Knights was framed first the Bâ—rons onely made the Parliament or Commoâ— Council of the Kingdom Polyander By so many strong evidences and prenant proofs which you produce I find it to be a â—â—ridian truth that the Commoners were no part of the High Court of Parliament in ages passed Moreover I find in an ancient Manuscript that the Commons were reduced to a House by the advice of the Bishops to the King in the brunt of the Barons Wars that they might allay and lesson the power of the Peers who bandied so many yeers against the Crown yet to prevent that they should not arrogate too much authority to themselves as Asperius nihil est humili cum surgit in altum it was done with those cautions thâ—â— they had scarce as much jurisdiction given them as a Pyepowders Court hath for they should neither exhibit an oath nor impose fine or inflict punishment upon any but their own members or be a Court of Record or grant Proxies therefore it may well be a quere how they can appoint Committees considering that those Committee-men whom they choose are no other then their Deputies and act by power and proxy from them But it is as cleer as the Sun that the Conquerour first brought this word Parliament with him being a French Word and made it free Denizon of England being not known before for therein the Normans did imitate the Romans whose practise was that wheresoever they conquered they brought in their language with the Lance as a mark of conquest I say that besides those instances you produce I could furnish you with many in the Saxons times who govern'd by the councel of the Prelates and Peers not admitting the Commons to any communication in affairs of State There are records hereof above a thousand yeer old in the Reign of King I a Offa and Ethelbert and the rest of the seven Kings during the Heptarchy They called their great Councels and Conventions then Michael Smoth Michael Gemote and Witenage Mote wherein the King and Nobles with the Bishops onely met and made laws that famous Convention at Gratley by King Athelstan was compose'd onely of Lords spiritual and temporal such also was that so much celebrated Assembly held by Canutus the Dane who was King of England Denmark and Norway Edward the Confessor established all his Laws thus and he was a great Legislator The British Kings also who retain'd a great while some part of this Island unconquered governed and made laws this way by the sole advice of their Nobles whom they call Arglwyded witnesse the famous Laws of Prince Howel called Howel Dha the good King Howel whereof there are yet extant some Welch records and divers of those Laws were made use of at the compilement of Magna Charea But in your discourse before among other Parliaments in Henry the third's time you make mention of one that was held in 55 of his reign at Marlbourough at which time Braston the great Lawyer was in high request being Lord Chief Justice They that would extenuate the Royal Prerâ—gative insist much upon a speech of his wherein he saith The King hath a Superiour God he hath also the Law by which he is made as also the Court viz. the Earls and Barons but not a word of the Commons But afterwards he doth interpret or rather correct himself when speaking of the King hee resolves thus Nec potest ei necessitatem aliquis imponere quòd injuriam suam corrigat emenâ—et cùm superiorem non habeat nisi Deum satis erit ei ad poenam quòd Dominum expectet ultorem Nor saith he can any man put a necessity upon the King to correct and amend his injury unlesse he wil himself since he hath no Superior but God It will be sufficient punishment for him to expect the Lord for his avenge To preserve the honour of this great Judge the Lawyers found out this distinction That the King is free from the coerâ—ive power of Laws and Councellors but he may be subject to their directive power yet according to his own will and inclination that is God can onely compel or command him but the Law and his Courts may onely advise and direct him but I pray Sir excuse me that I have so much interrupted you in your discourse You may please now to proceed Philanglus To prove my assertion further that the Commons were no part of the high Court and Common Councel of England I will make use of the testimony of Mr. Pryn who was in such high repute most part of the late long Parliament and appeared so eageâ— for the priviledge and power of the lower House In his Book of Treachery and disloyalty he proves that before the Norman Conquest by the Laws of Edward the Confessor the King was to do Justice by the Councel of the Nobles of his Realm he would also prove that the Earls and Barons are above the King and ought to Bridle him when he exorbitates from the law but not a syllable of the Commons He further tels us that the Peers and Prelates have oft translated the Crown from the right Heir whereof out of his great reading he urgeth divers Examples First after King Edgars decease they crowned Edward who was illegitimate and put by Ethelred the right Heir Then they crowned Canutus a meer forraigner in opposition to Edmund the lawful Heir to Ethelred Harold and Hardicanute were both elected Kings successively without just title the Lords putting by Edmund and Alfred the rightful Heirs Upon the death of Herold the English Nobility enacted that none of the Danish blood should raign any more over them Edgar Atheling was rejected by the Lords and though he had the best title yet they elected Harold He goes on further in prejudice of the Commons saying that the beginning of the Charter of Henry the first is observable which runs thus Henry by the Grace of God King of England c. Know ye that by the mercy of God and Common Council of the Barons of the Kingdom I am crowned King Mawd the Empress was the right heir but she was put by the Crown by the Prelates and Barons and Steven Earle of Mortmain who had no good title was heav'd up into the Throne by the Bishops and Peers Lewis of France was Crowned King also by the Barons instead of King John and by the same Barons was uncrowned and sent back to France In all these high transactions and changes Mr. Pryn confesseth the Commoners had nothing to do the despotical and ruling power as well as the consultative being in the Council of Prelates and Peers and if Mr. Pryn could have found halfe so much Antiquity for the Knights Citizens and Bourgesses without question we should have heard from him with a witness but while he converseth with Elder times he meets not with so much as the names of Commoners in any record Polyander How then came the Commoners to sway so much
returned without the prisoner This being related to the House of Commons they would sit no longer without their Member and desiring a conference with the Lords Sir Thomas Aâ—dly then Chancellour and the rest judged the contempt to be very great and referred 〈◊〉 punishment thereof to the House of Commons it selfe Concerning liberty or freedome of speech which is held another privilege of Parliament There is a speech of Sir Thomâ—â— Moors upon record who being chosen Speaker 14. Henry the eight He first disabled himself and then petitioned the King in the behalf of the House that if iâ— communication and reasoning any maâ—â— should speak more largely then of duty be ought to do all such offences should be pardoned which was granted and entreâ— upon record In which petition it is observable that liberty or freedom of speech is not a power for men to speak whaâ— they will or please in Parliament It is â— priviledge onely not to be punished but pardoned for the offence of speaking more largely then in duty they ought to do which in a right construction must be understood of rash unadvised ignorant or negligent escapes and slips in speech not for willfull malicious much lesse for treasonable speeches And then the Kings pardon was desired to be upon record that it might be pleaded at Bar to all actions There is a speech upon record in Queen Elizabeths time wherein the Commons were warn'd not to meddle with the Queens Person the State or Church-Government Polyander I have heard of divers traverses that hapned in the reign of that popular and long lived Queen which trenched as much if not more upon the priviledges of Parliament and the liberties of the people then any that happen'd in the reign of the two last Kings Philanglus It is very true and I will give you some instances drawn from good authentick records 23. Elizabeth Mr. Paul Wentworth moved in the House for a publick fast and for a Sermon every morning at seven a clock before the House sate the House hereupon was divided 100 were against it and 150 for it and so an order passed accordingly The Queen being told hereof sent a message to the House by her Vice-chamberlain That her Highnesse had great admirâ—â—tion of the rashnesse of the House in commitâ—ing such an apparent contempt of her expresse command as to put in execution such an innovation without her privity or pleasure fist known Thereupon Mr. Vice-chamberlain moved the House to make an humble submission to her Majesâ—y acknowledging the said offence and contempt and to crave remission for the same withâ—â—full purpose to forbear the committing of the like hereafter So by the suffrage of the whole House Mr. Vice-chamberlain carryed their submission to the Queen accordingly 35 Elizabeth Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromley delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be suppliants with them of the Lower House unto her Majesty for entayling the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn The Queen was highly displeased herewith and charged her Councel to call the parties before them so Sir Thomas Henage was sent to fetch them so they were first commanded to forbear going to the House and not to go out of their several lodgings afterward they were called before the Lord Tresurer Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Wentworth was committed to the Tower and Bromeley to the Fleet together with Mr. Stevens as also Mr. Welch Knight for Worcestershire The Queen sent a notable check to the House of Commons 28. of her raign for chosing and returning Knights of the Shire for Norfolk a thing impertinent for the House to deal withall and belonging only to the Office and charge of her Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and are return'd In one Parliament when Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke was Speaker the Queen sent a Messenger or Sargeant at Arms into the House of Commons and took out Mr. Morris and committed him to Prison with divers others for some speeches spoken in the House Thereupon Mr. Wroth moved the House that they would be humble sutors to her Majesty that she would be pleased to enlarge those members of the House that were restrain'd which was done accordingly and answer was sent by her Privy Councel That her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to her self and to presse her Highuesse with this suit would but hinder the whole good they sought That the House must not call the Queen to an account for what shee doth of her Royal Authority That the causes for which they are restrain'd may be high and dangerous That her Majesty liketh no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into matters of that nature The Commons were told 39. Elizabeth that their priviledge was yea and no And that her Majesties pleasure was that if the Speaker perceived any idle heads which would not stick to hazard their own estates but meddle with reforming the Church and trans forming the Common-weal by exhibiting Bills to that purpose the Speaker should not receive them till they were viewed and considered by those who are sitter to consider of such things and can better judge of them Moreover the Queen rejected 48. Bills which had passed both Houses in that Parliament The House of Commons by their Speaker 39. Elizabeth complained of some Monopolies whereupon the Lord Keeper made answer in her Majesties name That her Highnesse hoped her dutiful and loving Subjects would not take away her Prerogative which is the chiefest flower in her Garland the principall and hâ—ad Pearl in her Crown and Diadem but that they will rather leave that to her own disposition Sergeant Heal said 43. Elizabeth publiquely in Parliament that he marvelled the House stood either at the granting of a subsidy or time of payment considering that all we have is her Majesties and she may lawfully at her pleasure take it from us in regard she had as much right to all our lands and goods as to any revenew of the Crown and he said he could prove it by precedents in the raign of Henry the third King John and King Steven This speech agrees with that which Sir Edward Coke hath in his Institutes where he saith positively That the first Kings of this Realm had all the Lands of England in Demesne and the great Mannors and Royalties they reserved to themselves and enfeoffed the Barons of the remnant for the common defence of the Kingdom There was a remarkable passage happen'd in the raign of Henry the fourth The House of Commons Petitioned the King that they might have advice and communication with certain Lords about matteâ—â— of businesse in Parliament for the commoâ— good of the Kingdom which prayer as the record hath it Our Lord the King graciously granted but with this protestation That he did it not of duty nor of custom but of his special grace So our Lord the King
certain arduous and urgent affairs concerning us the State and defence of our Kingdom of England and the Anglican Church We have ordained a certain Parliament of ours to be held at our City of the day of next ensuing and there to have conference and to treat with the Prelates Great men and Peers of our said Kingdom We command and strictly enjoyn you that making Proclamation at the next County Court after the receit of this our Writ to be holden the day and place afore said you cause two Knights girt with Swords the most fit and discreet of the County aforesaid and of every City of that County two Citizen of every Borough two Burgesses of the discreetâ—r and most sufficient to be freely and indifferâ—ntly chosen by them who shal be present aâ— such Proclamation according to the tenor of the Staâ—utes in that case made and provided And the â—ames of the said Knights Citizens and Burâ—esses so chosen to be inserted in certain Inâ—entures to be then made between you and those â—hat shall be present at such election whether the parties so elected be present or absent and shall make them to come at the said day and place so that the said Knights for themselves and for the County aâ—oresâ—id and the Citizens and the Burgesses for themselves and the Commonalty of the said Cities and Borâ—ughs may have severally from theâ—â— full and sufficients power to do and to consent to those things which then by the favor of God shal there happen to be ordain'd by the Common Council of our said Kingdom concerning the business aforesaid so that the business may nâ—t by any meanâ—â—â—main undoâ— for want of such power or by reason of the improvident election of the aforesaid Knights Citizens and Burgesses But we wilâ— not in any case that you or any other Sheriff of our said Kingdom shall be elected And at the day and place aforesaid the saiâ— Election being made in a full County Court You shall certifie without delay to us in our Chancery under your Seal and the Seals of them which shall be present at that Election sâ—nding back unto us the other part of the Indenture aforesaid affiled to these presents together with the Writ Witnesse our self at Westminster This Commission or Writ is the foundation whereon the whole Fabrick oâ— the power and duty of both Houses oâ— Parliament is grounded The first Hourâ— is to parly or have conference and to treat with the King the other house is onely to do and consent unto what the other shall ordain by their help and conference so that by this Writ we do not find that the Commons are called to be any part of the great Council of the Kingdom or of the Supream Court of Judicature much less to have any share in the Legislative power or to consult de arduis regni negotiis of the difficult businesses of the Kingdom but onely to consent and Sir Edward Cook to â—rove the Clergy hath no voice in Parliament useth this argument that in their Writ also the words are to come thither adâ—onsentiendum to consent to such things as â—ere ordained by the Common Council of the â—ingdom but the other word ad facienâ—um to do is not in their Writ action being â—ot so proper for them in regard of their â—lerical functions Polyander Then it may be well inferred from what â—ou have produced that the King with the â—elates and Peers is properly the Common â—ouncil of the Kingdom Philanglus Yes without controversie nor until the raign of Henry the first were the Commons called to the Parliament at all or had as much as a consent in the making of Laws Camden in his Britannia teacheth us that in the times of the Saxon Kings and the ensuing ages that the great or Common Council of the land was Praesentia Regiâ— Praelatorum procerumque collectorum the presence of the King with his Prelates and Peers Selden also tells out of an old Cronicle of the Church of Liechfield that Kinâ—Edward by the advice of his Council of Baronâ— revived a Law which hath lain dormaâ— threescore and seven years in the samâ— Chronicle tis said that William the Coâ—â—querer held a Council of his Barons An. 〈◊〉 Regni sui apud Londinias The next yeâ—â— after he had a Council of Earles and Baroâ—â— at Pinendâ—n Heath to decide the great coâ—troversie 'twixt Lanfraâ—t Arch-Bishop 〈◊〉 Canterbury and Odo Earl of Kent In the 21. of Eaward the third there 〈◊〉 mention made of a Parliament held 5. 〈◊〉 questoris wherein all the Bishops of 〈◊〉 land Earâ—s and Barons made an Ordinaâ—â—â— touching the Exception of the Abby of 〈◊〉 from the Bishops of Norwich In the second year of William 〈…〉 there is mention made of a Parliament 〈…〉 cunctis Regni principibus In the 〈…〉 of his raign there was another Parliament at Rockingham Castle Episcopis Abbatibus cunctisque Regni principibus coeuntibus wherin the Prelates Abbots and all the chiefe men convened in Council At the Coronation of Henry the first all the people of England were called and Laws were then made but it was as the story saith per Commune Concilium Baronum In the third year the tenth year and the twenty third year of his reign the same King held a Parliament or great Council of his Barons spiritual and temporal Henry the second in his tenth year had a Parliament at Clarindon consisting of Lords spiritual and secular in his twenty second year he had another at Notingham and a while after another at Winsor then another at Northampton wherein there is mention made onely of Prelates and Peers Richard the first after him held a Parliament at Notingham in his fifth year consisting of Bishops Earles and Barons which lasted but four days during which time there were mighty things transacted Hugh Bardelf was deprived of the Castle and Sheriffswick of York the first day the second day he had judgement against his brother Johu who was afterward King the third day there was granted the King two shilling of every plowd land in England he required also the third part of the service of every Knights fee for his attendance to Normandy and all the Wool of the Cistercian Monks The fourth day was for hearing of grievances so the Parliament broke up but the same year he convokeâ— another Parliament of Nobles at Northampton King John in his first year summoned 〈◊〉 Magnates his great men to a Parliament aâ—Winchester and the words of the Roll 〈◊〉 Commune Concilium Baronum Meorum the Common Council of my Barons at Winchester In the sixth year of Henry the third the Nobles granted the King for every Knight fee two marks in silver at a Convention iâ— Parliament he had afterwards Parliaments at London Westminster Merton Winchester and Marlborough Now these Precedents shew that from the conqust untâ—â— a great part of the reign of Henry the thirâ— in whose dayes 't is thought the Writ 〈◊〉 election of
of late years and challenge such an interest in the publique Government and making of Laws Philanglus It is a certain truth that in former ages the Kings of England as well Saxons Danes Normans and English Kings did steer the course of their government by the advice of their own Privy Council and in extraordinary cases by the compasse of the great Council consisting onely of spiritual and secular Barons whom they convoked by royal summons when they pleased I told you this word Parliament came in with the Norman yet the Commons were not call'd to Parliament till that raign of Henry the first which was a good while after the Conquest to which purpose Sir Walter Raleigh writes saying it is held that the Kings of England had no formal Parliaments till about the 18. year of Henry the first at which time the Commons were summoned and the great Charter was granted and if we believe Sir Walter Raleigh and others the House of Commons and Magna Charta had first but obscure births being sprung from userpers and fostered afterward by rebellion for King Henry the first did but usurp the Kingdome and therefore to secure himself the better against Robert his eldest brother he courted the the Commons and granted them that great Charter with Charta de Foresta which King John confirmed upon the same grounds for he was also an usurper Arthur Duke of Britain being the undoubted Heir of the Crown so the house of Commons and these great Charters had their original from such that were Kings de facto not de jure Polyander It is observed that usurpers are commonly the best Law makers which they do to ingratiate themselvs the more to the people as besides these Kings you have named Richard the third did who was said to be a good King though a bad man a character clean contrary to that I heard some abroad give of the last King who they said was a good man but an ill King but I pray be pleased to proceed Philanglus Whereas I told you before that it was in the raign of Henry the first that the people were admitted to the Common Council of the Kingdome yet they were not constantly called for though the said King called them to his Coronation and againe in the 15. or 18. year of his reign yet he did not so alwayes neither many of those Kings that succeeded Polyander I remember to have read one remarkable passage in the reign of Henry the first that in his third year for the marriage of his daughter he raised a tax upon every hide of Land but he did this by the advice of his Privy Council alone without consulting publiquely with either Prelate Peer or People Philanglus So did divers of his Antecessors and successors also after the Commons were admitted to partake of the Common Council But to illustrate this point further notwithstanding that the Commons were sought unto in Henry the first's time yet they were not constantly and formally sent unto till Henry the third in whose reign the Writs of Summons for elections were first issued but the succeeding Kings assum'd a power to regulate those Writs at pleasure by the sole advice of their Privy Council as we read in the time of Henry the sixth who was the first framer of that famous Ordinance Whereas Elections of Knights have been made with great outrages and excessive number of people of which most part was people of no value yet pretend a voice equivolent to worthy Knights and Esquires whereby many riots manslaughter and division among Gentlemen shal likely be Our Lord the King hath ordain'd that Knight of Shires be chosen by people dwelling in the Counties every one of them having lands or tenements to the value of 40 s. per annum at least and that he who is chosen be dwelling and resiant within the Counties where they are elected Polyander But did not the Kings of England reserve a power to except against any that came to Parliament Philanglus Mr. Camden speaking of the dignities of Barons saith that it was ordained and decreed in the reign of Henry the third that all those Earls and Barons unto whom the King himself vouchsafed to direct his Writs of Summons should come to his Parliament and no others And this rule Edward the first constantly observed and continued for as Câ—mden hath it that prudent King summoned alwaies those of ancient families and who were most wise to his Parliament and omitted their sons after their death if they were not answerable to their fathers in understanding in another place he saith select men for wisedom and worth among the Gentry were called to Parliament and their posterity omitted if they were defective herein Polyander If the King hath a power to except against a Nobleman from sitting in Parliament sure by an argument à majori ad minus he may do it against a Commoner Philanglus It should be so in reason and Queen Elizabeth who was so great a darling of her people did practise her power that way often But the modesty of the House of Commons was very great in former times for they did arrogate no more power then what the Kings Writ gave them they evaded matters of State as much as they could 13. of Edward the third a Parliament was called to consult of the domestick quiet the defence of the marches of Scotland and security of the Seas from enemies the Commons were desired their advise herein but they humbly desired not to be put to consult of things Queuâ—ils n'ont pas cognisance Things whereof they had no cognâ—sance In 21. of the same King the Commons being mov'd for their advice touching a prosecution of a war with France by an elegant speech of Justice Thorp after four days consultation they answered That their humble desire to the King was that he would be advised thereâ—n by the Lords being of more experience then themselves in such affairs In the 6. year of Richard the second the Parliament was call'd to consult whether the King should go in person to resâ—â— the great City of Gaâ—nt or send an Army the Commons being askâ—d their advice the humbly answered by Sir Thomas â—uckerinâ— their Speaker that the Councils of Waâ— did more aptly belong to the King and 〈◊〉 Lords The next year after the Commoâ— are willed to advise of the Articles 〈◊〉 peace with France but they modestly eâ—cuse themselves as too weak to counsell in â— weighty matâ—ers And being charged agaiâ— as they did tender the repute of the County and right of their King the humbly deâ—ivered their opinions ratheâ— for Peace then Warre such was the moderation and modesty of the house of Commons in former times that they declineâ— the agitation and cognizance of higâ— State affairs specially forraign humblâ— transferring them to their Soveraign anâ— his Vpper Council a Parliament maâ— then I mean a member of the Commons House thought to be the adequâ—â— object of his
over-heard to mutter at the remoteness and absence of their King and that they should now become a kind of Province truckling under England by reason of such a distance from the Royal Court Moreover some of their Nobles and Gentry found not at the English Court nor at the late Kings Coronation in Edenburgh that countenance familiarity benefit and honours which they expected And 't is too well known who He was that having got some Wealth in the Swedish Wars and being denied to be Lorded took a pet and went hence discontented to his own Country These discontented parties tamper'd with the Mercenary preach-men up and down Scotland to obtrude and hold out to the people what Doctrines were put into their mouths by their Patrons so that the Pulpits every where â—ung of nothing but of invectives against certain obliquities and solaecisms and I cannot tell what in government and many glances they had upon the English Church Yet all this while there was not matter enough for an insurrection nor to dispose the peoples hearts to a mutiny untill by the Policy of the said discontented party the English Liturgy was sent thither This by the incitement of those fiery Pulpiteers was cried up to be the greatest Idol that possibly could be brought into their Kirk insomuch that when it was first offer'd to be read the women and baser sort of mechanicks threw stools at the Bishops head in the Kirk and were ready to tear them in pieces And here began the first storm The King having notice hereof sent a Proclamation signifying that whereas he had recommended that Book of Common Prayer to be practised among them whereby be himself served God Almighty twice a day he did it onely out of a design to establish an uniformity of publick Divine Service in all his Dominions specially in that his native Country But since it had produced such dangerous effects he was contented to revoke it absolutely it never being his purpose to press the practise of thesaid book upon the conscience of any for he did onely commend not peremptorily command the use of it Therefore he exhorted and required that every one unto whom it had given any scandal should return to his former obedience and serve God as he was wont offering therwith a general pardon and to passe an Act of Amnestia for the abolition of all offence passed Polyander And would not this suffice In natural motions we find that the cause being taken away the effect ceaseth and will not this rule hold in civil Actions Philanglus It seems this would not serve the turn but there was a further reach in it and to take the advantage of fishing in these troubled waters You know the Scots since their single Lyon came to quarter with our three were much heightned in their spirits more respected employed and trusted abroad more elevated in their resolutions and aims they grew rich for you have heard of a Silver Mine that reached from Westminster to Edenbrough And I beleeve you have not forgot Bâ—ccolinies ballance wherein Lorenzo de Medici was appointed by the Oracle at Delphos to weigh all the States of Christendom and throwing England into the Scales to counterpoise France you know how much he made her to weigh lesse by the addition of Scotland Polyander I beleeve we had been better without this addition for the union 'twixt Scotland and England may be said to be a mixture of Vinegar with Oyl Philanglus To resume my discourse the former Proclamation though it breathed nothing but grace would not suffice the Scots but having an inch given them they would take an Ell and nothing would serve their turn but an utter extirpation of Episcopacy for by trampling the Miter under their feet they hoped to have some of the Birds Plumes being plucked to feather their own Nests and they brought their work about Good Lord what a deal of dirt was thrown into the Bishops faces by every rural petty Clerk what infamous Ballads were sung up and down what a thick Cloud of Epidemical hatred hung suddenly over them so far that a Dog with a white neck was called Bishop amongst them The chiefest contrivers of this uproar finding their designs to fadge so well and perceiving the Country to be so eagerly bent against Bishops and what Artifices and suggestious were used to render them so odious is incredible But finding withall the King unwilling to alter the Government his Father had left him and to which he had been sworn at his Coronation They put themselves in Arms and raised Forces to beat down the Miter with the Sword if the Scepter would not do it To the English frontires they marched with a numerous Army pretending they came as Petioners but they brought their Petition upon the pikes point Hereupon the King raised a Counter Army and marched as far as Barwick but some of the great ones about him grew cold in the Action so a pacification was shuffled up and I think it was the most dishonourable that ever England made Polyander I could have wished two things that either the King had then given them battel having the flower of his Nobility and Gentry about him who understood came with all promptitude and cheerfulness to the service or else that after the pacification he had with a royal freedom and a commanding confidence gone amongst them in person to hansel their new Parliament house at Edenburgh for in all probabilitie this course might have averted those showrs and Cataracts of miseries which fell upon him afterwards but I pray Sir proceed Philanglus Hereupon a Parliament was summoned in England a Parliament do I call it it was rather an Embrio of a Parliament a kind of Ephemeran thing In this short sitting the King declared to both Houses the indignities he had received from his Scots Subjects and therefore he proposed a supply to be made of twelve Subsidies to suppress that rebellion and in lieu thereof he was willing to forbear and utterly to abolish the Ship-money which he had reason to think legal being advised thereunto by Noy his Attorney General who was cryed up to be so great a Clerk in the Law yet he would not rest there but he advised further with his learned Council of the Sergeants at Law and others who concurred in opinion with No Nor would he rest there but he had the approbation of all the Judges siâ—gly and afterwards of the major part of all the twelve upon a leasurely debate this he thought sufficient to induce his conscience to hold the things legal It was proved that the moneys levied that way were employed to the right use and no other viz. to the garding of the narrow Seas and to preserve the right of his dominion in them being the fairest flower of his Crown which was not onely discoursed of abroad but the French Cardinal was over heard to question his right that way And touching the danger that hung over England he alledged how
was the greater Fool to grant it or they the greater knaves to ask it But the saying of the late Earl of Dorset is remarkable who saluted the King the next morning with the stile of fellow Subject in regard that by that grant he had transferred both Crown Sword and Scepter to the Parliament for now we may say that England hath four hundred and odd Kings in her But t is observed that Princes of a hard destiny do follow the worst Councils But Sir in lieu of these monstrous Acts of Grace and trust what did the Parliament all this while for the King Philanglus They promised specially upon the passing of the last Act that they would make him the most glorious the best beloved and richest King that ever reigned in England which promise they voted and confirmed with the deepest protests and asseverations that could be Adde hereunto that the Earl of Strafford was passed over unto them who after a long costly tryal was condemned to the Scaffold and so made a Sacrifice to the Scot and them who stayed chiefly for his head Polyander Touching the Earl of Strafford 't is true he was full of ability courage and Elocution yet I heard his wisdom questioned beyond Sea in divers things First that having a charge ready against his chiefest Accusers yet he suffered them to take the start of him and have priority of suit which if he had got he had thereby made them parties and so incapable to proceed against him Secondly that during the time of his tryal he applyed not himselfe with that compliance to his Jury as well as to his Judges for he was observed to comply only with the Lords and slight the House of Commons Lastly that knowing he had both Parliament and Scot his enemies as also the Irish he would not go aside a while and get beyond Sea which he might have easily done from York in lieu of coming up to London Philanglus I beleeve his death was resolved upon before his comming from York if not by ordinary way of justice yet by way of publique expedience which appears in regard the proceedings against him was by a clause in the Act not to be produced for a leading case for example to future ages and other inferior Courts Good Lord how the rabble of the City thirsted after his death who were connived at and countenanced by the Parliament it selfe to strut up and down both before White Hall and Westminster Hall where they cryed out that if the Common Law failed Club Law should knock him down nay their insolency was permitted to swell so high that they demanded the names of those Lords who would not doom Strafford to death Polyander Is it possible that the grave and solemne high Court of Parliament should permit such popular insolencies to be committed before their faces Philanglus Yes and notwithstanding that the Lords did often solicit the House of Commons to take a course for suppressing them yet 't was not hearkened unto nay when the King had commanded a double guard of Constables and Watch-men which is the usual way by law to attend at Westminster Hall for suppression of such disorders the Commons cryed out that it was a breach of the privileges of the House and a trenching upon their liberties so they took afterwards a band of Souldiers to guard them of their own election which was never known before Polyander Me thinks that the Earl of Strafford being gone fair weather should have followed he was the cause of the tempest being thus thrown over board Philanglus 'T is true the Scots were dismissed a little after having Fidlers fare Meat Drink and Money for eleven Months together in England with Straffords head to boot So the King prepared to go for Scotland according to Articles to hold a Parliament there This fill'd the house of Commons with odd kind of jealousie therefore they cast about how to prevent the journey so they did beat their brains night and day about it so far that they sate upon Sunday in debate but with another proviso that it should not be made a Precident for future ages as the other Caveat was for their proceedings against the Earl of Strafford Well the King went to his Scots Parliament where he fill'd every blank for they did but ask and have He granted them what possibly they could propone in point of governing both for Kirk and State many received new honors they made havock and divided all the Bishops Lands amongst them for all which unparallel'd Concessions and Acts of grace as an argument of gratitude they caused an Act though already in force to be publish'd and reviv'd That it should be detestable and damnable treason in the highest degree that could be for any of the Scots Nation conjunctly or singly to levy Arms or any Military forces upon any pretext whatsoever without the Kings royal Commission but how the Scot observed this solemn Act afterwards the World knows too well During the Kings being in Scotland that formidable hideous Rebellion in Ireland broke out which the Irish impute to the English Parl. First in regard that one of their accusations against Strafford was that he used the Papists in that Kingdom too favourably Secondly for the rigorous proceedings intended by the said Parliament against the English Catholicks Thirdly for design the English Parliament had to bring the â—utch and the Scot to plant in Ireland the last of whom the Irish do hate in perfection above all other Nation and Lastly the stopping of that Irish Regiment of cashiered Souldiers which the King promised by Royal Word and Letter to the King of Spain who relying upon that imploiment which was denied them by order from the English Parliament rather then to begg steal or starve they turned Rebels Polyander Indeed I heard that Act of staying the Irish forces much censur'd abroad to the dishonour of the King of England and reproach of the Parliament considering hoâ— the Marquis de Velada and Malvezzi and Don Alonzo de Cardenas who were all three Ambassadours here for the King of Spain at that time having by dependance upon the sacred word and Letter of a King imprested money and provided shipping for their transport which came to a great charge but I pray be pleased to proceed Philanglus The King having setled Scotland was his return to London received with much joy but though he was brought with a kind of Hosanna into one end of the Town he found a Crucifige at the other for at Westminster there was a Remonstrance fram'd a work of many weeks and voted in the dead of night when most of the moderate and well-minded members were retir'd to their rest in which remonstrance with as much industry and artifice as could be all the old moats in government were expos'd to publick view from the first day of the Kings inauguration to that very hour Polyander How could this agree with the Protestation the House did make formerly
preservation of his Person in imitation of the Parliament who had taken a kind of choice Praetoriaâ— band many moneths before for their safeguard though without the Kings consent The Northern men came cheerfully to this service wherewith the Parliament being not well pleas'd they interdicted all trade to Newcastle But I must make a step back when the King was return'd from Scotland he retir'd to Hampton Court yet upon the Lord Mayors and Cities solicitation hee came back to White-Hall to keep his Christmas But when the Bill against Bishops was in agitation which lasted above ten Months and was twice cast out of the House of Peers a crue of hold sturdy mechanicks Marriners and Tar-pawlings came from the City and ruffled again before White-hal and Westminster-hall and would have violated the Abbey of Westminster under the Parliaments Nose so that for many nights a Court of Guard was forc'd to be kept in the body of that Church The King finding such distempers still in the Parliament and knowing the chiefest Authors of them who he had impeach'd before but could get no justice against them in an ordinary way though he desir'd the Parliament to direct him in a course how to go on in the Empeachment in such extremity for desperate diseases requiring desperate cures He took the Palsgrave with him and making use of the next Coach he met withall at the Court gate he went to the House of Commons in person to demand five Members which he would prove to be Traytors in the highest degree and to be the fomenters of all these divisions protesting unto them upon the word of a King that they should have as fair and legal a Trial as ever men had in the interim he desir'd onely that their persons might be secur'd The Walls of both Houses and the very stones of London streets did seem to ring of this high carriage of the King and the sound thereof far and neer into the adjacent Countries whence the Plebeans by incitement of some of the Members came in whole Herds to the City and strutting up and down the streets had nothing in their mouths but Priviledge of Parliament Polyander Yet as I observ'd in your discourses before Queen Elizabeth though she was so popular and such a minion of Parliaments did the like and far higher things But now that you have given a touch of the Palsegrave I remember a Manifesto of that Parliament which they passed and published in favour of his restitution which was laughed and libelled at in Germany Philanglus 'T is true the King went in state one day to the Parliament in his behalfe where he clear'd unto them the whole business and because he doubted that Sir Thomas Roe his Embassadour should have but sorry success in the Diet which was then held in Germany in regard he understood of an Amnestia to come forth whence the Prince Palatine was excluded he desired the two Houses to joyn with him in a publique Manifâ—sto The Parliament did cheerfully approve hereof praying that Scotland would joyn with them The Manifesto consisted of two parts or protestations one against all Acts whatsoever that should passe in the Imperial Diet in the prejudice to the Palatine the other that the King and Parliament of great Britain were resolv'd to espouse his quarrel but this business was little thought of afterwards The King as I told you before having gone to the House of Commons himself to demand those Members it happened none of them were there but retir'd to London for refuge the House having had notice of the design from Marquis Hamilton who was us'd to reveal unto them whatsoever was intended at Court Polyander It may well be said then that the infortunate King had greater Traitors within dores then abroad but it concern'd Hamilton with Holland and others to keep in with the House because they were the chiefest Monopolizers specially the Earl of M. who in regard his son was so great a Zealot in the Upper House was permitted to keep a kind of Office to compound for his corruption and briberies whereof there were above forty prov'd against him yet he scap'd without any punishment at all or least mark of Infamy Philanglus Well Sir the Londoners grew stark wild when they heard of this attempt of the King and the Countries about specially Essex and Buckinghamshire men being incited by Hamden who was kill'd afterwards upon the same turf of earth where he call'd the people together came in great swarms to Town and joyning with the City and Suburbian rabble They brought the five Members the next day to the House in a kind of Triumph being guarded by water as wel as by land by such companions A little after sundry Troops of Countâ—y horse came and instead of Feathers or Ribands they carried a paper-Protestation in their Hats as the Londoners had done a little before upon their Pikes point Polyander I heard much of the said Protestation but I pray oblige me to tel what it was Philanglus It consisted of many parts being penn'd and enjoin'd by the Parliament for every one to take The first part was to maintain the true Protestant Religion against all Popish Innovations but no other The second was to maintain the Person Prerogative and honoâ— of the Kin The third The Priviledge and Power oâ— Parliament And lastly the prâ—priety and liberty of the Subject Polyander Where was the King during all these popular Riots Philanglus Rather then expose himself to such indignities and there being dark whispers of an attempt upon his Person he retir'd to Hampton Court thence to Windsor Castle whence having accompani'd the Queen and his eldest Daughter to the Sea-side for Holland and having commanded the Prince to attend him at Greenwich against his return the Prince had been surpriz'd and brought to London had the King stayed but a quarter of an hour longer Thence he remov'd to York where he sojourn'd all that Summer and among other things he sent for his Great Seal thither which rid Post and was pursued by the Parliament but not overtaken The King being setled at York the Parliament still move him to have the disposing of the Militia and not to be limited to any time which he denied for he was loth to be dis-arm'd and part with his sword Therefore he put forth his Commissions of Array according to the old Law of England as he alled'd which declares it to be the undoubted Right and Royal Signory of the King to arm or disarâ— any Subject The Parliament send out Counter-commands for the executing the said Militia so by this clashing 'twixt the Commission of Array and the Militia the first flash of that cruel and cruentous civil War may be said to have broke out A close Committee was appointed which was mix'd of Lords and Commons and I cannot tell how many Rural and subordinate Committees of mean mechanical men who stood higher a tip-toe in conventing Lords and Knights before them
but how was it possible for the King to subsist so long considering the mighty advantages the Parliament had of him Philanglus There were mighty advantages indeed For they had all the tenable places and Towns of strength both by Land and Sea They had all the Navy Royal They had the Tower of London with all the Ammunition and Arms of the Crown They had the Imposts and Customs Poundage and Tonnage they had the Exchequer at their devotion with the Revenues of King Queen and Prince They had the City of London which may be called the great Magazin of men and money where there is a ready supply of all things that may feed cloath or make them gay and gallant to put them in heart and resolution Polyander Then they had Sea City and Scot on their side But how came the Scot to be so against the King or to levy Armes without his Commission considering the late great Protestations and Oaths they had made not to do it by reviving the Act of Parliament to that effect which they said they did in recognition of those Royal recent favours and unparalleld mighty Concessions and Acts of grace which he had done them by their own Confessions Philanglus They were indeed mighty or rather monstrous Acts of grace that he had passed unto them which did so trench upon the Royal Prerogative and so deâ—ude him of all power that it mought have been said of him ever after that he was King of Scotland no otherwise then he was King of France titular only Polyander How did the Scots expresse their thankfulnesse to their King and Country-man afterwards for such transcedant favours Philanglus They proved the greatest Monsters of Ingratitude of any upon earth specially the Kirk-men whom he had obliged in an extraordinary manner For the King being informed of the mean condition of Church-men in that Kingdom who by their holy function have a care of the noblest part of man and being told what poor pittances or rather benevolences oneâ—y they had and for those also how they depended upon the will and pleasure of the Laic By a special Commission to that purpose he found a way not onely to augment but to ascertain those Salaries of Church Ministers upon good firm rent whereby they might be free from that servile kind of Clientele and Dependency they had upon their secular Patrons Polyander Questionlesse this was a mighty general advantage to the Clergy of Scotland both in point of esteem and subsistence but what returns did these royal favours receive Philanglus Those foolish Kirk men grew afterwards his greatest enemies by virulent seditious Preachments and Pasquils to corrupt and lessen the hearts of the Subjects towards him nay when he made himself a Prisoner to the Scots Army at Newark and Newcastle those Kirk-men did so little resent his hard condition that they did Preach up and down against his comming to Scotland c. Moreover Whereas The common sort of Freeholders who were bound to pay Tithes to the Impropriation or Lords of the Erection as they stil'd themselves were us'd to be much incommoded and oftentimes damnified because they could not take in their Corn till the secular Lord had fetched away his Tithe which he would sometimes delay of purpose to shew his Passion or Power whereby the whole Crop for not taking the advantage of the weather oft-times did suffer The King for relief of the Country Husbandman appointed certain Commissioners to take this grievance into consideration who after much pains taken in the businesse found out a legal and indifferent way to purchase those Tithes and bring the Impropriator to take a pecuniary set valuable Rent which was also an advantage to Him in regard of the certainty of it Polyander It was doubtlesse an advantage to both parties but how did they carry themselves towards the King afterwards Philanglus Just as the Kirk-men did But you shall hear more when the King as I told you before had in a full Parliament confirm'd unto the Scot all the priviledges of Kirk and Kingdom when he had made an oblation to them of all the Bishops Lands conferred many honours and offices and done them many other obliging Acts of Grace and all this gratis the English Parliaments using alwaies to answer their Kings favours in this kind with a supply of Treasure I say in having done all this gratis He before his departure desired them to continue their allegiance and live in peace for they had not now the least grievance to complain of and if any difference should fall out betwixt him and his English Subjects which he hoped God would avert He desir'd them not to intermeddle for whereas he might expect and demand aid of them if the case requir'd yet he would not trouble the repose of that his Native Countrey This they all did not onely promise to do but they did solemnly oblige their Souls thereunto by revival of the Act I told you of before at the publishing whereof one of their Grandees fell on his knees and lifting up both his Arms wish'd they might rot to his body before death if ever he would heave them up hereafter or draw sword against his gid King yet for all this they intruded themselves into the Kings affairs convok'd a Parliament without his summons sent Commissioners to Oxford and thrust themselves to be Vmpires They made besides a strict League with the English Parliament and at last rush'd into England again with an Army in the dead of Winter which Army they had levied not onely without but expresly against the Kings Commission and Countermands that wretch who had publickly vowed never to draw Sword again without his Majesties Commission c. comming General of the said Army But for Martial exploits the little credit that Army got by storming Newcastle was not countervailable to that which they lost before Hereford where the Welchmen bang'd them to some purpose from before the Town and made their General after 9 weeks siege to trusse up his pack and away sending him a fat Sow with a Litter of Piggs after her and a blew Bonnet upon her head for his Breakfast I must inform you farther that the King being reduced to much extremity in Oxford by crosse successes and Councils he got away in a Serving-mans disguise to the Scots Army neer Newark as his last refuge which plot was managed by the subtilety of the French Agent then residing here A man would have thought that Nation would have deemed it an eternal honour to have their own King and Country man to throw himselfe thus into their Armes and repose so singular a confidence in them upon such an exigent But they corresponded not with him as he expacted For though at first when the English Parliament sollicited their Dear Brethren for a delivery of the Kings Person unto them their note was then that if any stranger Prince had put himselfe so upon them they could not with honour deliver him
up much less their own native King yet they made a sacrifice of him afterwards for a summe of money Whereupon Bellieure the French Embassador being convoyed by a troop of Scots horse to such a stand in lieu of larges to the said Troopers he drew out half a Crown piece and asked them how many pence that was they answered thirty pence he replied for so much did Judas betray his Master and so hurld them the half Crown Polyander But afterwards the Scots carried themselves bravely by sending a gay Army under D. Hamilton to assist the King Polyander Touching that Presbyterian Army the bottom of its design is not known to this day and I was told that when the King heard of it and that Himilton was in the head of it he should say Then I expect but little good to be done for me Polyander Certainly the routing of that Army was a glorious exploit of the Lord Protector that now is his forces not amounting to the third part of the Scots Philanglus It was certainly a very heroik Achivement as also was the battail of Dunbar where the Scots had greater advantages far of him which two exploits deserve to be engraven in large Letters of Gold in the Temple of immortality and transmitted to after ages For hereby he did more then Roman Emperours or after them the Saxon Danish Norman and English Kings could ever do to conquer that craggy Country and make England Scot-free ever hereafter But before I have done with this unlucky Nation I will give you a touch of those visible Judgments which have fallen upon them so thick one upon the neck of another in few years more then fell upon the Jews in forty First there happened the greatest plague in Edenburgh that ever was in that Country for in less then a twelve-month the Town was peopled with new faces the Pestilence having swept away almost all the old There have been above 2000 Witches arraigned and executed there within these few years After the routing of D. Hamilton and the battail of Dunbar with that at Worcestâ—r many thousands of that Nation have been bought and sold in quality of slaves to be banished and sent over to forraign Plantations what numbers of them were starved and buried before they were dead And what is now become of their hundred and ten Kings and their Crown which I heard them brag was more weighty as having more Gold in it then the English and for their Government they are reduced to be as pure a subordinate providence and subject to the will of the Conqueror as ever Country was Polyander I must tell you also that they have lost much of their repute abroad but if I were worthy to be heard by the Lord Protector I would make a motion that his Highnesse would take in at least all the Land 'twixt Barwick and Edenburgh into the English Pale and impose a new name upon it for an Eternal mark of Conquest and for enlargeing the Skirts of England But Sir it is time for you now under favour to return to London and know what the Paraliment doth Philanglus There are all Artifices used to make the King odious and both the Press and the Pulpit joyn in the work new distinctions are coyned that though he was Gods â—nynted yet he was mans appointed That he had the Commanding but not the Disposing power That he was set to Rule but not to overâ—rule us That he was King by humane choice not by Divine Charter That he was not King by the Grace of God but by the suffrage of the people That hee had no implicit trust or peculiar property in any thing that populus â—st potior Rege that Grex Lege Lex Rege potentior That the King is singulis major but universis minor Lastly that he was but a Creature and production of the Parliamentâ— c. Moreover all Artifices are used to raise money The first way that the Parliament used after a Royal Subsidy of 400000 l. was to poll us then they went on to clip and shave us and had they continued longer they had fallen a flâ—ying of us They lighted on no lesse then twenty severall ways to get money above board whatsoever they got below Polemoney and the Royal Subsidy were the first two 3. Free Loans and Contributions upon the publick Faith which swelled to an incredible sum 4. The Irish Adventures for sale of Lands the first and second time 5. The general Collection for relief of the distressed Protestants in Ireland to which use the Hollanders sent over in mony and Corn neer upon 50000 l. and the Eâ—glish Collections came to neer four times so much so that in all both Collections amounted to above 200000 l. sterling and yet not ten thousand pound not the twentieth part was employed to the right use 5. They grew so hungry for money that they impos'd the weekly meal 6. The City Loan after the rate of five Subsidies 7. A particular Assessement for bringing in our dear Brethren the Scots 8. The five and twentieth part 9. The weekly Assessment for the Lord Generals Army 10. The weekly Assessement for Sir Tho. Fairfax Army 11. The weekly Assessement for the Scots Army 12. The weekly Assessement for the British Army in Ireland 13. The weekly Assessement for the Lord of Manchesters Army 14. The Kings Queens and Princes Revenues 15. Sequestrations and plunder by Committee 16. Compositions with Delinquents and fines which came to sums passed all understanding 17. That â—utch Devil the Excise 18. Fortification money 19. Bishops Deans and Chapters Lands To this may be added the Ship Sancta Clara valued in money and Merchandize at 800â—0 l. sterling which was detain'd at Southampton for reparation of those damages that some English Merchants had received by the Spaniard as it was declared in the House but not a farthing thereof was imployed to that use notwithstanding that many with expence of time and coin did solicit for the same and lastly the Houshold stuff of the King Queen Prince and others whereof some small proportion was allotted for payment of the Arrears of the Kings poor Servants but they were to advance two in the pound be fore-hand before they could be admitted to any Divident and t is incredible what jugling there was used in that business for some receaved nothing thereby but loss upon loss Nay they took away moneys given to repair Churches and in some places robb'd the very Lazaretto Polyander Sure these vast sums must amount to a huge mass of money money enough to have pourchas'd half a dozen Kingdoms instead of purging one Touching that Duâ—ch Devill you speak of the Excise I remember Sir Dudley Carleton when he was Secretary of State did but name it in one Parliament and it was such a Bugbear abominable word that he was called to the Barr and hardly escap'd going to the Tower though he made use of it to no ill sense But was there no account