Anno Gratiae â—172 King Henry the 2d Venit OXENFORD IN GENERALI CONCILIO ibidem celebrato CONSTITUIT Iohannem filium suum REGEM IN HYBERNIA concessione confirmatione Alexandri summi pontificis Et in eodem Concilio venerunt ad Regem Resus filius Griphini regulus de Suâ—hwales David filâ—s Oâ—ain regulus de Northwales qui sororem ejusdem regis Angliae in uxorem duxerat Cadwelanus regulus de Delnain Owanus de Keuillian Gâ—iffinus de Brunfeld Madacusâ—ilius â—ilius Gervetrog alii multi de nobilioribus Gualliae et omnes devenerunt homines regis Angliae patris fidelitatem ei contra omnes homines pacem sibi regno suo servandam juraverunt In eodem autem Concilio dedit dominuâ— Rex Angliae praedicto Reso filio Grifsini terram de Meronith David filio Owain terram de Ellesmare Deditque dominus â—ex Hugoni de Lasci ut supradictum est in Hybernia totam Midam cum pertinentiis suis pro servitio 100. militum tenendam de ipso et Iohanne filio suo chartam suam ei inde fecit Deditque ibidem Roberto filio Stephani Miloni de Cogham regnum de Coâ—ch pro servitio 60. militum tenendum de ipso et Iohanne filio suo excepta civitate de Corch cum uno cantredo quae dominus rex sibi et haeredibus suis retinuit Deditque ibidem Hereberto filio Hereberti et Willielmo fratri Comitis Reginaldi Iollano de la Primerai nepoti eorum regnum de Limeric pro servitio 60. militum tenendum de ipso et Iohanne filio suo excepta civitate de Limeric cum uno cantredo quae dominus sibi et haeredibus suis retinuit Tradâ—dit autem dominus rex Willielmo filio Aldelini dapifero suo civitatem Wesesordiae in custodia cum omnâ—bus pertinentiis suis statuit haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad servicium Wesefordiae Harkelou cum pertinentiis suis Glascarric cum pertinentiis suis terram Gilberti de Boisrohard Ferneg Winal cum pertinentiis suis Fernes cum pertinentiis suis totam terram de Hervei inter Weseforde aquam de Waterâ—orde Servitium Raimundi de Druna Servitium de Frodrevelan Servitium Vimoâ—thi de Leighlerin Tenementum etiam Machtaloe cum pertinentiis suis. Et Leis terram Gaufridi de Costentin cum pertinentiis suis totam terram Orueldi Tradidit etiam ibidem dominus rex Roberto le Poer marescallo suo in custodia civitatem Waterâ—ordiae cum omnibus pertinentiis suis et statuit haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad servitium Waterfordiae totam terram quae est inter Waterforde aquam quae est ultra Lismors totam terram de Oiseric cum pertinentiis suis. Tradidit etiam ibidem dominus rex Hugoni de Laci civitatem Diveliniae cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in custodia staâ—it haec subscripta in posterum pertinenda ad Servitium Diveliniae totam terram de Offelana cum pertinentiis suis Kildaran cum pertinentiis suis totam terram de Offalaia cum pertinentiis suis Wikechelon cum pertinentiis suis servitium de Mida servitium quatuor militum quod Robeâ—tus Poer debet de castello suo de Dunaver Postquam autem dominus rex apud Oxeneford in praedicto modo terras Hyberniae et earum servitia divisisset secit omnes quibus earunâ—emcustodias commisâ—rat homines suos Iohannis silii sui devenire et jurare eâ—s ligantias et fidelitates de terris Hyberniae Et ieâ—de m Concilio dedit dominus rex Richardo Priori de Kiteby abbatiam de Witebi Et Benedicto Priori Ecclesiae sanctae Trinitatis Cantuariae abbatiam de Burgo Richardus Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus benedixit cum in abbatem Eodem anno praedictus Vivianus Presbyter Cardinalis Apostolicae sedis legatus peracta legatione sua in Hybâ—rnia rediit in Angliam per conductum domini râ—gis rediit in Scotiam celebrato Concilio apuâ— castellum puellarum susspendit a pontificali officio Christianum Episcopum Candidae casae quia ad Concilium suum venire noluit sed Episc. suspensionem illam non tenuit septus munimine Rogeri Eboracensis Archiepise cujus suffraganeus ipse erat Deinde venit dominus Rex usque Merleberge ubi Rex dedit Philippo de Brensa totum regnum de Limeric pro servitio sexaginta miliâ—um tenendum de ipso de Iohanne filio suo Nam Herebertus Willielmus fratres Reginaldi Comiâ—is Cornubiae Ioslanus de la Pumerai nepos eorum regnum illud habere noluerunt eo quod nondum perquisitum erat nam occiso a regalibus rege Monodero qui Rex erat de Limeric homo regis Angliae inde suerat quidam de progenie illius vir potens et fortis regnum de Limeric invasit cepit et potenter rexit nullam subjectionem faciens Regi Angliae nec suis obedire voluit propter infidelitatem eorum mala quae faciebant populo Hyberniae sine merito Rex vero Corcensis alii multi divites Hyberniae insurrexerunt in Regem Angliae suos erant novissima eorum pejora prioribus se mutuo interfecerunt By which president it is evident that King Henry by the advice of his Great Council of Prelates and Nobles of in England disposed both of the Kingdoms Crowns and Lands in Ireland to his Son and other subjects of England The same King Henry the 2. Anno Dom. 1182. aetatis annum inchoans quadragesimum nonum dum mentis et corporis incolumitate vigeret dum regnum suum undique tranquillae pacis commoditatibus frueretur apud Waltham Episcopi Winton REGNI CONVOCAVIT MAJORES Itaque prâ—â—sentibus illis et approbantibus quandam pecuniae partem in causas pias procurans Quaâ—raginta siquidem duo miliâ—a marcorum argenti quingentas marcas auri distribuit c. After this Pope Lucius An. 1185. sending a Letter to King Henry the 2d to take the Cross upon him and succour the holy Land by the Pâ—triarch and Master of the Hospital of Hierusalem who presented it to him together with the toy al banner and Keyes of the Lords Scpulcher and of the Tower of David and City of Ierusalem on the behalf of the King and Princes of the Land importuning his answer to their requests Domiâ—us Rex statuit eis terminum suae responsionis primam Dominicam Quadragesimae apud Londonias Ad quam Dominicam Dominus Rex Patriarcha et Episcopi et Abbates et COMITES et BARONES ANGLIAE but no Knights Citizens or Burgesses thereof Willielm REX SCOTIAE David frater ejus CUM COMITIBUS ET BARONIBUS TERRAE SUAE 〈◊〉 Londoniis et habito inde cum deliberatione consslio PLACUIT VNIVERSIS quod Dominus Rex consuleret inde Dominum suum Philippum Regem Franciae
praeter Regni consuetudinem ab Anselmo factiâ—atum indignè ferentes asserebant sese nunquam tam iniquo Papae decreto assensos vel assensuros et potius tam Anselmum regno exterminaturos et ab Ecclesia Romana penitus discesâ—uros quam hanc Papae sententiam A IURE REGIO REGNIQUE CONSUETUDINE PRORSUS ALIENAM ratam haberent After many publike meetings and debates between the King Prelates Nobles and Anselm about this business it was agreed that Anselm and William Werelast the Kings Ambassadour should goe to Rome to Pope Paschal the 2. and debate this business before him where the said William appearing and vehemently urging before the Pope in the Kings behalf Dedecus ei et videri et esse si Antecessorum suorum jura perderet quos ipse et animi magniâ—udine et opum affluentia longe praerivit c. Adding in the close Quod Dominus meus nec pro amissione Regni patietur sibi Ecclesiarum investituras auferri To which the insolent Pope presently replied with a stern countenance Nec ego pro capitis sui redemptione eum investituras permittam impune habere Whereupon they decreed the cause for Anselm against the King and in a Synod at Lateran ratified the former Decree of Pope Urban in the Council at Rome which this Pope by his consolatory Epistle to Anselm informed him of incouraging him openly and boldly to appear and speak in this cause for the Churches divine Liberty Anselm hereupon wrote thus to King Henry inviting him to return into England and to doe him that service as his predecessors had done to his Ancestors Ut autem sim vobiscum ita ut Antecessor meus erat cum patre vestro facere non possum quia NEC VOBIS HOMAGIVMFACERE nec accipientibus de manu vestra Investituras Ecclesiarum propter praedictam Papae Prohibitionem me audiente factam audeo communicare But though Ludovicus Crassus K. of France was so pusillanimous as by his Charter dated An. 1137. to exempt his Archbishops Bishops and Clergy from doing any Homage or Fealty to him for their temporalties before or after their Consecrations granting them Quod canonicam omnino gauderent libertatem ABSQVE HOMAGII IURAMENTI seu fidei primum datae obligatione Yet K. Hen. the first though he were contented at last to part with his investitures to Bishopricks and Abbies yet he would upon no terms exempt any Bishops or Abbots from the homage due unto him for their temporalties after their elections and before their Consecrations not from the Oath of Fealty they alwayes doing homage to him and his Successors at least wise before their consecrations though seldom after them and that in the self-same form as Laymen did without omitting this Clause I become your man as appears by Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. Bracton l. 2. c. 35. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Britton ch 66 of Homages and 17 E. 2. Of the manner of doing Homage and Fealty prescribing only one and the self-same form of homage as well to the Clergy as Laity as well as the same Oath of Fealty which they equally performed though Littleton and he alone makes a difference between their forms of Homage Hence in the Parliament at Salisbury Anno Dom. 1116. Comites Barones CUM CLERO TOTIUS REGNI in praesentia Regis Henrici 1. sibi et Willielmo filio suo HOMAGIUM FECERUNT FIDELITATEM IURAVERUNT as the Chronicle of Bromton and other of our Historians record I shall illustrate this discourse touching Homage and Fealty with these memorable clauses in the Charter of King Stephen touching the agreement made between him and Henry Duke of Normandy c. in a Parliamentary Assembly of the Bishops and others of the Realm at Wallingford Anno Gratiae 1153. wherein King Stephen declaring him the right hereditary heir to the Crown of England after his death and he reciprocally agreeing that Stephen should enjoy the Crown and Kingdom quietly without interruption by him during his life thereupon Dux propter hunc honorem et donationem et confirmationem sibâ— Ã me factam HOMAGIUM michi et Sacramento securitatem fecit scilicet quod fidelis michi erit et vitam et honorem meum pro suo posâ—e custodier per conventiones inter Nos praelocutas Ego etiam secuâ—itatem Sacramento Duci feci quod vitam et honorem ei pro posse meo custodiam et sicut fiâ—ium haeredem meum in omnibus in quibus potero eum manuâ—enebo et custodiam contra omnes quos poâ—ero Willielms autem filius meus HOMAGIUM et securitatem Duci fecit c. Comites Barones Ducis qui homines mei nunquam fuerunt pro honore quem Domino suo fâ—ci Homagium et Sacramentum michi fecerunt salvis conventionibus inter me et Ducem factis Coeteri vero qui ante Homagium michi fecerant fideliâ—atem michi fecerunt sicut Domino Et si Dux à praemissis receâ—erit omnino a servicio ipsius cessarent quousque errara corrigeret c. Comites etiam et Barones mei LIGIUM HOMAGIUM DUCI FECERUNT salva mea fidelitate quamdiu vixero et regnum tenuero Simili lege quod si â—go à praedictis recederem omnino à servicio meo cestarent quousque errata corrigerem Cives etiam Civiâ—atum et homines Castrorum quae in Dominio meo habeo ex praecepto meo homagium et securitatem Duci fecerunt salva fidelitate mea quamdiu vixero et regnum tenuero Archiepiscopi Episcopi atque Abbates de regno Angliae ex praecepto meo FIDELITATEM SACRAMENTO DUCI FECERUNT Illi quoque qui in regno Angliae Episcopi deinceps fiâ—nt vel Abbates IDEM FACIENT In the Recognition of the antient Customs of the Realm of England used in the reign of King Henry the 1. and his Ancestors quae observari debebant in regno ab omnibus teneri drawen up and agreed upon Febr. 8. Anno Dom. 1164. in the famous Parliamentary Council of Clarindon in the presence of the King and of all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Great men of the Realm who all juraverunt firmiter in verbo veritatis promiserunt viva voce tenendas et observandas Domino Regi et HAEREDIBUS SVIS bona fide et absque malo ingenio in perpetuum I finde these Articles pertinent to my purpose Archiepiscopi Episcopi et universae personae regni qui de Rege tenent in capite habeant possessiones suas de Rege sicut Baroniam et inde respondeant Justiciariis et Ministris Regiis et fequentur et faciant OMNES CONSUETUDINES REGIAS et sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse judiciis Curiae regis cum Baronibus quousque pervenitur ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem Cum vacaverit Archieplscopatus Episcopatus vel Abbatia vel Prioratus in dominio Regiâ— esse debet in manu ipsius
Dilecto et fideli nostro only and that those of the bloud royal are for the most part though not alwayes first entred in the Rolls of summons 81y That when a Duke or Earl of England was made a real or titular King of any forein Realm his Royal title was alwayes mentioned in the writ Thus Iohn Duke of Lancaster King of Castell and Leon in all writs of summons to him after his forein Kingship was stiled Carâ—ssimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et Lâ—gionis Duci Lancastriae in the summons of 46. 49 50 ◠〈◊〉 And Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Regi Castellâ— Legionis Duci Lancastriae in all the writs issued to him under King Richâ—rd the 2d So if any Earl or Baron of England was created a Duke or Earl in Scotland France or Ireland his forein Titles were inserted into the writs as the Title of Cardinal or Patriarch of Ierusalem was inserted into the English Bishops writs created Cardinâ—ls and Patriarchs beyond the Seas Thus Gilbâ—rt de Vinf an l an English Baron being made Earl of Anegos and David de Strà bolgi Earl of Athol in Scotland Leonell the Kings son Earl of Vlster in Ireland the black Prince made Prince of Aquitain as well as of Wales and Iohn Duke of Lancaster Duke of Aquitan under Richard the 2d the were thereupon stiled Comiti Anegos Comiti Athol Comiti Vlton Principi Aquitaniâ— Walliae Duci Aquitaniae Lancastriae in the writs directed to them and if these their forein Titles were omitted in any Writs against them at the Common Law the writs would abate because they were English Peers and had these Titles inserted into their writs of Summons to Parliament where they sate in their Princes Dukes and Earls Robes amongst the rest of the Dukes and Earls But if any forein Duke Earl Lord or Baron of France Ireland Spain or Germany who was no English Baron Lord or Peer of Parliament was sued in the Kings Court by writ he might be stiled only a Knight or Esquire and needed not to be sued by the Title of Duke Earl Lord or Baron because he was no Duke Earl Lord or Baron at all in England but only in his own Country and should be tried upon an Indictment of Treason Murder or Felony only by an ordinary Iury and not by English Peers By which differences the Books of 39 E. 3. 3â— Brooks Nosme de dignity â—9 59. Parl. 4. 11 E. 3. Fiâ—zh Brief 473. 8 R. 2. Fitzh Proces 224. 20 E. 4. 6. Brooks Nosme de Dignity 49. Dyer â—60 b. Cook 7 rep Calvins case f. 15 16. 9. rep â—â—nchers case f. 117. 3. Instit. p. 20. 4. Instit. p. 47. are fully reconciled 9. That if any Earl Baron or Lord was Marshal Constable Steward Admiral Chancellor Treasurer or other great Officer of England or Warden of the Cinque ports his Title of Office was commonly inserted into the writs of Summons As Rogero or Thomae Comiti Naff Marescallo Angliae Avunculo suo carissimo Thomae de Wodestoke Constaâ—ulario Augliae Willo de Clâ—nton comiti Haâ—iâ—gdon Constabulario Castri Dover et Custodi quinque Portuum suorum c. What precedency these Officers had of other Earls Lords and Barons in Parliament you may read in the Statute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and Mr. Sâ—ldens Titles of Honor. p. 901 c. 10. That in the lists of the Dukes Earls Lords and Barons names there is no certain order observed according to their Antiquity or Precedency but in some Rolls one is first entred in other Rolls others listed before them and they again postponed in succeeding lists Yâ—t generally for the most part â—hough not always the Prince of Wales is first entred before the rest the Dukes before the Earls the Earls Vicounts before the Lords and Barons and they before the Iudges or Kings Counsil and the Earl who was Marshal of England before the other Earls the Clerks entring their names promiscuously for the most part as the Writs came to their hands Some times the first Writs entred at large issued to one Earl Lord Duke Baron other times the Writs go to others without observing the Laws of Heraldry though in the reing of Edward the 3d. and afterwards their names are more methodically entred then before that time oft times in the selfsame order or with some small variations and transpositions So as the Precedency of the Earls or Barons and their places of sitting in the Parliament House cannot be certainly collected from or defined by the entry of their Writs of Summons or liâ—ting in the Eodem modo mandatum est or Consimiles litâ—rae but by custom and the Statute of 31 H. 8. cap. 10. 11ly That in some Clause Rolls there is one Writ to the Archbishop or some other Bishop first entred at large and another Writ at large to some one Earl or temporal Lord with an Eodem modo or Consimiles literae only entred to the rest there listed but most usually there is only but one Writ entred at large to one of the Archbishops or some other Bishops and then a short recital of some part of that Writ to one temporal Lord with an c. Teste ut supra and the like for brevity sake and an Eodem modo and Consimiles literae or some short entries of some special clauses of the Writ to all the other temporal Lords 12ly That in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae first the Bishops Abbots Priors and spiritual Lords then the Dukes Earls Temporal Lords Barons Justices Kings Counsils names are entred successively one after another after the first Writ which is singly entred in sundry Rolls without any Writ or part of Writ interposed between their names as if they had all the selfsame Writs in terminis issued to them But in most Rolls there is either a distinct Writ or part of Writ or an Eodem modo mandatum est c. mutatis mutandis interposed between the names of the Bishops Abbots Priors and Earls and Lay Lords likewise between the Temporal Lords and the Kings Counsil and Justices summoned to Parliaments with the usual clauses wherin the writs differ one froÌ„ another inserted into them which different clauses no doubt were in most of the Writs issued to them in those Rolls where they are all entred promiscuously together in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae without any Writ or part of a Writ or mâ—tatis mutandis interposed between theÌ„ omitted only for brevity sake by the Clerks who ingrossed the Rolls 13ly That the English Barons who were titâ—lary Earls in Scotland under the Kings Jurisdiction and Allegance were alwayes summoned and liâ—â—ed amongâ—â— the Earls of England in the Rolls of Summons not amongst the English Lords aud Barons who were no Earls witnesse Gilbert and Robert de Vmfranil Earls of Anegos in Scotland and David de Stabolgi Earl of Athol alwayes summoned to the Parliaments
of which we have a late memorable president in m Thomas Arundel of Wardour who being created by the Charter of the Emperour Rodolph the 2. COMES SACRI IMPERII una cum universa prole atque posteritate legitima mascula et faeminea in infinitum both for his eminent service in the wars against the Turks and the Nobleness of his Family yet it was with this special saving in his Paten Serenissimae tamen Principis et Dominae Elizabethae Reginae Angliae c. IURIBUS AC SVPERIORIT ATIBUS SEMPER ILLAESIS ET SALVIS yet the Queen with the English Barons would not acknowledg him for an Earl nor Baron in England upon any terms the Queen resolving That she would by no means permit any of her sheep or subjects to wear the badge or follow the whistle of any forein Shepherd or Prince but only her own In the dâ—bate of which case it was alleged by the English Peers Soâ—ius Principis esse NON ALTEâ—RIUS CUIUSCUNQUE suis Subditis dignitates destribuere juxta illud Valeriani Imperatoris Ea sit tantum dignitas quae nobis jubentibus sustinetur Ejusmodi titulos honorarios nec à Subditis accipiendos nec à Principe admittendos Principis enim Majestati et Subditorum obsequio multum detrahi si honores ab exteris accipere permittantur tacitum enim sidei pactum inter honorantem et honoratum intercedere videri Hujusmodi titulos illecebras esse occultas ad animos subditorum à suis principibus abstrahendos c. That Reginald Mohun created Earl of Somerset by the Pope in the reign of Henry the 3. was never acknowledged to be an Earl by the King and Lords nor Robert Curson created a Baron of the sacred Empire by Maximilian the Emperor acknowledged to be a Baron in England by King Henry the 8. or his Nobles till he created him a Baron himself by his Charter without giving him a voice in Parliament as King Iames created this Thomas Arundel such a Baron by Patent ut unbratâ—lem Baronis et Comitis Sacri Imperii titulum maturè obrueret Some say the Queen committed Arundel for receiving this dignity from the Emperor but William Marâ—yn assures us that Sir Nicholas Clifford and Sir Anth Shirley whom the French King for their Service in the wars received into the Order of S. Michael were laid in prison at their coming home charged to resign their robes and see that their names were blotted out of the French Commentaries It is the general received opinion of all Lawyers Civil Canon Commonâ— Heraulds and others who have written of Nobility that none but Emperors or Kings can create Dukes Earls Marquesses Lords Barons and Peers and that only within their own Dominions A Rege enimemanâ—â— it origo Dâ—gâ—itaâ—um Temporalium A Rege et Principe prostâ—uâ—t â—t derivantur tanquam a fonte omâ— es Magistratus et Dignitates qâ—ia in eo sunt omnes dignitatum thesauri recondâ—i Ad Regem solum spect at creare Comites Barones Princeps solus magnas Dignitates confer at Non dicâ—ur vera Nobilitas vel Baro ex infâ—udationâ— nisi â— Principe as they all unanimously resolve Hence Baldus and Alciat define a Baron to be one who hath merum justumquâ— imperium in aliquo Castro Oppidione CONCESSIONE PRINCIPIS In Bâ—hâ—mia Moravia â—ilesia Lusatia and other Provinces iâ—corporated to it Summam pâ—testâ—em obtinet Rex et non solum NOBILES 〈…〉 ET BARONES CREAT quemadmodum in Silesia ad quatuor primarios BARONATUS nâ—mo admittitur nisi vel ab IMPERATORE VEL REGE BOHEMIAE BARO CREATUS â—VERIT writes Nolden and Dubravius informs as that one Honora primum inter BARONES autoritate Caesaris Henâ—ici H. the 1. adâ—um PROCERUM gradum proveb batur quae nunc BARONES a quercu in Bohemia appellantur Franciscus Capiblancus resolves BARONUM nomine Comites aliâ—sque Titularios compraehendi nos dicimus Nam istud verbum BARO est scala et caput DIGNITAIV MREGALIUM And thence he inferrs Dignitas BARONALIS cum sit Dignitas et caput dignitatum sp cificè est tribuenda A PRINCIPE cujus est eas confâ—â—re cum ab eo fluant et refluant In France such Feiffs as are at the Kings pleasure and by his license erected into Baronies are the only Territories that give the Title of a BARON and the Lord thereof is stiled A BARON per le Conge du Prince as Mr. Selden proves out of Simon Marion Pâ—oydey 9â— who addes That when A BARONY came to the King of France by escheat or otherwise the Kings giâ—t of the BARONY by Charter made the Patentee A BARON without other Rules of Creation After which he proves by the Code of King Henry the 4. that the Titles and Honours of a Duke Marquess Earls and BARONY and their prerogatâ—ve A SOLO REGE TRIâ—â—I POSSVNT And in Spain all their great Dignitie and Titles of Nobility are not only originally derived from the King but most of them upon every death are received again FROM THE KING though not by any Charter of new Creation yet by the Kings acknowledgement of them by adding the titular Name to the heir who by his own name only without the addition of his Title signifies to the King the death of his Ancestor Therefore doubtless none but our Kings and Queens alone can create Earls Lords or Baronâ— of Parliament in England there being no one presidâ—nt in Anâ—iquity nor in any Emâ—ire or Kingdom in the world that I remember to the contrary and this I conceive to be most clearly resolved in and by the Statuâ—es â—f 27 H. c. 24 31 H. 8. c. 10. 28. That one of the first Bâ—rons created by Patent whose Patent is yet exâ—ant waâ— Iâ—hn de Beauchamp Stewâ—rd of the Houshold to King Râ—chard the 2. whose Patent runs in this form Richardus c. Sciatis quod pro bonis et gratuitis servitiis quae dilectus et fidelis Mâ—les noster Iohannes de Beauchamp de HOLT Senescallus hospitii nostri nobis impendit ac loco per ipsum tempore Coronationis nostrae hucusque impensis et quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in fururum IN NOSTRIS CONSILIIS PARLIAMENTIS necnon pro Nobili et fideli genere unde dâ—scendiâ— et pro suis magnisicis sensu et circumspectione ipsum Iohannem INUNUM PARIUM Aâ— BARONVM REGNI NOSTRI ANGLIAE PRAEFECIMUS Volentes quod IDEM IOHANNES HAEREDES MASCULI DE CORPORE SUO EXEUNTES STATVM BARONIS SVSTINEANT DOMINI DE BEAUCHAMP BARONES DE KIDERMINSTER NUNCUPENTUR In cujus c. datum 10 Octobris I finde this Iohn Beauchamp only once mentioned in the List of Summons in Claus. 11 R. 2. dors 24. dated 27 die Decembris within 3. moneths of his creation where he is stiled only Iohanni Beauchamp de Kiderminster but neither Dominus de Beauchamp nor
Neubrigeusis Simeon Richardus Hagustaldensis Radulphus de Diceto Roger VVendover Thomas Spotte Gervasius Doroberniensis Tilburiensis VVillielmus Stephanides Gualterus Mapes Gualterus Coventriensis Richardus Heliensis Thomas Stubs Petrus Henâ—am nor yet Glanvill Bracton Andrew Horn and other Lawyers flourishing under H. the 2. and 3. do once use or apply this word Parliamentum to any one Grand parliamentary Council which they alwayes call by other Names for ought I can yet discover upon my best search and inquiry The very first of all our Writers or Historians in my Observation who made use of this word and applyed it to the Common Councils of our Realm is Matthew Paris flourishing about the midsts and dying before the end of King Henry the 3d. Anno. 1259. the 43. of his Reign He in his Historia Angliae from the beginning of the Conquerors Reign till the year 1246. the 30th of Henry the 3d. alwayes made use of the words Concilium Concilium magnum Colloquium Tractatus and the like to expresse all Parliamentary Great Councils and State Assemblies held in England near the space of 200. years before he Writ and never of Parliamentum But in Anno gratiae 1246. and 1247. and in no other years before or after he useth this word five or six times only in these insuing passages Anno 1246. Convenit ad Parliamentum Generalissimum totius Regni Angliae totalis Nobilitas Londini c Over against which the Publisher not he adds in the Margin Parliamentum habitum Londini After which he subjoynes Convenientibus igitur ad Parliamentum mâ—moratum totius Regni Magnatibus Then followes Et postea in Anglia in Parliamento Regis ubi congregata fuerat totius Regni tam Cleri quam Militiae Generalis Vniversitas deliberatum c. Yet in the very next page he returns to his old term again Die vero translationis Thomae Martyris habitum est magnum Concilium inter Regem Regni Magnates apud VVintoniam Over against which his continuer or publisher hath placed this marginal Note Parliamentum habitum apud VVinton The like he doth in p. 560. 561 687 714. and elsewere inserting in the Margin Parliamentum Generale c. When as Matthew Paris useth it not but Concilium only or the like in his Text. In his History of the next yeer 1â—47 He proceeds thus Dominus Rex Francorum Regni sui Nobiles tam Cleri quam Populi generaliter Edicto Regio fecit convocari ut Ad Parliamentum communiter convenientes ardu negocia Regni sui statum contingentia diligenter deliberando contrectarent And Five pages after Dominus Rex H. 3. jussit omnem totius Regni Nobilitatem convocari c. Oxoniis Praelatosautem maxime Ad hoc Parliamentum vocavit arctius Applying the word Parliamentum to these Assemblies of the King Lords and Nobles both in France and England held this year about the weighty affairs of their respective Kingdoms In his Additamenta to the last Addition of his History printed at London p. 170. he useth the word Parliamentum only once and that in another sense For the conference and discourse of Monkes with one another after their repasts then prohibited the black Monkes by special Order as an impediment to their contemplations and prayers In no places else of his History or other printed pieces do I find he made use of this word Indeed the continuer of his History from the yeer 1258. to the end of King Henries Reign 1273. whom Iohn Bale informâ— us to be VVilliam Rishanger flourishing under King Edward the 1. 2. when this word Parliamentum grew coÌ„mon both in Writs of Sommons Statutes vulgar Speech makes frequent use thereof in his History applying it to great Councils of the Realm in the latter end of Henry the 3d. both in the Text and Margin as in Page 788 933. 935. 938. 940. 948. 960. 967. 974. of his continuation Editione Tiguri 1589 and so doth Matthew Westminster who continued the History of Matthew Paris flourishing under the Reign of King Edward the third when this word Parliamentum was commonly used in all Writs of Summons Statutes Writers and Vulgar speech makes frequent use thereof applying it to the Great Councils of State towards the latter end of King Henry the third in his Flores Historiarum Londini 1570. pars 2. p. 206 207 223 254. 261. 280 296 300 317 345. and in subsequent Pages to the Parliaments held under King Edward the first Henry de Knyghton a Canon of Leicester flourishing under King Richard the 2. de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 3. l. 2. c. 10 12 15. Col. 2318 2387 3446 2455. applies this word to the Great Councils held under the Danish and other Kings before the Reign of Edward the 1. Canutus vixit per 20. annos postea celebravit Parliamentum apud Oxoniam c. Ranulfus Consul Cestriae cum Rege Stephano concordatus est Set tito post in Parliamento apud Northamptoniam delose captus est c. Anno 1261. Rex Hen. 3. convocato Parliamento suo Oxoniae questionem movit Magnatibus suis. Tenuit Rex H. 3. Parliamentum suum apud Merleberg Anno Regni sui 52. ad exhibitionem communis justitiae multa fecit statuta quae dicuntur statuta de Marleberg The Author of the Chronicle of Brompton who writ after the beginning of King Edward the 3. doth the like in these passages according to the language of the age wherein hee writ Edgarvis Rex Parliamentum suum apud Salisbiriam convocavit Post haec Canutus apud Oxoniam Parliamentum tâ—nuit c. cito post in Parliamento suo apud Wintoniam Rex Edwardus Confessor omnes Magnates ad Parliamentum tunc fuerunt Anno 1164. Rex Henricus 2. Parliamentum apud Westâ—inst tenuit Rex Angliae Richardus 1. congregatus Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus Regni sui Parliamentum Londoniae super hoc habuit Tractatum Rex Johannes Parliamentum suum usque Lincolniam convocaverat So doth Radulphus Cicestrensis Thomas of Walâ—â—ngham who writ under K. Henry the 6. and after them Fabian Caxton Polydor Virgil Grafton Speed Stow Holinshed Daniel Baker and other of our late Historians Whereupon their injudicious credulous Readers of all sorts conceit not onely the words Parliamentum Parliament but even the thing it self as since constituted of Knights Citizens and Burgesses as well as of the King spiritual and temporal Lords Nobles Barons and Great Men to have been in common use both under our Saxon Danish Norman and English Kings long before the Reign or 49. year of King Henry the 3. when as neither the name nor thing it self as now compacted was either known to or used by any Aniquaries Councils Records Historians or English Writers before Mat. Paris that I have yet seen or heard of From whence to omit other Arguments with the Writs de Expensis Militum