VERA EFFIGIES CEARISSMI VIRI DOMNI GUALTHERI RALEGH EQV AUR. etc WARRS WITH Forregin PRINCES Dangerous to our Common-Wealth OR Reasons for Forreign Wars ANSWERED WITH A List of all the Confederates from Henry the firsts Reign to the end of Queen ELIZABETH PROVING That the Kings of England alwayes preferred Vnjust PEACE before the Justest WARRE LONDON Printed for William Shears in Westminster-hall 1657. PROPOSITIONS OF WARRE and PEACE Delivered to his Highness PRINCE HENRY by some of his Military servants Arguments for Warre FRames of Policy as well as works of Nature are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on By Armes was layd the foundation of this State whether we respect the Saxon or the Norman It was Warre that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in forreign parts the renown of her own greatnesse and crowned thereby this State with an eternall peace Times nor our owne vertues are not changed Necessity Benefit and Facility of Warre being the same that they were before to our forefathers Reasons of forraign War drawn from 1. Necessity for 1 Preservation of our own peace 2 Venting of factious spirits 3 Instructing in arms our people 2 Benefits 1 Wealth by 1 Spoil of the Enemy 2 Addition of Revenue by subjected territories 2 Honour by addition of 1 Title 2 Dominion 3 A more facility to effect then heretofore by 1 Addition of new strength 2 Substraction of diversions We never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad as at home by the calm government of Henry the sixth For France by the awfull hand of his father reduced it fared with us as with the mistress of the world Remoto Carthaginis metu et Imperii aemula when the fear of Carthage her competitour for the Empire was removed that fell not by degrees but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad voluptates à negotio ad otiū rushed headlong from arms to pleasures from employment to idleness And from hence as greatest Nations cū ab externis causis tutae videntur ipsae suis viribus onerantur when there is no longer fear of forreign enemies their own strength becomes a burthen to them so after many conquests abroad we were at home prest down w th the unnatural weight of civil armes For cum foris non habent hostem domi inveniunt when people have no enemies abroad they 'l find some at home as all warlike fruitful Nations will not otherwise delivered either of their humours or people To add to this necessity the sending away of our fatious spirits it wil remove the seat of bloud from our own doors and prove the cheapest school to train up in armes the better dispositions whose military skil may after serve to defend the State and by the late accession of another Nation wil be now more needful Ne novus populus otio et nimia pecunia lasciviret lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idlenesse and we in the end be enforced with the Satyrist to confesse Nunc patimur longae pacis mala savior armis Luxuria incubuit We suffer now the harm of a long peace Whilst Riot worse then war doth thus increase The benefis arise from Profit and Honour The Spoils we have brought away in our French Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting and the Revenues of the subjected Signiories as Normandy Aquitain c. supporting with much advantage the expence in keeping Our Honour as the Stile of our Kings by confluence of so many Titles increased and by accession of so many territories as we held in France our dominions and liberties so far unlarged The facility to effect this being now more then ever by the addition of strength and substraction of diversions in this happy union of the Britain Empire AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESSE AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body naturall that by observing the divers humours accidents and dispositions thereof findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet so is it in a Kingdome or Commonwealth If then out of the Registers of Record and Story the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State it shall appear that those times which have been Answers to the former Arguments 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace 2 Forraign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage 3 Danger to the State 3 Confederacy alliance the means of former victories no waies to be restored as heretofore glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councells would ever acknowledge that Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs That Combustions at home were like Meteors ever kindled in another Region but spent themselves there That our men instead of Lawrell and Olive garlands to adorn with victory peace our gates and Temples have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities That forreign spoyls have been summed up with Taxes and Penury That this addition of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetuall issue of our own Treasure That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery and by extenture of Territories Danger And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forreign enterprise now is much more then in any age before I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much or his Country so little as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples that the kings of England except in some heat of Youth which is not the best directour of Counsell preferred unjust Peace before the justest War none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories or imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty every one willing to passe his time with content of his private fortunes Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000. marks Expensarum nomine under the notion of expences to the French king ut firmior Pax haberetur that he might have a firm and setled Peace His succeeding sonne pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister which was like to make a fraction gave to the French King decem millia librarum ten thousand pounds Three hundred thousand marks Iohn gave to the French king to match his calme entrance to secure peace Until the confederacy with Scotland and invading of the land by Charls de Valoys the French king provoked Edward the first he never disquieted France with noyse of war as after he did by the Earls of Richmond and Lancaster although Boniface
and Abbots sessing upon them and at their charge a proportion of Souldiers for his service exiling many worthy men that opposed this thraldome William Rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of so many as he mustered up for the French wars 10. shil a man and so discharged them In an 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels and levied 4 Hidages of every Plough-land Tributis Angliam non modo abradens sed excorians not only shaving but even flaying England with his impositions so that wearied with warre and expence ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suffocâ—ta England was quite stifled by him and could not so much as breath Quid jam non Regibus ausum Aut quid jam Regno restat Scelus What durst not Kings then do What mischief could the Nation suffer more in this Kings time Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam exacted a great summe of his Kingdome with which the passed into France and by this means gravabatur terra Angliae oppressionibus multis England was born down with many oppressions He took in the 10. year 6. shillings Danegeld And in the 17. Quod inter eum Regem FrancoruÌ„ magnuÌ„ fuit dissidium Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactionibus Bonis sine peccato spoliata by means of the great difference betwixt him and the King of France England was oppressed with divers exactions men spoild of their goods for no offence at all Of King Stephen there need no more then the words of the Monk of Gisborn Post annum sextum Pax nulla omnes partes terrebat violenta Praedatio after the 6. year of his reign there was no quiet but all parts of the land became a prey and spoil to violent men Henry the second alluding not unlike to the Feoda given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations continued the Policy of his Progenitours who allotted the land into such and so many equall protions as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Armes from whom as occasion required they received either service or contribution This Tenure now esteemed a Thraldome began upon a voluntary and desired submission for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept land upon the like conditions so it toucheth not the Soveraign as a wrong to the Subject but as in right his own And therefore respecting their first immediate dependency upon the Crown which is a great part of the Kings Honour their duties and Escheats a great benefit and their attendance by Tenure in warre at their own charge to the number of 60216 at the least for the Knights Fees in England are no lesse a great ease strength and security to his State for they are totidem Hostagia so many Hostages as Bracton saith it were a thing perillous now to alter after such a current of time custome This King to understand the better his own strength publico praecepti edicto quod quilibet Praelatus Baro quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis instrumentis significarent he caused it to be proclaimed that every Prelate and Baron should notify by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite By this rule of Scutage constant in the number he levied alwayes his Subsidies and relief though divers in the rate Of the first which was neare the beginning of his Reign there is no record The second Scutage which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti thousand pounds of silver which reduced to the standard of our mony 5 shil the ounce whereas that was not five groats will amount to near 400000l An. 7. ScutagiuÌ„ fuit assessum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tholosae a Scutage was assessed 2 Marks for the army at Tholouse w ch if summed up by the received number of Knights Fees being 60216 in the hands of the Layety onely of our moneys cannot be lesse then 250000l The like in the next year In an 11 there was an Aid pro servientibus inveniendis in exerciu to find men to serve in the wars of 2d. de unaquaque libra in every pound And 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris singulis denariis in the four following yeares a penny in the pound was taken of all men the estates of mens Fortunes being delivered upon their Oaths In the 14. yeare a Scutage was assessed ad Marcam unam de singulis Feodis one Mark on every Fee And anno 18. Scutagium pro quo libet Feodo a Scutage for every Fee A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the 35. of his Reign In which year dying 900 millia librarum in auro argento praeter utensilia jocalia reliquit he left in mony 900000 pounds besides Plate and Jewels Richard the first in the beginning besides Scutagium Wallae assessum a Scutage assessed upon Wales at 10. shil levied as in the succour of the Holy Land a Subsidie out of all the Moveables in the Realm to his own use Et eleemosynae titulo vitium Rapacitatis inclusit cloaking his ravenous extortion under the fair name of a pious almes A contribution there was in the 6. yeare of 150 millia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columniensium 150000 marks of silver to pay his ransome as also a Scutage assessed at 20 shil In the 7. he imposed for his warrs a contribution called Tenementale Extremity for by his waste and imprisonment he had almost exhausted the wealth of the State invented nova varia praedandi vocabula new and sundry words to expresse his exactions as Tacitus saith of Centesima Quinguage fima an hundredth part and a fiftieth part names that since have found reception and use with us This was 2. shillings of every Plough-land from the Husbandman and from the Gentry and Nobility the third part of their Military service He inforced the Cistertian Monks to redeem the same yeare their woolls fine Pecuniaria at a Fine For his Army into Normandy he took a Scutage assessed at 20 shillings And 4. years after of every Plough-land 5. shillings and of every Borough and City duos palfridos totidem summarios 2. horses and as many summaryes and of every Abbot half asmuch Then loosing of purpose his great Seale proclaimed that Omnes Chartae Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur all Charters and Assurances should be confirmed by the new Seal Whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their Liberties This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his Successours as of Henry the 3. when all again were enjoyned qui
means as the Subjects Petitions in Parliament for Expeditissima est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptibus the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expenses they have much lessened their Hospitality their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects as of Henry the 6. or as Henry the 3. when by necessity ita consueta Regaiis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit ut posposita solita verecundia cum Abbatibus Clericis viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit prandia the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low that without farther shame he many times lodged and dieted with Abbots Clerks and very mean Persons It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the Crown as Henry the 3. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam impignorandi terram Vasconâ—ae leave to pawn the Dutchie of Gascoign And caused himself not long after by the like occasions to sell for 300000. l. except some pittances reserved the entire Signiorie of Normandie What our late Mistris and her Father did is yet fresh in memory But this mischief hath trenched deep into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjects when Princes to repair the breach of their own Revenues have often resumed the possessions of their people as Edward the second anno 5 8 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas ad damnum diminutionem Regis Coronae suae all the Grants made by the King to the lessening and prejudicing of the King and his Crown Richard the second an 1 did the like of all Grants made to unworthy persons by his Grandfather and recalled all Patents dated since 40. of Edward 3. Thus did Henry the 5. an 1. and Henry the 6. in the 28. of his Reign Edward the 4. in an 3. with all Offices of his Crown granted either by the Usurper or his Brother Neither is this in it self unjust since as well by reason of State as Rules of best Government the Revenues and Profits quae ad sacrum Patrimonium Principis pertinent which belong to the sacred Patrimony of the Prince should remain firme and unbroken But when neither Credit Frugality or Sale of Lands would stop the gulf of want our Princes have been so neer beset as with Nâ—rva and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their Jewells The Archbishop of York had power from Henry 3. an 26. in wars beyond Sea impignorandi Iocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda to pawn the Kings Jewells any where in England to raise money Edward the first sendeth Egidius Andevar ad Iocalia sua impignoranda to pawn his Jewells Edward the 3. pawneth his Jewells to pay the L. Beaumont and the Strangers their wages in war The Black Princes was constrained to break his Plate into Money to pay his Souldiers Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea diversa Iocalia vessels of Gold and divers Jewells to Sir Robert Knowles Henry the 4. an 3. to a Merchant for money invadiavit Tabellam Trisellas suas Argenteas de Hispania ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain Henry the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester and others an 10 th 12 th and 29. many parcells of his rich Jewells And the late Queen in the end of her dayes to ease her Subjects did the like with many in the Tower And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a stain of Shift that Edward the third invadiavit magnam Coronam Angliae pawned his Imperiall Crown 3. severall times an 17. in partibus transmarinis in forreign parts and twice to Sir Iohn Wesenham his Merchant first in the 24. and after an 30. in whose custody it remained 8. yeares To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the 5. invadiavit magnam Coronam auream gaged his imperiall Crown of Gold in the 5. of his Reign And when Henry the third had laid to gage omnia Insignia Regalia all his Robes and Kingly Ornaments and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawned Aurum Iocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessoris the Gold and Jewells belonging to the Shrine of S. Edward the Confessour A course more moderate then by force to have taken as William the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines of other Churches or as Glement the 7. who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth melted the Consecrated Vessels was in the end when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others constrained to beg relief of his Subjects in this low strain Pauper sum omni destitutus Thesauro necesse habeo ut me juvetis nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam I am poor and have no Treasure left ye must needs relieve me neither do I demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey to say Amice obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo My friend I beseech thee for Gods sake to help me with 100. pound adding withall majorem Eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants then to give to one that begged from door to door So that of the waste of these times and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoi'ld of their Marrow IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned home loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies since no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will easily enforce them Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrâ—â— Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their purchases were so great that the Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back then for the expence of their own moneyes For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded then Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly or maimed or half-starved or else reduced to extreme poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Service with no better wages
of ann 38. Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toyle and expense he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more then ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an 17. of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595. l. 9. shillings 7d. besides 29660. Qâ—arters of Gram and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the 3. the issues of Gascoign were 10000. l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain cost in 8. years ending 36. of this King 192599. l. 4. shill 5d. de receptis forinsicis onely It was delivered in Parliament an 1. Rich. 2. that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000. l. And in the 17 th of this King a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especiall then to provide money to clear the annuall expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232. l. As Fronsack in Aquitaâ—n 5787. l. for double that time when the intire Dutche exceeded not 820. l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry 4. was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606. l. was the first of Henry the fifth in surplussage of charge 11200. l. the Town of Bordeaux the 5. first years of the same King 6815. l. In the 11. of Henry the 6. Sir Iohn Radcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729. l. and for expense in custody of Fronsack Castle onely he payed 666. l. 13. shill the profits of the Dutchie no wayes able to cleare the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britanny may in a few Examples appeare Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprâ—bavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britanny which he had found to be true upon 3 years tryall and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toilsome expenses The Town of Brest cost Richard the second 12000. Marks a year and it stood him in an 9. in 13118. l. 18. shillings For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition untill the losse in every age the Expense for the most part either out of the Treasury or Customes of England disbursed From the 18. of Edward the 3. untill the 21. in which space it was taken the Charge amounted to 337400. l. 9. shil 4d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more then a yeare 17847. l. 5. shillings In an 29. 30581. l. 18d. for 2. years compleat In 30. received by Richard de Eccleshal Treasuâ—er of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of England 17847. l. And in the yeare following 26355 l. 15. shillings In the second of Richard 2. de receptis forinsecis which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster 20000 l. for 3 yeares compleat Anno 5. 19783. l. For three yeares ending anno 10. 77375. l. For the like term untill ann 13. 48609. l. 8. shillings And for the 4. succeeding yeares 90297. l. 19. shil And for the last 3 yeares of his Reign 85643. l. From the end of Richard 2. untill the 4 of Henry 4. for 3. yeares 62655. l. 17. shillings And for one succeeding 19783. l. The Charge in Victuall and Provision for 2 yeares 5. moneths in this Kings Reign 46519 l. 15. shillings In the first 4. and peaceable yeares of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England 86938. l. 10. shil for this place And from anno 8. untill the 9. 65363. l. It cost Henry the 6. above all Revenue 9054. l. 5. shillings in an 11. The Subsidies in England were an 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis And the 31. of this King there was a Fifteen and 2. shil of every Sack of Wooll imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis and the like authority directed 4. of Edward the fourth that the Souldiers there should receive Victualls and salary from out of the Subsidies of England The disbursement thereof one yeare being 12771. l. And in the 16. of the same King for like term there was de Portu London Hull Sancti Botolphi Poole Sandwico by the Ports of London Hull Boston Pool Sandwich 12488. l. paid to the Treasury of Callis And in an 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290. l. 18. shillings And in 22. 11102. l. And the year following 10788. l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24. Henry 8.8834 l. And about 30 th when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy 8117. l. And from the 30 th of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428. l. 18. shil From the first purchase of it by Edward the 3. untill the losse thereof by Queen Mary it was ever a perpetuall issue of the Treasure of this Land which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us then any Fort of Security For from the waste of money which is Nervus Reipublicae the Sinew of a Common-wealth as Ulpian saith we may conclude with Tacitus Dissolutionem Imperii docet si fructus quibus Respub sustinetur diminuantur it foreshews the ruine of an Empire if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth And therefore it was not the worst opinion at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King incited Henry the 8. to put off that Kingdome although in the close major pars vicit meliorem the greater party out-voted the better that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable then profitable and the keeping more then the enjoying The issue was in Tournay Bullen and this Town manifest Besides the jealousy that Nation ever held over our designes and their own liberty For as Graecia libera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his custody so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easy descent into and convenient place to trouble the Country a Fetter to intangle them they neither has
assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town then by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amisse to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. Edward 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares In the end of Richard 2. entrance of Henry the 4. 10153. l. And 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. And in an 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29. E. 3. 2285. l. An. 30. 2880. l. and an 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks of annuall issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch his Kingdome and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majestie and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King Iohn did Normandy and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be in dishonour As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unlesse the King might not do Homage they held it so base supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which is answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to
them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intite Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made Confederates For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first the 3d. Edwards the 5 th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own posses sions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earle of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Maâ—ks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homâ—nes in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of inter-marriage dâ—ew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who is an â—0 assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earle of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundâ—e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae against the French King He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare And in an 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward 2. had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in an 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000 other armed men Edward the 3. had by the Marriage of Philip the Earle of Henault Holland her Father assured to him and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis who came to assist the King
then this Scoffe That England was Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament 22. Edward 3. 4 and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home and 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 Relief The Treasue Henry the 8. spent in aide of Munimi 〈…〉 recovery of Verona nullum alinâ— factuâ—â— nisi damnum dedecus peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo per solveret unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summe of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effected having spent the Treasure of his Father and the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him inter Moysem Christum Mahumitem betwixt Moses Christ and Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam nescio Which way to turn me I know not For 2. Millions of Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay not without suite of his own he delivered it with little or no recompence rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity of 100000. Crowns What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for 3173478. l. 15s. 4d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars this State received of inrichment it seemeth so mean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time Thus by reason of warre besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions and 800000. l. by Subsidies Tenths Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes The Journey of Cales defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between anno 30. and 34. of the Queen wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse expence of Christian Blood it may well suffice to be moan with Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summes exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Dutchie or Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with uncountable Treasure exacted sive per fas sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathethered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin The same end by Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man 13 Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King Iohn as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son feeling a burden more then benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth the judgement in Councel was That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly In an 10. it appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminister the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchie of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the 26. of Henry 3. there was issued from the Treasurer Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for paiments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells being aere alieno graviter obligatus Thesauris Donativis Tallagiis extersionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Sweepings in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks And a Story of that time saith
a forrain Invasion especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against Iohn King of England Lewis the 12. a side of their own Subjects as it did after in the same Kingdome against Hen. 3. though all 3. conformable in points of Religion to that See how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Iesuites to raise Faction and divert people from duty the Recusants many and Malecontents not few all which with warre will discover themselves but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance lock up their riches in security their hearts in silence And therefore by any enterprize it is not with the rule of Seneca safe concutere felicem statum For provoking of some adversary in respect of Papall protection they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion then the sancta Expeditio the holy expedition against Lewis will be made Bellū Sacrum a holy Warre against us But admitting no lesse then in former times an easiness to attempt it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in generall of the dangers and impossibilities to retain For first we must more then transgresse Limites quos posuerunt Patres the Bounds which our Fathers owned Et penitus toto divisos or be Britannos And Britans from the world wholy divided and relinquish that defence of Nature wherewith she hath incirculed divided and secured us from the whole world Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis tuta ut semper ab hoste fores From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas and set thee safe from Enemy and commit our Frontiers had we never so much upon the next Continent to the protection of an Army which besides the continuall Charge if we give Ambitious and able Commanders as unable for our Interest we will not how ready shall it be in such a Leader and backt if he please to give Law to his own countrey For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles Alli sicuti Iura populi defenderent Pars quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret bonum publicum simulantes some declaring to maintain the rights of the People others to uphold the authority of the Senate all pretending to act for the publick good Hence was it that Augustus refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire which with great facility he might have done and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarging left in Charge to his Successors that especiall point of advice coercendi intra Terminos Imperii to keep the Empire within due fitting bounds The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen who refused the soveraignty of the Netherlands so often and earnestly offered to her fore-seeing well that as her State should grow more respective by addition of People and augmentation of Territory so Factions and Discontents a common accident in worldly affaires would arise from superfluity Besides the State that may best admit increase is that unto which addition may be on every part indifferently Such was the advantage of Rome by being situate in the middest of Europe whereas we are thrust out of the world to which we have no other contiguity then an unsure element of fluxible foundation the Sea subject to tempest contrariety of wind and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept then our selves to secure For how large soever any Kingdome is all great directions move from one place commonly from one man as the Heart in the Body It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed that as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely passe with indifferency and assured Speed And those Forms are most quick and easy in motion whole extremes are all equally distant from the Centre for the more different from the Circle the more slow and hard Rome may sufficiently example this For so long as the Orbe of that Empire so moved about her all things kept on their course with order and ease but after the Seate was by Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle it stood a while still and in the end dissolved For either through the masse of Business the limitedness of any mans sufficiency or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti there must fall out infinite defects in the directions Or if none either by reason of Distance they come too late or if not by reason of Remoteness he who is to execute will be bolder with his Instructions then is fit for a Minister to be How dangerous is it then by addition of Territories for our Master Alterum pene Imperio nostro suo quaerenti Orbem whilest he is seekng to joyn another world in a manner to his and our Empire to alter either the setled order of directions or walls of our securitie Besides as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis the rationall soul cannot informare give life sense or discourse to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly or any other body disproportionable to a Form so qualified so is there as well a bound of amplitude and structness wherein the soul of Government is comprised Between which extremes there are many degrees of Latitude some approaching to the greatest that nature seldome or never produceth some to the least and some to the mean beyond which proportions respectively though some may have a will to effect they never can have a power to attaine And this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in France which we could never either with Profit or Assurance retain being gotten by Conquest and but tacked to by Garrison contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies For some Kingdomes in which number this may be accounted are of the same condition that Demosthenes maketh the Athenians Non ea vestra ingenia sunt ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperiateneatis sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae ut alium potiri principatu prohibeat is aut potitum exturbetis It is not your way violently to oppresse other States and seize the Government but in this is your strength manifest that you can hinder another from possessing the Government or when he is possessed of it throw him out again Since then by Situation and Power we are the fittest either to combine or keep severall the most potent and warlike Nations of the West it is the best for Safety and the most for Honour to remain as we were Arbiters of Europe and so by Neutralitie sway still the Ballance of