviledge thereof not extending to save Traytors they were taken from thence Humphrey was executed and Thomas was pardoned for that as the Younger brother he was enforced to obey the Elder The King having quieted this Rebellion and reduced these Northern people to his Obedience returned to London The Queen in September brought him a Son who lived though born in the Eighth Month contrary to the rule of Common Observation it may be there was some Errour in the Calculation for it is more likely that Women may be deceived in the time of their Conception and in the Counting of their Months then that Hippocrates should be deceived in his Principles He named him Arthur in memory of the ancient Britons from whom he descended Wales as hath been said not being any part of the Angli-Saxones which possessed all the Rest of the Kingdom but of the Original people of the Island the residue of the Britons which saved themselves by fleeing into those Provinces and from thence came the First so famous Arthur who really and without any manner of Fable or Romanza was a very valiant Prince so as Henry to revive his memory called his Son after His name There lived at this time in Oxford one Richard Simond a Priest indifferently well educated but of mean birth and who abounding with strange ambitious fancies durst do that which another could never have dared to do This man took upon him to bring up a yong Boy of so Sweet and Ingenuous a Countenance as one would not have thought him to be a Baker's Son as he was his name was Lambert Symnel There were then Two rumours noised every where and which were spread abroad by such
as out of Faction or out of Envie could not endure that Henry should reign the one that the Duke of York son to Edward the 4 was Alive the other that the King was resolved to put the Earl of Warwick who was prisoner in the Tower secretly to death The First was divulged to nurse up Hopes in such as were ill affected the Second to encrease Hatred against the King as if equally cruel with Richard he were about to treat the Earl of Warwick as Richard had treated his Nephews Whereupon Simond meeting with so fit an occasion bethought himself to make Lambert personate the Duke of York but presently altering his Opinion he judged it fitter for his purpose to have him personate the prisoner the Earl of Warwick and that if his endeavours should succeed and that Lambert should be made King he himself should be recompensed with the Chief Miter of England and the Government of King and Kingdom Neither did he think to meet with any great Obstacle herein since that the love to the House of York remaining yet in the hearts of Most of the Kingdom they could not possibly endure that the King having married the Princesse Elizabeth he should not suffer her to be Crowned as she ought to be Resolving hereupon he began to give such instruction to Lambert as such a businesse required and met with an Aptnesse in him fit to receive whatsoever documents but considering afterwards that his pupil was to represent the person of one that was known to many and not known to him he thought it was unpossible to be done without the Assistance of some-body who was conversant in the Court who might be informed by those that had served the Earl of his childish conversation and of all things that had befallen since King Edward's death at which time he was but Ten yeers old None being fitter for such an Office then the Queen Dowager she was imagined to be the Instructresse for she was but little satisfied to see her daughter so little beloved and so coolly treated as a Wife and as a Queen wanting the usual Marks of that dignity for Henry had neglected her Coronation though he had lately born him a Son not that her intention was to make Lambert King but to make use of him to Depose her Son-in-law to substitute the infant-Prince the lawful Successor in his place and in case she should meet with too great oppositions Lincoln or Warwick which were Both of the House of York That which made people of this opinion was Her being shortly after confined to a Monastery upon no weighty pretence as we shall see The King thought it expedient to punish her under the colour of a Petty known fault for a heinous one which was not fitting to be known Howsoever it was Lambert took upon him the gestures and behaviour of a great Personage with so miraculous punctuality as that these being joyned to his Natural Sweetnesse a True Prince could not be formed out with more true Perfections then were these false ones which appeared to be true in Him The reasons which made Simond change his first designe and chuse rather to have his Comedian personate the son to the Duke of Clarence then King Edward's son though he that was Dead might easilier be counterfeited then he that was Alive was That when a speech went of his being escaped out of the Tower he observed so Great Joy in the People as he thought he should have more to further him in his designe and that it would be easier for him to insinuate a falshood in the Person of This man falsly supposed to have made an escape then in that Other whose escape would the hardlier be believed for in it Two Impossibilities were to be supposed Pity in the Varlets that were to murder him which could not without danger enter into such souls especially under such a King as was Richard and the Escape from the Tower which augmenting the danger took from the belief of any Compassion in Them or Life in Him But that which chiefly made him resolve upon This was that whilst he was doubtful what to do 't was said for a truth that Warwick was Dead in the Tower Now to act this Comedy well he did not think England a fit Scene a proportionable Distance being required in things which must be taken for what they are not unavoidable difficulties were to be met withal upon the place which might be avoided abroad where no Witnesses being to convince nor Acquaintance to confound boldnesse becomes impudence without which Cheats of this nature can hardly be effected He resolved to go over into Ireland a Kingdom affectionate to the House of York and wherein King Henry at his coming to the Crown had altered nothing neither Deputy Councellor nor Officer the same commanded there that were there placed by Richard a negligence to be blamed in so Prudent a Prince as He was who knew the inclination of that Kingdom and People wherein if alterations chance to happen remedies are hardly come by none being to be had from within it Self and all External helps the Sea interposed between them and home being Difficult Dangerous and Slowe All which made for Symond's purpose who coming before Thomas Fitz-Gerald Earl of Kildare who was Deputy a man ill-affected to Henry as he was well-affected to the House of York presented his pretended Prince unto him using such illusions as Lambert not having any one part in him which did not gainsay his mean Extraction the Deputy believed him to be what his Masters speeches and his Studied Nobility made him appear to be insomuch that acquainting some of his trustiest friends with this Secret under the Seal of Confession he found them and together with them the People prone to Rebellion They received this fancied Prince with great honour they gave the Castle of Dublin to him for his Lodging and few days after proclaimed him King by the name of Edward the Sixth There was not any one Province that denied him obedience and all of them joyned in declaring War against Henry whilst on the contrary side there was not any one that spake a word or drew a sword in his behalf But that Kingdom being but bare of Money and Arms and but meanly furnished with Souldiers they hoped that such in England as were friends to the House of York and Margaret Dutchesse of Burgundy would in a businesse of so great consequence assist them with their Supplies whom they advertise that Edward Plantagenet is escaped out of the Tower and come into Ireland where he was received and proclaimed King that they were purposed to bring him into England his hereditary Kingdom if they would be ready with their assistance to secure his Entry and that his Aunt of Burgundy would assist him with Money Souldiers and Commanders Margaret by reason of her vertue for she had nothing in her blameable but her inveterate hate to the House of Lancaster was in great
Little good in Ireland since he would want Supplies being likely to have None from England which peradventure he might Lose They were but Few that were of this opinion for they wanted there all the chief Ground-works of War strong Holds Arms Money and Souldiers an Enemy could not be Stopped without strong Holds nor Themselves Secured without Money Souldiers were not to be had nor could they encamp themselves in Open field without Arms. Reason perswaded to passe the Seas and make the war in England Henry had done the same with Greater Lesser company and yet had had Good successe it was to be believed that not having any One that sided with him in Ireland he would have but Few in England where if the Greatest part were affectionate to the House of York whilst they had No Head to follow what would they when they should have a lawful King attended on by a whole Kingdom an agreement which would invite and encourage England to do the like But all these arguments though Sufficient were not efficacious enough to make this resolution be taken the onely reason which bare sway to have the war in England was the Want of Money wherewithal to pay the Dutchmen and their no hopes of Enriching themselves by fighting in Ireland The needier sort of people flockt to the beating of the Drum those who had nothing but their Lives to lose were contented to venture them upon hopes to better their fortunes in so Rich a Countrey They embarqued themselves better furnished with Hopes then with Weapons and landed with Lambert clad in kingly apparel at the Pile of Fowdray in Lancashire they were conducted by the Earls of Lincoln and Kildare and Viscount Lovel followed by the Dutchmen under Colonel Swart Broughton met them at their landing with but a few men they marched towards York and passed peaceably where they went to shew that Lawful Kings come to Ease not to Oppresse their Subjects but shortly after their hopes began to grow cool when they saw not any one come in to them in their Solitary March especially since they could not with more reason expect any to side with them in any Other Countrey then in that which was so much enclined to the House of York and to Richard But Viscount Lovel not having found any safety there the yeer before they might believe They were not now likely to fare better Some were of opinion that the Alienation of those people proceeded from a Distaste they took that Two Forreign Nations the Dutch and Irish should pretend to present them with a King made by them and though Henry the 4 and Edward the 4 and the Now-King had in the like manner been presented by Strangers yet the case differ'd They the first and last were call'd in by a Part of the Kingdom to free them from the two Richards the 2 and the 3 the One for divers reasons more hated then the Other and Edward came of himself building upon the People's Love neither had Henry the 7 given any occasion of Hatred whereby to be driven out rather the opinion of his Worth and his having Matcht with the House of York had established him moreover the Procession made to Paul's wherein the True Plantagenet was seen made them not minde the False one Lincoln being brought to that passe as he could not retire without ruine resolved to perish generously by hazarding a Battel He marched towards Newark minding to make himself master thereof but Henry who at the first news of their landing was advanced to Coventry sent some Troops of Light-horse abroad to take Prisoners that he might learn News a superfluous diligence for he had Spyes amongst them who advertis'd him of all their proceedings Being come to Nottingham a Counsel of War was held wherein it was discust where 't were better to protract time or to Fight the King was for giving Battel being encouraged by the accesse of 6000 fighting men most of them Voluntaries under 70 Colours the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lord Strange were the chief Commanders and that the enemy might not take the advantage of Newark the King encamped himself between them and the Town Lincoln seeing himself so closely pursued went to Stoke planting himself upon the side of a little hill from whence he descended assoon as the King presented him Battel the which was valiantly fought on Both sides but of the Manner how there is but Small or very Obscure knowledge 'T is held that of the King 's Three Battallions the Vantguard onely fought the other Two moved not at all which seems the Stranger for that having fought even to the Last man the one Half of the said Vantguard being Slain the King would purchase the Victory at so Dear a rate which if he would have suffer'd All his men to have fought he might have had it better Cheap All the Chief of the Enemy were slain Lincoln Kildare Lovel Broughton and Colonel Swart great slaughter was made of the unarmed Irish who budged not one foot from the posture they put themselves in at the Beginning of the fight the Dutch who were well armed and understood their work died not unrevenged The Conflict endured Three hours not likely to have endured so Long had the Main-battel and the Rere-ward fought 'T is said the L. Lovel sought to save himself but finding the Banks of Trent too high for his horse they were both drowned as not able to clammer up Others will have it that he got over the River and that he lived a long time in a Cave The King was displeas'd at the Earl of Lincoln's death not that he Loved him or out of desire of further Revenge but that thereby he was bereaved of the means of working out of him what Correspondency the Dutchesse Margaret had in England There died Four thousand of the Enemy the One Half of the Kings Vant-guard and the Other half were work for the Chirurgions So roundly were they dealt withal Not any one of Quality was slain on the King's side They took many Prisoners amongst which king Lambert Symnel otherwise called Edward the Sixth and Simond his Tutor and Seducer 't was thought he should have been rigorously proceeded against but his yeers he not being full Sixteen yeers Old freed him from the Highest of faults He confest who he was and the Meannesse of his Birth that the fault proceeded from his Governour whom he was not wont to disobey His punishment was the Kitchin where he was put to the vilest employments his Scepter and Crown were turned to Spits and Fire-forks he continued in the office of a Scullion till by what means I know not he was preferred to be one of the King's Falconers in which condition he died not giving any further occasion of Story The King shewed herein his Wisedom for had he put him to Death being so Young and for a fault not of his Own Chusing Severity might have had the face of Cruelty and Justice of
Destroy them The Duke of Britanny who knew his Forces too weak to withstand the King's had recourse to Henry to whom Charles had already sent Ambassadours to shew him That the chief Princes of the Blood and greatest Lords of his Kingdom being retired into Britanny under pretence of Refuge but in effect that being joyned to that Duke they might mischief Him the more he was forced to take up Arms and necessitated to war for his Own Defence and to Prevent him that sought His ruine that the war was Defensive on His side that he pursued Rebels in a Prince's Countrey who owing Homage to Him ought not to have received them and much lesse to have Conspired against him with them wishing him to remember that if the Duke of Britanny had done him any favour he had marr'd the merit of it since it failed on his part that he might have been utterly ruined by being deliver'd up to Richard that he did not pretend to remember him of the Assistance and Favours he had received from Him which were done out of meer Affection and contrary to what Reason should have perswaded him to for his Own good since it had been better for him that a Tyrant like Richard should have reigned in England then so vertuous a King as was he That if he would rightly weigh both their good turns he should finde His proceeded from true Friendship the Duke's from Self-interest That he did not desire a Requital of Assistance knowing that he was but Newly possest of the Kingdom which he had purchas'd with great Expence and Trouble but onely that he would stand Neuter That he would not by aiding the Duke hinder the just progresse of hiâ—… Arms justly to punish Rebels and to give due correction to him that had contrary to all Law received them He herewithaâ—… acquainted him with his having taken some certain Towns from the Archduke Philip in Flanders affirming he had not done it out of any Ill-will but for that it behoved him a little to Quell him the difference between them for any thing else being Little or Nothing they being Neighbours and he to marry his sister He said this to disswade Henry from believing that he made war in Britanny to Possesse himself thereof and to honest the Usurpation by Marrying the Heir as he intended and as he did and to make him believe this the rather he discover'd unto him as a businesse of great Trust his designes upon the Kingdom of Naples as if the attempt upon Naples which was but an imagination in Future were not compatible with his Present Real attempt upon Britanny Henry was displeased at this Embassie Two Princes being therein concern'd of which he knew not whether to prefer being obliged to them Both and equally favoured by them Both. He knew Charles did but Dissemble that the injury he did the Duke was unjust and hurtful for England that France might peradventure have reason enough to be Offended with Britanny but none to Subdue it The danger was great The Duke was Old Sickly and for the most part out of his Wits He had no issue Male Females the weaker they are and Marriageable the fitter are they to serve for an occasion of Oppressing the Countrey The Nobility was Mistrustful the People wavering He objected to himself that the Duke having preserved Him so many yeers against the Treacheries of so many Enemies he was in Honour obliged to do the like for him wherewithal it likewise became him to preserve the freedom of Commerce unto his Kingdom which would be Lost or much Lessen'd should it fall into the hands of such a King who if by reason of what he already possessed he were of so great might as he became formid able to his neighbours and those that lived further from him what would his greatnesse become when it should be Augmented by the Addition of a Dukedom equal to a Kingdom rich in Nobility People Seas and Ports But having been likewise Obliged to Charles he could not without the Badge of Ingratitude treat him like an Enemy To do then what he ought to do which was not to Declare himself Against the One nor Suffer the Other to be Undone it behoved him to have Evident Reasons should he do Otherwise whereby it might Appear that he was Perforce induced thereunto His Obligation being Equal his duty of gratitude could not be Dispensed withal to Either of them so as desirous to carry himself Indifferent where Circumstances were Equal as in his Obligations it behoved him to do Otherwise where Circumstances Differ'd as in Interest of State and Justice Two ponderous weights Both of which were put into the Duke's Scale Having then answer'd the Ambassadours in matters of Lesser importance as in the businesse of Flanders he told them He found himself bound in a Like bond of obligation to the King and to the Duke That the cause of his flight from Britanny into France was not from the Duke but through the wickednesse and malice of his Officer Landois He must confesse he Oft hath owed his Life unto him having had divers treacherous plots contrived against him by the corruption of his Servants that He never failed him neither in Will nor Deed So as finding himself in this condition with them Both he hoped that his Interposing himself as a Friend between them might produce that Peace which was to be desired and to which end he would forthwith dispatch away an Ambassadour to him They being dismiss'd with this answer he bent all his endeavours to work a Reconciliation between them that he might not be Enforced to take up Arms the which if against his will he Must do he was resolved to employ them to Preserve Britanny neither did he believe fortune would prove so favourable to Charles but that He might have time to Negotiate this businesse grounding his Confidence upon the great Oppositions he had on the one side Maximilian on the other the Forces of Britanny and the Orleanists in the Bowels of his Kingdom ready to raise a Civil war which he was not likely Quickly to quit his hands of together with the Inconstancy of his Young yeers able to make him Change his minde especially he being environ'd with men of Mean condition who rather make their fortunes in Court-changes then in Chances of War Upon these supposals which proved all false he sent his Chaplain Christopher Ursewick into France he gave him order that if he found Charles disposed to Peace he should instantly go to Britanny and conclude it in the best manner he could Ursewick came to France where Charles made him believe he did passionately desire Peace whilst he was far from it he therefore past on into Britanny thinking he had done Half of his work but he found he was deceived for the young King handled the businesse with so much Subtlety as he that had been longest Experienced and Verst in businesse could not have done it better He seemed to be very
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the
it become their Dignities Volterra with leave from the Pope went to Fondi where he staid till the Pope's death under the protection of Prospero Colonna As for Adrian he privately stole away it never being known what became of him I was desirous to relate the intire History of this great man for our instruction for Two distinct species of ambition are therein comprehended the one Praise-worthy the other Not which may be compared to Two Horses the Praise-worthy is like a stately well-managed horse which in due time doth all things by obeying the hand the other like a hair-brain'd ill-ridden horse Adrian rid both these the first brought him Safely and without Danger to his old age the second overthrew him and lost him to the world A rare example and unparallel'd in a man of so much Worth for to perish and die in Persecution is that which at all times befals Many but I have not heard of Any man that perished and for Fear of death Died whilst Alive save this alone The affairs of Britanny after Duke Francisco's death were so encumber'd as no good was to be expected The Dutchesse was Young her governours Unfaithful the greatest part and best of the Barons Alienated the Others upon designes respecting their Particular interests and the State as it was by many pretended unto by Marriage so was it by many Practis'd upon The father had at sundry times promised the now-Dutchesse his daughter to Three several men first to Maximilian who lost her through Negligence after to the Duke of Orleans though he were married who lost her by being taken Prisoner lastly to Albert who had her not because She would not have Him But Charles a tacite pretender got her who seemed not till long after her father's death to have any intention toward her Her first inclinations were to Maximilian to whom she was solemnly promised her second to Orleans she being made believe that his First marriage was Invalid She abhorred Charles as an Enemy and Perturber of her quiet and the Destroyer of her State a natural Antipathy or rather Ambition to be Queen of the Romanes made her not regard Albert. Honour and Title are able to do much and Albert though he was very Noble and not a Subject yet was he Vassal to the Crown of France He was descended by the Mother's side from the House of Britanny Margaret daughter to Iohn the Fifth wife to Alaine the Ninth Viscount of Rohan had Three daughters the Second whereof was Mother to this man surnamed the Great Alaine the Eldest was married into the House of Rieulx and the Youngest to Iohn of Orleans Count d' Angoulesme who was father to Francis the first King of France Duke Francis had offer'd him his daughter upon hopes of great succour which proved but Small and Tardy for he judging it necessary to interest Ferdinand and Isabella in this war to the end they might not annoy his son the King of Navar they being offended that in the marriage of the Queen he was prefer'd before the Prince of Castile for whom they would have had her he went to them to Valencia and complaining that Charles had seized on his State for having brought the interest of his son to the Crown of Navar against the Viscount of Narbonne whom Charles favoured he desired them to take him into their protection and together with Him the aforesaid King as likewise the Dukes of Orleans and Britanny to defend them from the violence of such as abused the Authority of the King of France offering in their names to cause the Territories of Rossillion and of Cerdagna which Iohn the King of Arragon had pawn'd to Lewis the Eleventh to be restored to Catalonia Having obtained what he demanded and moreover certain Troops under the Command of Gralla the Steward of their House he returned to Guascoigne and joyning these Forces to his which all together made about Four thousand men he would not passe the River Garonne till the promise of Marriage was confirm'd unto him which if it had been done the Reward had much exceeded the Service the promise being made with intent to have Forces able to Repulse the enemy which he had not whereupon Henry considering that the King of France was likely by this Marriage to make himself master of Britanny unlesse he should meet with some great obstacle he counselled Maximilian to pursue it again since Orleans being excluded Albert refus'd and Charles who seemed not to pretend thereunto being already married not likely to get her His hopes might be good There was none that more molested the Orphan Princesse then did her Governour the Marshal of Rieulx for quitting his Obedience to Force her to marry Albert he had put the remainder of her estate not yet possest by the French in confusion But she resolved rather to take a Cloister then to marry Him sent into Flanders to Maximilian and to Ferdinand of Spain for succour she sent at the same time to Henry of England who sent her the Eight thousand men whilst Maximilian not able to pursue the Match was lesse able to Succour her For the Dutch had so shut him up as he was not able to help Himself much lesse to assist Her His wife had left him Two children Philip and Margaret the inhabitants of Gaunt and Bruges had taken them from him and had given Four Tutours of Their ordaining to Philip and married Margaret an Infant of Three yeers old to Charles during the life of his father Lewis the Eleventh and contrary to all reason of good Government they cut off Artois and the French County from the States of the Low-countreys and gave them in Portion with her they likewise kept him Prisoner a long time and granted him not his Liberty till he had Sworn to Pardon all Offences and Never to take Revenge for them And though his father the Emperour not liking so Unworthy agreements came to his Succour yet did he not at all help him for he returned to Germany not having done any thing but irritated the more those people of whom Monsieur de Ravestein had made himself Head backt by the Governour of Piccardy who went immediately to besiege Desmunde and left him in case hardly able to Defend Himself much lesse to Assist Others But Henry not willing to Break with France nor yet to let Flanders be lost sent the Lord Morley to Monsieur Dawbeny Governour of Callis with One thousand men under pretence of a Supply for the Garison on that side the Sea but with secret order to succour Desmunde the which he so well obeyed that to those Thousand another Thousand being added which he drew from the Garison of Hammes in Guisnes he passed over the water of Graveling by night and got into Newport where augmenting his Forces with Six hundred Germanes which he found there and led by a trusty guide into Desmunde the Enemy which lay on the other side not perceiving it he set upon them
and not barely of her Person that Promises of Marriage yea Marriage it Self were to be dispens'd withal in cases of Necessity that the Pope would not be found difficult herein since Blood War and Desolation would otherwise ensue which by Peace might be prevented and Peace was to be had onely by this Marriage that Maximilian's daughter was no impediment since she was not of Yeers either to Consent or Dissent For her Marriage with Maximilian's Self though Promised yet was it not Consummated the Solemnities used therein were meer Ceremonies invented to dazzle the World they not being valid by whatsoever Law either Canon or Civil And if nothing else would prevail with her the Preservation of her State her 's and Charles his Proportionable Youth and Yeers and her being to be the Chief Queen of the World ought perswade her Weary at last with so many Onsets she gave way though not yet freed of the Scruple of her Promise-breach to Maximilian but he being accused of having failed in his Duty and of not having kept any one whosoever neer her which he would not have done to the meanest Princesse alive she was likewise quitted of That The Ambassadours which were sent to Charles being come to Callis met with the Bishop of Concordia sent from the Pope to reconcile the Two Kings for through the molestation of their Wars Christendom was in great danger of the Turks who made daily further progresse thereinto The Bishop having dispatcht his affairs with Charles who feigned a willingnesse to Peace came to England where he did nothing for the Marriage with Britanny being published the Treaty was broken off and each King sent for his Ambassadours home Henry not in honour able to suffer any longer dissimulation and being by Maximilian promised strong succours from the King of Spain called a Parliament and there propounded war with France not to be made any more by Deputies as was the war of Britanny but by Himself in Person to recover those Provinces lost under Henry the Sixth against a Prince who for his Pride and for his pretending over every one was unworthy of All men's Friendship since having possest himself of Britanny by Force and Fraud and maintained the Rebels in Flanders against their Prince he pretended now to bring Italy to his Subjection that he might aftewards trouble all the Princes of Christendom honesting his thirst after Rule and his conceived Usurpation of the Kingdom of Naples by saying he did it with an intent to carry his Arms against the Infidels on the other side of the Adriatick Sea he told them it would be dangerous to let him advance so much for that England being already girt about with Piccardy Normandy and this new purchase of Britanny it would be easie for him to molest her if suffering her self to be Flatter'd as hitherto she had done she should be abused as she had been that the French forces were not unknown to the English as had been witnessed by their Battels Victories and the Imprisonment of one of the French Kings and if the English had at last had unhappie successe 't was not be attributed to Their Valour but to Civil Dissention which like tempestous Hail had beaten down the Fruit upon the very point of Ripening that his claim to that Kingdom was manifest that Fortune did second Justice and Valour accompany her that Their generous resolution would serve for an Invitation and an Example unto Others to Flanders and Spain for their Own Interests and to Britanny for that being won more by Corruption then by Arms there wanted not such as were evilly affected the People were discontented and the greatest part of the Nobility not willing to subject themselves to a Prince whom they abhorr'd the Pope would joyn with them for detesting to have Italy molested Diversion was that which would free him from Danger All which were thus presented not as the Ground-work but as the Adherences of an Enterprise which was not to be resolv'd on upon hopes of Assistance from Others that England was of it Self sufficient neither did it stand in need of any other Forces then her Own it being to be supposed that by the Death of those Ancient warriers the natural courage of those which Descended from them was not extinct but that they would make it appear to the world they did not degenerate from their Predecessours and though Honour have no reward worthy of her self but Her Self yet it was to be consider'd that this was a War to be made in a Countrey full of whatsoever Nature did afford sufficient to maintain the Publike expence to adorn the Nobility with Lordships Vertue with Employments and to satisfie the Souldier with Booty and Riches Riches which were to be shared out by sundry ways as is the Blood from Vein to Vein to England in general and that those who for the present should contribute towards it were to enjoy in the future aboundant Increase for what they should Now part withal that the war was to be made not as at the First at the expence of the Kingdom but at the cost of such Cities and Provinces as they should Conquer it had been done so Formerly and should be so Now so as they that would contribute towards it he wisht they might do it Readily for he was resolved not to have any thing from the Poorer sort but from such as without any incommodity might expect the Re-imbursing of their Moneys The War with France was with much cheerfulnesse approved of in Parliament They thought the Honour of the King and Kingdom had suffer'd somewhat in the Losse of Britanny But the King's intentions were not such as he made shew of he knew Maximilian's Forces were not to be built upon nor yet those of Ferdinand for the Wars of Granada had exhausted his Coffers and the recouery of Rossillion without Cost which he aspired unto was not to be effected by fighting with Charles but with Seconding him He knew moreover the constitution of France was not Now as it had been Formerly when divided into Two Factions it made way for the advancing of the English Forces it was now United the Burgundian Faction was faln to the ground and the Orleanists depended upon the Regal authority that she hath now brought her self to a custom of encamping Leasurely and to fight no more with Violence but upon Advice so as he should Weary his people Weaken his Forces and Impoverish his Kingdom Feigning notwithstanding the contrary he seemed to Desire what he Detested he so wisely fitted himself for what might happen as satisfying his Honour with the Appearances and Beginning of War he was sure to make Peace when he listed for Charles would be Desirous of it that he might bring to passe his intended Designes and he Himself would Accept of it as not being deceived in his opinion of Maximilian's Impotency and the vain hopes from Spain Yet he was sure to make Charles buy peace Dear who had his minde
unknown and Meanly born by whose means she endeavoured to bereave her Neece of the Kingdom so to deprive Henry and her Nephews begotten by him by her rather reputed Enemies then Nephews her innate Hatred was of more power with her then her Love to her Neece and those that came of her but failing in that designe plotted by a Priest she would contrive one Her Self and make thereof so hard and intricate a knot as that neither Henry's Wisedom nor Sword should be able to untie it or cut it in sunder There are some that term her his Iuno for as the ancient Fictions one never ceased to persecute Eneas till fatal destiny made her aware that she vexed him but in vain so this New and True one never ceased to persecute Henry not perceiving that she contended with divine providence which intending him for the Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom did in despite of her defend him from her malice This new Duke of York was a poor lad by whom she thought to effect that mischief which she could not bring to passe His father who dwelt in Torney was a Jew turn'd Christian named Iohn Osbeck who necessitated by some occasions went together with his Wife to London where she bare him this son who being Christened by King Edward in his Own person 't was thought he would not have done so great a favour to so mean a childe had he not had some Secret interest in him and his mother being very fair some were of opinion he had begotten him He was named Peter which according to the Custom and Diminutive of the Dutch Tongue was converted to Perkin Those who knew him not from his beginning called him Warbeck his true name of Osbeck not being known till after enquiry had been made into it so as the name of Warbeck which was first given him out of Ignorance by Custom continued to him He was but very young when his father returned to Flanders when he was somewhat Bigger his father sent him to Antwerp and from thence to Other parts His travels and conversation with Divers Nations had not onely made him skilful in many Languages English being his Natural tongue but apt to fit himself to other mens Humours and Customs This lad being met withal by some of Margaret's Officers and by them judged very fit for what was to be done they presented him to her it cannot be said how much she was therewithal satisfied for all conditions requisite for her purpose were met together in him Yeers beauty wit comlinesse of feature I should say Majesty but that was a quality of her Addition She took an affection to him for his being God-son to her Brother and the rather for that being very fair she thought him a by-scape of his an opinion which made her form and transform him with the greater care and diligence She bethought her self of all that she was either to instil into his minde or affix in his actions she omitted not any thing whereby to make him personate to the life the deceased Duke of York she decipher'd out unto him as in so many well-drawn Pictures the Delineaments Semblances and Behaviours of those of the Blood-royal of the King Queen Prince and Princesses of the first he was to speak as of his Father and Mother of the rest as of his Brother and Sisters she bethought her self what Questions might be asked him fitting him with Answers thereunto such as might become his Youth she did the like for what concern'd such past businesses as might have fallen within his knowledge she forgat not the particulars of the Sanctuary how the Queen fled thither with the Duke of York how he was taken from thence how much Richard made of him when he had gotten him his resorting to his brother in the Tower the Manner of their living there what Servants waited on them their Fears and the manner of his pretended Eseape the names of the Lords with each particularity which to such a purpose had happened she chiefly taught him how to counterfeit innate Nobility in which he was so tractable as he thought himself the very Duke of York whom he personated She fitted the places of his peregrination with the times to the end that when he should discourse of what had there happened to him they might be believed And finding him generally of a miraculous capacity and in judgement much beyond his yeers she took delight to instruct him and was pleased in her Own work happily invented as she thought She kept him continually in her most private lodgings not trusting him to the air for the chiefest article of this mystery was to make the world believe she had never seen him When she had brought her work to Perfection she laid before him as his object the purchasing of the Crown of England wherein if he should not prosper then the chief place in her Court for that he was to be reputed not what in truth he was but what for her honour he was to be believed to be she being obliged to uphold him to the end her favours might not be accounted the effects of Malice but of Blood When she afterwards perceiv'd that Henry proceeded on in the affairs of Britanny so as he must of necessity break with France she would not keep him any longer with her She sent him into Portugal under the conduct of an English Lady where he tarried for almost the space of a Yeer and this she did to the end that when he was to appear it might be from a Third place he had then directions sent him to passe into Ireland for Henry having now declared War against France 't was a fit time to molest him and the White-Rose saction being great in Ireland he might get Assistants and give a beginning to his Metamorphosis He obey'd he pass'd into Ireland he made his abode in Cork where at first sight he was esteemed a man of great consequence for his comely demeanure and his plenty in all things the Dutchesse having furnisht him in great abundance for his better appearing were sufficient to make the people take one thing for another Having a while held them in suspence he acknowledged himself but as if he were enforced thereunto to be the Duke of York who having escaped out of the Tower and run divers fortunes was come to that Kingdom hoping that the affection it had always born to his House would now continue firm to him Henry was not at this time pass'd into France being retarded by the difficulties of so important an Expedition so as Charles hearing of this apparition in Ireland he thought it might make for his advantage to have him with him that so he might trouble England if Henry should continue in Hostility and if he should not continue therein he might make his Peace upon better terms One Steven Frion was Secretary to Henry for the French tongue who being discontented and holding Correspondence with the Dutchesse Margaret fled into
he should destroy the Nest which was in Ireland seeing that Lambert first and then Perkin had been so affectionately received there It behoved him to settle his authority there in such manner as it should be undoubted he made choice of Two to serve him in Two several Offices the Prior of Langton with title of Commissioner that he might look to the Civil Government of the Kingdom making him Chancellor and Edward Poynings who was to have charge of the Militia giving him a great many Souldiers with Commission to be Marshal and Lieutenant to which the Deputy which was the Earl of Kildare was subordinate The Prior met with no difficulty the Laws being his Arms and the peaceful people the matter of his jurisdiction but Poynings who was to deal with Stubborn men and Rebels had not the like fortune for Ireland being full of Woods Boggs and Desert places the happinesse of the poor people consisting in Idlenesse in somuch as the ground is there for the most part unbroken up he was to make War just as men do Hunt for those whose consciences and courages mis-gave them retiring themselves into places inaccessible for strangers and unknown unto them he spent much time there to small purpose killing some few and taking some few prisoners which made not much for the main enterprise so as being angry with those who having no intention to withstand him had no cause to fear him he lay'd the fault upon the Earl of Kildare as if he had succour'd them underhand He sent him prisoner into England without any other Proof against him save his Own Suspition and the Earl did so fully justifie himself as that he was declared Innocent and re-established in his former Government But if Poynings had no successe with those which stood out against him yet was his fortune such with the rest as he perswaded them to accept of all Ordinances made in England till that day which in former times were not of power in that Kingdom This Declaration was and is called Poynings his Law Ireland therefore is governed by the same Laws as is England for so many as were made till the Tenth yeer of Henry but such as have been made since are not admitted of there The Conspiracy thus unsuccessefully ended did not so quell Perkin's spirit but that he thought the affections of those of his Party were rather Oppressed then quite Dead and that a new spirit would so revive them as Henry should not be so fortunate in suppressing them as he had been Thus flattering himself he assembled together certain Troops of men of desperate fortunes who either for Debts or other misdemeanours durst not shew their heads and embarking them he came to Anchor before Sandwitch landing some of his men to learn news and to discover how the people in those parts were affected giving out that he had great Forces which were coming in a Fleet after him The King at this time was gone his Progresse and was now with his Mother in her house at Latham whom he went to visit and that by his coming thither the world might know that the death of Sir William Stanley had not made his father-in-law think the worse of him here he heard of Perkin's arrival whereby he received this advantage that he having so behaved himself as his People esteemed him to be a politick Prince they thought nothing befel him which he did not foresee and that his retiring himself into the Northern parts was one of his cunning fetches for knowing he had left the South-parts free from danger he intended to allure Perkin to land that so he might be sure not to escape But whatever the matter was at the first news he resolved to return and was not well pleased at the Second which informed him that he was gone again for he perceived this trouble would continue longer then he imagined The cause of Perkin's departure was this the Kentish-men had well observed the condition of those whom he had landed and that there were but few English amongst them and those few of no worth nor consideration wherefore they took counsel with the Chief of the Shire concerning their taking Arms the which being agreed upon they shewed a part of their men upon the Sea shore to invite him to land and scatter'd the rest abroad some here some there as if they were ready to run away but Perkin perceiving their drift budged not a foot wherefore the Kentishmen gave upon them that were on the shore slew some of them took other some very few of them getting back to their Ships At this time died Cecilie Nevil Dutchesse of York who born to be unfortunate outdid the miseries of her daughter-in-law Queen Elizabeth who was very unhappie she bare to her husband Richard Plantagenet Duke of York Eight sons and Four daughters all her Sons died during her life Four of them died natural deaths while they were Young of whom we make no mention in our Genealogie because our History speaks not of them of the Other Four the Three Last came to a violent end and the First died not well for King Edward died in the strength of youth consumed by disorder Edmund Earl of Richmond was together with his Father slain at the Battel at Wakefield George Duke of Clarence was put to death in the Tower by his brother and Richard the Third was slain at Bosworth-field She had been the lesse to be pitied had the Funerals of her family ended in her Husband and Sons but they extended themselves to her Grand-children male all which she out-lived save Edward Earl of Warwick son to the Duke of Clarence who being shut up in the Tower was not to expect any other death then Violent but to share therein with the rest as he did so as being made unhappie by so many miseries any One of which had been able to have made her so fortune would yet render her fuller of calamity by making her lose her Honour her own Son declaring her to be an Adultresse thereby to make himself King and though there were no true colour for it yet was the stain true wherewithal she was asperst by a Basilisk that issued out of her own bowels which was a misery above all other miseries and of all wounds the most sensible Perkin being retired to Flanders if he should tarry there he must needs be discover'd for an Impostour and the Dutchesse of Burgundy should she detain him there must be known to be fomentresse of the Forgery so as it behoved him to be gone from thence and her to send him away to go on with the work which they had both so unluckily begun This resolution was befriended by the distaste which Maximilian and his son Philip took at Henry for taking the Commerce of England from their States and by the like distaste taken by Charles King of France for his having entred into league against him concerning his affairs in Italy But Perkin's missing of
into Cornewall as he had appointed for hearing that they were not totally appeased he thought it was not good to incite them any further To all the rest he gave a Generall Pardon so as in so scandalous a rebellion there were but Three that suffer'd those not being cast into the number which were slain in the Battell who perished rather by Fortune then by way of Punishment The King of Scotland hearing of this rebellion made use of it he went to besiege Norham Castle plundering the countrey This Castle belonged to Fox the Bishop of Durham who fore-seeing it would be besieged had doubly furnished it with all sorts of Munition causing the herds of Cattle what else might be helpful to the Enemy to be withdrawn into the greatest strengths The Earl of Surrey who was ready upon all occasions in Yorke-shire not far from thence hasted thither accompanied with good store of Souldiers the which when King Iames understood he with-drew himself and was pursued by the Earl who not able to over-take him sate down before Hayton Castle one of the strongest Castles between Barwick and Edenborough the which he quickly took and not meeting with any opposition he returned to Yorke-shire not doing any more these two actions having produced no matter of Note but the Preservation of One Castle and the winning of Another At this time came Pedro d' Aiala a man of praise-worthy conditions to Henry being sent Embassadour from Ferdinand and Isabel King and Queen of Castile The pretence of his Embassie was to compound the differences between Henry and the King of Scotland but the true cause was to negotiate a marriage between Katharine their second daughter and Prince Arthur My opinion is that these two wise Princes were cautious of entring into a busines of this nature till by this peace they might see Henries state setled for considering him to be a New King they did not a little weigh the machinations of an Impostour which being grounded upon the appearances though but of a False name were upheld by the King of Scotland who if he should forsake him they would soon vanish Henry willingly embraced the Offer being no way inclined to the unprofitable wars with Scotland by the cessation whereof two great advantages were to redound to him the one he would unkennell Perkin from out the Kingdom with hopes to get him into his power or else that wanting that leaning stock he might easily end the busines Himself the other his desire to reign in Peace being weary of so many molestations which rising one in the neck of another had always troubled him So as agreeing to whatsoever d' Aiala should treate of his Honour and all wherein it might be concern'd always preserved he suffer'd him to go into Scotland where having rough-cast the busines and perswaded the King to listen to Peace for his endeavours were seconded by the Counsel who favoured England he writ to Henry to send some discreat man who together with Him might end the busines with the Commissioners of Scotland The King gave his Commission to Fox Bishop of Durham who was then at Norham and sent him When they met together in Iedworth they could not agree by reason of many difficulties that arose Henry demanded to have Perkin delivered up unto him and Iames could not doe it without a great aspersition to his Honour for though he knew he was but a Iuggler yet having called him the Duke of Yorke made war in his name and married him to a neer kinswoman of his own the doing of it would injure his own Faith and Reputation On Henries behalfe was likewise demanded satisfaction for the Losse he had suffer'd and the Restitution of such Booty as had been taken from England which was impossible to be had the booty was disperst amongst the Souldiers and the King had not of his Own wherwith to give satisfaction for the Losses suffer'd it was more possible for the one to suffer the Losse then for the other to Repay it But all of them being met together with a Desire of Peace 't was easie to find a way to accommodation wherefore leaving off the Treaty til another time they agreed on a Truce upon condition that Perkin should be dismist Scotland The Kings were here withall contented Truce working the same effect King Iames calling Perkin to him shewed him that according to his promise he had done what lay in His power for him which He had not correspondently done in any thing he promised for having made him beleeve hee had a Party in England not so much as one man had appeared to side with him after Two attempts made that he the King had together with his person hazarded his Kingdom to a perpetual war The Scots would none of it neither would his Occasions permit it that he had reason to complain of none but of Himself who in a busines of so great importance had not cast up his accounts aright that the Emperour Arch-duke Dutchesse of Burgundy and the King of France had been faulty both to Himself and Him that he could not doe all of Himself whilest they far from Danger looked on from safe places without either dammage or expence though this were a sufficient cause yet should it not have been of force enough to have made him change his former resolution had there been any one that would have acknowledged him for the Duke of Yorke as there was none that would acknowledge him for so much as an English man Hee would no farther examine his Genealogy nor make himselfe Judge of anothers pretences whilest there is not any one that dreams much lesse beleeves him to be Sonne to Edward the fourth that hee had given him for wife a Noble Lady his neer kinswoman to the end the Scocs might be moved to favour him and the English might take courage to own him and if the second designe which depended on Him Perkin did not succeed well the first which depended on Him the King failed not that his Kingdom would have Peace which they could not have so long as He stayed in it that therefore it behooved him to be gone for having denied to Deliver him up to the King of England as was by the said King Demanded he could not deny to send him out of Scotland which should he not doe it would be contrary to the interests of One of them and repugnant to the affairs of the Other Hee told him Times did alter so as if hee were the man hee gave himself out to be it was impossible but the Time would bring the Truth to light that though Fortune were Powerfull yet was she not able to prevaile against a certain Truth if therefore his Pretence were such he could not want Friends and Furtherers if otherwise it behooved him to look to himself and to put on apparell fitting his condition Perkin though convinced seemed not to be so casting all his bad successe upon the Aversenesse of Fortune And
former Confession the which he likewise did at Cheapside Hee was againe put into the Tower to be better looked unto but hee could not forbeare relapsing into his former errour For growing great with foure of his Keepers who were servants to Sir Iohn Digby Lieutenant of the Tower and making them beleeve he was the true Duke of Yorke he so far prevailed with them as that they perswaded the Earl of Warwick to escape away with Perkin which by their means hee easily might doe when they should have kill'd the Lieutenant and taken from him his Keyes Monies and best Moveables But the plot was discover'd and he againe put over to Commissioners At this time an other Earl of Warwick appeared in Kent in imitation of Lambert Symnell Lambert tooke upon him the person of the Earl of Warwick by the direction of a Priest and Ralph Wilford for so was this second supposititious Earl called by the direction of an Augustine Frier named Patrick but this was soon ended for the Frier puft up with a foolish confidence and beleeving that businesses of this nature ought to be fomented in the Pulpit he by inciting the People destroyed the building before the Ground-worke was lay'd so as they were both taken Wilford was executed and the Frier in respect of his Habit was condemn'd to perpetuall imprisonment This accident gave the King occasion to rid the true Earl of Warwick out of the world whereupon it was thought that Perkins first flight and this his second endeavour to doe the like were wrought by His cunning he giving way to the First that hee might put Perkin to death and stirring up means to plot the Second so to rid his hands of the Earl and Perkin both at once But howsoever it was Perkin being convinc'd of this second busines and judged to die was hanged at Tybourn where by word of mouth hee confest his Imposture The rest who were involved in the same fault suffered likewise with him And Warwick being accused before the Earl of Oxford who for this occasion was made High Constable of England to have conspired together with Perkin against the State and Person of the King being proved guilty by his owne Confession was beheaded upon Tower-hill And thus in him ended the Male Line of the Plantagenets This caused the King to be blamed and hardly thought of as having no reason to condemne him for having been Prisoner from the Ninth yeare of his age till the Twenty-fourth and always in fear of Death he was kept in so great Ignorance that hee did not know a Duck from a Capon and therefore so little capable of the fault that he was altogether incapable to Dream of it and his Confessing it was out of a beleefe he was perswaded to that by so doing he should be pardoned Henry endevoured to lay the cause of this death upon the King of Spaine shewing his Letters wherein he said He could not resolve to marry his Daughter to Prince Arthur since as long as the Earl of Warwick lived he was not certaine of the Kingdoms succession which might be a reason of State but not of Justice in so much as God would not give a Blessing to that match the which that vertuous Princesse Katharine Knew very well for Prince Arthur dying shortly after and shee being repudiated by King Henry the Eight after Twenty yeares marriage she said It was no wonder if God had made her Vnfortunate in her Marriages since they were sealed with Blood meaning thereby the Death of this Earle The King though hee were no longer subject to the Apparitions which the Dutchesse of Burgundy had raised up by her Inchantments in the Transformation of People yet was he not free from Influences common to other men the Plague raged so terribly in London that it forced him to quit the Town and afterwards by reason of its Vniversall dispersing of it selfe over the whole Land to goe over to Callice together with the Queene The Arch-duke Philip hearing of his being there sent Embassadours to him to congratulate his Arrivall and to know if hee would be pleased that he Himself should come to visit him upon condition notwithstanding that he might be received in some Open place not for that hee durst not Trust himself in Callice or in what ever other Towne but for that having refused to speake with the King of France within any Walled place hee would not by this Difference give him any occasion of Offence nor that the example might prove prejudiciall to him in the future for any thing that might happen either with the same King or with any other The Ambassadours were graciously received and the Condition fairly interpreted and St. Peters Church not far from Callice was appointed for the place Hee likewise sent Embassadours to the Arch-duke who appeared at Masse in the midst between them all of them kneeling upon the same cushion As he was comming towards Callis the King went out to meet him and he alighted suddenly from Horse-back as if hee would have held his stirrop the King likewise alighted and having imbraced him led him to the Church which was appointed for their parley The causes which brought this Prince thither were two his own Good nature for that he had offended him by Protecting an Impostour which fault though it was not His he being then a Child yet was it the fault of his Counsell depending upon the Dutchesse Margarets passion so as he omitted nothing whereby to give the King satisfaction the other the Advise of his Father and father in Law who counselled him to make firm friendship with Henry for the advantage of the Low-countries and for his own Safety against the Violences of France but most for that they both hating that King which was Lewis the Twelfth who succeeded Charles the Eighth they hoped for many Advantages by his Friendship The Arch-duke failed not to use all the art he could though by nature he was not given to Dissembling terming him his Father his Protector his Leaning-stock The things agreed on between them were the Confirmation of the former Treaties and two reciprocall Marriages the one of the Duke of Yorke the Kings Second Son with the Arch-dukes Daughter the other of Charles the Arch-dukes Eldest Son with Mary the Kings Second Daughter but all of them being either Children or Infants these marriages ensued not but did evaporate through Time and Interest The Archduke was hardly gone when the King of France sent the Governour of Picardy and the Baylife of Amiens to visit Henry acquain ting him with his Victories together with his getting of the Dutchy of Milaine and his imprisonment of Lodwick Sforza the Duke thereof The Plague being by this time ceased Henry return'd to London wel satisfied with the Testimony he had received of how good esteem he was held by the confining Princes At the same time Iasper Pons a Spaniard born a learned and well bred man came into England being sent by
his comming desired him that he would rest himselfe in Sir Thomas Trenchards house till such time as they might advertise the King of his being there to which he gave way being certaine that otherwise they would not have suffered him to depart When Henry heard hereof hee sent the Earle of Arundell by way of complement unto him and to let him know that he Himselfe would presently come and visit him But Philip fearing lest if he should waite his comming his stay would be too long resolved to goe Himselfe to Henry making his Queene come at leisure after him He was met six miles from Windsor by Prince Henry and One mile from thence by the King who received him with all terms of Honour and Friendship He treated with him of the marriage of their Children and of his owne marrying with Margaret the Dowager of Savoy Philips sister he renewed all Confederacies made between them the preceding years which were Then made with him by the name of Arch-duke Philip Duke of Burgundy Now by the name of King of Spaine they had better successe for the English then had the former especially in the Fishing-busines at which the Flemmings were much offended he with much adoe obtained the person of the Earle of Suffolke who lived under the protection of Philip Henry knew so well how to perswade him by passing his Word he would not put him to Death that Philip sent for him into Flanders the one desiring to have him before the other departed and the other not to depart till he were arrived that it might be beleeved he had beene Enforced to deliver him up Assoone as the Earle was come and put in the Tower Philip departed England and was received in Spaine without any manner of Resistance Ferdinand totally quitting the Government to him but he enjoy'd it but for a while for he dyed soone after The Englishmen will have it that his death was Prognosticated by the Fall of a golden Eagle which standing upon the top of Pauls steeple was blowne downe by the same wind which drave him into Waymouth and brake downe a signe in the Church-yard wherein was a blacke Eagle Ferdinand being call'd for and entreated by the Kingdome returned to the Government thereof this Death of her Husband having so opprest the fancie of the Queen his daughter as she was never after good for any thing not without suspition that her Father did not greatly endeavour her Recovery that so he of Himselfe and without Trouble might manage the Scepter of Spaine The Earle of Suffolke being in the Tower Henry was now freed from all manner of Trouble and Molestation so as betaking himselfe to Domesticall affaires he sent Thomas Wolsey he who was Cardinall and of so great Power under Henry the eighth to Maxi milian to treat of the marriage with the fore-named Dowager of Savoy but it tooke no effect by reason of Henrye's indisposition of health which shortly ensued The marriage of Charles King of Spaine with Mary daughter to Henry stirr'd up some jealousies in Ferdinand for though He was the first that had mention'd iâ—… yet his Sonne in Law being Dead and Charles being come to the Crowne he feared he should meet with Two Competitours in the Government with Maximilian as Grand-father and Henry as Father in Law which though neither of them dreamt of yet did He feare it but This match had no better effect then had the Other the tender yeares of the young couple and the alteration of affaires in following times broke it quite off The expectation hereof neverthelesse made Henry live contented the little while he lived for having married One of his daughters to the King of Scotland and the Other to the King of Castile Duke of Burgundy he thought himselfe more safe then if his Kingdome had beene compassed about with a wall of Brasse He the mean while began to draw towards his End the Gout a disease more Troublesome then Mortall was the Fore-runner of a Distillation which falling upon his Lungs brought him into a kind of Consumption which perceiving he began to give himselfe totally to Pious Workes He set all Prisoners at Liberty who were in for Debt of not above Forty shillings hee himselfe paying the Creditours he gave Almes in greater measure then he had done formerly but though hee felt great Remorse at the daily complaints made against Empson and Dudley for their Oppressions yet did hee not seeke to Remedy them His Conscience and his Covetousnesse wrought contrary effects in him many for very slight causes were troubled in their Estates and in their Lives one died in Prison before his cause was heard another being imprisoned for denying to pay what Contrary to the Lawes he was adjudged at was not let out till Henry the eighths time and then Empson was put in his place To make good the usuall custome of promising obedience to New Popes he sent Sir Gilbert Talbot with two other Embassadours to Pope Iulius the second which he had not formerly done though he were created in November 1503. They prest much for the Canonization of Henry the sixth but could not obtaine it for the reason formerly given in the life of Edward the fourth Being dismist by the Pope they carried the Garter and Robes of that Order to Guido Vbaldo Duke of Vrbin whose Father Frederick had likewise had it This Prince sent into England to be installed for him according to the Institutions of that Order the Count Balthasar Castillion he to whom the noblest Courtiers owe so much The finishing of the Hospitall in the Savoy was one of the last of Henries actions he would not alter the name of it this fabrick having beene in former times the habitation of Peter of Savoy Unckle to Eleanor the Wife of Henry the third by whom Peter of Savoy was created Earle of Richmond but he resigned the Earledome when Savoy fell by inheritance to him The Lancastrians lived in this house and King Henry converted it into an Hospitall Besides this he built three Monasteries for the Conventuall Friers of Saint Francis order and three for the Observantines of the same order in divers places When he knew he hee must die he disposed himselfe thereunto Hee had lived almost all his time in Troubles but always with prosperous and happy successe he found the Kingdome involved in Civil wars he left it in a setled Peace his subjects who were impoverisht by the past disorders were notwitstanding his Taxations by reason of his good Government become Rich he did not only free the Crowne out of Debt but left it rich in Treasure his sonne found in Richmond house a Million and eight Hundred Thousand pound sterling so as he was thought the richest Prince in Europe He granted out a Generall Pardon and ordered by his Last Will and Testament that all such monies should bee Repay'd as had unjustly beene levied by his Officers He died at Richmond the twenty second day of Aprill in the year of our Lord 1509 and was buried by his wife in the sumptuous and stately Chapell built by Himselfe in the Abbey Church at Westminster He lived two and Fifty years and Reigned three and Twenty Years and Eight moneths The Children which he left behind him were Henry the Eighth his Heir and successor in the Crown Margaret Queen of Scotland from whom the Kings of Great Britaine doe descend and the Prince and Princesses of the Electorall house Palatine and Mary married to Lewis the twelfth King of France by whom having no issue she after his death married Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had Henry Earle of Lincolne and two Daughters Frances and Eleanor The Earle dyed without issue in his Fathers life-time Frances was married to Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk and by him had the Lady Iane Gray who being married to Guilford Dudley sonne to the Duke of Northumberland and constrained to call her selfe Queene was beheaded in Queene Maries time she had by him moreover two Other daughters Katharine and Mary who dyed without issue Eleanor was married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland by whom she had a daughter named Margaret who was married to Henry Stanley Earle of Darby and had by him two sons Ferdinando and William both of them in succession one of the other Earles of Darby Earle William dyed this present yeare 1642. leaving his sonne Iames behind him to inherit his Honours and his Estate The End of the Second and Last volume of the Civil Wars of England betweene the two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster FINIS Richard the 2. 1386. 1387. 1388. 1383. 1390. 1391. 1393. 1394. 1395 1396 1397. Henry the 4. A description of the Isle of Wight 1403 1404 1405 1406 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 Henry the 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. and 8. 9 10 11 12 13 1416 1417 1418 1420 1421 Henry the 6. Apoc Cap 4o. 1422 1424. 1425. 1426. 1428. 1429. 1432. 1435. Philippopolis Andrenopolis Serviae Bulgaria Vallatchia Di. Bittinia in Thracia Di. Brusia in Andrinopoli Alavenente 3. Mascone Impatronato La Castellania Parteggiati Il trombetta Sangate 1424. 1438. 1442. 1433. 1445. 1446 1447. 1448. 1450. 1452. 1453. 1454. 1455. 1456. 1458. 1459. 1460. 1466. 1470 1472. 1473. 1474. 1475. 1476 1477 1478 1479 1480 1481 1482 1483 1485. 1485 1483 1486 1487 1488 1490 1491 1492 1493 1494 1495 1496 1496 1498. 1499 1501 1503 1504 1505 1506 1507 1508 1509
France and England Monyes were there Coyned with his stampe and the Armes of both the Kingdomes whilst Charles of more yeares but lesser power and excluded from the Metropolitane Citty possessed nothing on the other side the Loire save the Countries of Berry Forest Bourbonne Lyons and Auvergne the greatest part of Poictou and St. Onges did submit to him in consideration that the Nobility of those parts depended on him or else that they Neighbourd upon him these parts were reduc'd to such a point that one part of their Territories being under him the other under the English they were necessitated either by complying with the one faction to offend the other or else to declare themselves partiall for the one of them conformable to the intrest of their possessions On the other side of the River hee held the Countries of Mayne and Anjou some few places in Champagnia and Picardie being forced to tollerate the insolencies of his owne Souldiers for not being by reason of his poverty able to pay them they paid themselves by rapine and extortion upon the poore people afflicted and impoverished by all sides The Count de Fois had recovered Languedoc for him from the Prince of Orange and as for Guienne the Count Cominges by inclination and Count Arnigniac for hate to Burgony by reason of the Constable Arnigniacs ignominous Death in Paris neare his Bulwarkes All which effects proceeded from the Subjects love for who shall consider his undisolvable difficulties will find he could not possibly have overcome them without the resolv'd patience of those who did obey him who were constrained to indure not only Hostile injuries but likewise the injuries and rapine of such Souldiers as were their friends who being uncorrected and undisciplind were more of damage to them then was the Enemy hereunto may be added that they had no Prince of the bloud to uphold them The Dukes of Orleans and Burbon were Prisoners in England the Duke of Anjou resolute upon the recovery of the Kingdome of Naples and Burgony their inexorable Enemy but to dispute the contrary 't is likely that was not so much the love to Charles as the hatred to the English which made them willing to suffer so much for being but a yong Man about 22. yeares of age he could not have obliged them by benefits nor in those yeares have given such proofe of himself as to cause him to be desired 't is rather to be beleev'd that being born their presum'd King their desire to exclude the English was that which did only foment their affections All Nations do naturally abhorre being subjected one to another the diversity of Language Customes and Humours causing the reciprocall aversion and hatred which wee find in them and if there were no other reason for that it is a kind of wretchlesnes though not alwayes to be overcome by Strangers was a prevalent cause of making him be belov'd he being the Naile by which the other of the English Empiremust be driven out When Charles had understood his Fathers Death and caused his Obsequies to bee celebrated in Espalles a small Castle in Overgnie where he then chanc'd to be after one Dayes Mourning he caused him selfe to be solemnly proclaymed King and going from thence to Poictiers he was with Title of solemnity Crowned Reens a placeantiently destinated for that Ceremony was by the Enemy forbidden him so as France had now a divided Crowne not easie to be peiced together since two did equally intitle themselves King Whilst it was easie for Charles to peece the divided minds of such who either were not incumbred or wavering in Burgony's faction whence it insued that to preserve what the English had wonne or to augment it depended now no more upon the hope of ayd from France but upon the proper strength and Councell of England upon Councell that they might keepe Philip firme unto them for friends by reason of their passions are changeable upon strength since the obstacles which dayly increased by the going over of so many to the adverse party were by no other meanes to be removed After the two Kings Death skirmishes were made in all parts wherin certaine petty places were taken and retaken not worthy to be mention'd in story The Pariseans had sent a solemne Embassy into England to require speedy succour against the injuries done by Charles The English Writers say this Embassy was sent to cloake under this pretended zeale the treason which they were a hatching how to yeild themselves up unto him which whether it were so or no cannot absolutely be sayd but Du Pleis perverting the times and mentioning the Conspiracy before the Embassy augments the suspition they were sent back loaded with promises the effect wherof the English did better make good then did the Parisians their Faith Charles was by this time come to Rochell being somwhat startled at some forces raysed by the Duke of Brittany beleeving it to be done to his prejudice and contrary to what was lately agreed on betweene them during his Fathers Life where sitting in Councell part of the Chamber fell downe which with certaine others indamag'd Iohn of Burbonne Seigneur de Preaux he himselfe being in evident danger had he not beene suddenly drawne from thence At this time hapned the surprizall of Ponte de Melone under the Conduct of Iohn de Greiville who slew as many English as he found there as likewise their punishment who trusting upon the Duke of Bedfords absence had appointed time and place for Charles his People to enter Paris a plot which very well might have succeeded had not the Duke by his making hast hindred them for comming upon them with good forces unexpectedly he put many of them to Death some few escaping by flight and now no longer trusting them he put strong Garrisons into the Citty and parts adjacent wherof some yeilded themselves and some he tooke in He sent for the recovery of Ponte de Melone Thomas Mountaigue Earle of Salisbury a man according to the witnes of such Writers as are not English to be compared to whosoever of the Antient Romans and together with him the Earle of Suffolke the Lord Scales the younger Lord Poinings and many others This place was beseiged all Ianuary and February those which were within the Towne defending themselves valiantly upon the hope of succour which to the number of 6000 was Musterd together upon the confines of the Dutchy of Berry under the conduct of the Count d'Omale Count de Buchane and the Vicount of Narbone but being come within 6 Leagues of the Enemy and ordered in Battell array there fell such disorder amongst them that they return'd disbanded the greatest part of them being defeated by the English which were at Chartres and thereabouts the which when those of the Towne understood they grew into such a fury as throwing downe in the sight of the Enemy Charles his Collours which were set upon the Gates they tore them in peeces as also