him to know what he demāded more this word Royally sayth he comprehends all which made that Alexander esteemed highly of him afterwardes and intertayned him according to his demand But this courtesie of king Edward ought to be esteemed so much greater then that of Alexander as Porus tooke no armes against him but constrayned for his owne lawfull defence and contrariwise king Iohn would not accept such honest cōditions of peace as were offered him by the Prince of Wales although the Cardinall of Perigort being sent by Pope Innocent laboured to bring him to some composition But hee being ouer mastered by his choler was ouercome by a handfull of people and lost a battell the nineteenth of September 1356. which can not so well be compared vnto any as to that memorable exployt at Cannas which was like to haue ouerthrowen the whole estate of the Romaine common wealth And although ciuill warres are ordinarily managed with a courage so much the more inuenomed as the allyance is straighter betweene countrie men yet so it is if we credite Histories that there is not in all the world any Nation founde which in this respect hath remained in such and so long a possession of moderation and clemencie as the English Comines who hath beene as much or more acquainted with the affaires of England as any Frenchman of his time sayth that the custome of the country is in ciuill wars to come straight to battell that the chiefe of that side to which the victorie enclines causeth to be proclaymed aloud Saue the people That I would to God wee had vsed the like moderation in our ciuill warres we should then at this day haue fiftie thousande more witnesses of our dissention the shedding of whose bloud prouokes the anger of God against our countrie of France But because that being occasioned as well by naturall affinitie as by conformitie of manners to loue a people is not a thing of it selfe deseruing any great commendation without endeuour to make demonstration thereof the order of our discourse requires to haue this article sifted yet somwhat neerer to the end that such as call the Englishmen ancient enemies to the crowne of France may learne eyther to speake better or else to holde their peace whensoeuer there is question of any such matter I say then that the effectes of amitie haue bin alwayes reciprocall beweene these two Nations For laying aside that which I alleaged out of Caesar that the Britains had alwaies succoured the Gaules in all their warres I will take testimonies of fresher memorie of a hundred or sixe score yeares past In the time of king Lewes the eleuenth Charles Duke of Burgundie desirous to clip the wings of his mortall enimie Lewes of France called to helpe him Edward king of England his brother in lawe to whom there needed not much speech to make him passe ouer into France whereunto he wanted no pretence There was then great likelihood that if the duke of Burgundie had well knowen howe to vse his prosperitie he had eyther quite ouerthrowē or at least wonderfully shaken the whole estate of France But king Lewes being a Prince much better furnished of wisedome then of courage considering to what exigent his affayres were brought procured or rather cunningly practised a treatie of peace with king Edward at Piquignie One may well say that at that time the mildnesse of king Edwarde serued in steed of a strong and mightie bulwarke vnto France against the surious and impetous effortes of the Burgonian Charles the eight the sonne and successour of Lewes was fauoured of heauen so farre foorth as to haue occasion to acknowledge this courtesie towardes the English Nation who was as readie to embrace such an occasiō as it was happely offered him Edwarde of whom we last spake being deceased his brother Richard duke of Glocester by euil practises and vnlawful meanes inuested himselfe with the crowne of Englande defrauding his Nephewes of their inheritance If the meanes of inuesting himselfe with so great an estate were strange and exorbitant his behauiour and comportment therein was yet more strange Such and so miserable was then the estate of poore Englande that he escaped best cheape who went away with the losse of his goods estate and dignities Diuerse of good calling and account to saue themselues out of this shower retyred into France The Noblest and of greatest name amongest them was the Earle of Richmond who hauing a while soiourned in Britanie finally resolued himselfe to recouer with his owne good the libertie of his countrie This newe Thrasibulus wanted neyther friends nor partakers for he had succor of king Charles the eight with whom he passed ouer into England where hauing giuen battell with happie successe he had for guerdon of his prowesse the estate and crowne which hath euer since remained on the head of his successors I would not stand so much on the courtesie of England were it not that in our time euen within these sixtie yeares the effects thereof had beene so good and so manifest on our behalfe that it were blockishnesse in vs to be ignorant thereof and great loosenesse if we did not acknowledge it Since the battell of Poytiers France receiued not so great an ouerthrowe as at Pauie where king Francis was taken prisoner The Emperour Charles being yet a young Prince and boyling with ambition after so fayre a victorie entered into maruellous hopes and helde himselfe assured that within fewe yeares the vniuersall Monarchie of Europe would be the interpretation of his Plus oultre And indeede there is great likehood that the forces of France being so mated he might if not wholly yet in part haue seene the accomplishment of his desseignes had not God beholding out countrie with his pitifull eye stirred vp the heart of Henrie the eight king of England to stay the course of the Emperour striking with full sayles through the midst of his victorie An act deseruing so much the more admiration as king Henrie had no other occasion to do it but an Heroicall vertue with the which his courage being once enkindled hee choose rather to appropriate vnto himselfe the sole honour of releiuing an afflicted neighbour then to be copartner with the vanquisher in the spoyle and pray In so much that we may well say that king Henrie the 8. next vnto God hath beene the author of our deliuerance and that the Lion hath plucked vs out of the Eagle his clawes And we must not thinke that he sought herein either his owne priuate profite or particular safetie For touching profite besides that which the euent hath made knowen the protestation which hee made by his king at armes defying the Emperor doth show sufficiently that he had no other end but honor and vertuous exploytes which in ancient time as sayth Theocritus haue gotten the title of Heroes to great and renowmed personages And in respect of securitie the Emperour being as thē affectionate towardes his vncle
of France as England as among the rest these tetmes Cullion and French dogge which is the rethoricke of Pedlers Tinkers Coblers Rogues and such kind of people not the language of honest and ciuill persons such as we purpose to intreate of in this discourse laying aside then al such baggage and tromperie let vs speake of the naturall amitie which is betweene these two Nations In the time of the Emperors Martian Valentinian about the yeare of Christ 449. Witigerne king of great Britaine desirous to repulse the Picts and Scots called to his ayd the Angles or English who dwelt then betweene the Vites and Saxons And indeede the Welchmen at this day call the Englishmen Sasses as who would say Saxons which hath beene ensured me of some learned men of that countrie It resulteth then of this discourse that the English are come out of Germanie as the French are also according to our Histories And howbeit that in respect of the French Nation I durst not affirme that they are descended of the Saxons yet so it is that the house of our kinges which at this day swayes the scepter in France drawes his stocke from thence as is best knowen to them who are best seene in Histories For Windekind a Saxon of the line of that great Windekinde subdued by Charlemayne came into France to succour Charles the balde beeing then much molested by the Normans This young Windekind had a sonne called Robert who so fortunately followed the footsteps of his father that Charles the bald made him generall of the armie which he sent against the Normans who at that time foraged the countrie of France This Robert was slaine in battell leauing a sonne called Otho who by consent of the Emperor Arnold had the gouernement of France during the minoritie of Charles the simple Whence he got him not so much reputation as in that hee was father to Hugh the great Earle of Paris But Hugh Capet sonne of this Hugh the great exceeded in glorie and splendor all the forenamed as well in that he was chiefe of the absolute estate of France as in that he left a Royall posteritie behinde him which swayes the scepter diuided into two houses namely Valoys and Bourbon So may we conclude that if the French and English may not be called by the terme of Charondas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is liuing together or according to Epimenides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is partakers of the same smoke or as they say brought vp together at board and at bed yet may they by good right be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is descending from the selfe same extraction And although this alliance be of it selfe sufficiently cleared by the Historiographers yet is it better confirmed by the conformitie of maners of these two Nations and the good comportmentes of the one towardes the other The Englishman as also the French is generous and by consequent as Aristotle teacheth farre from dissimulation hating or louing openly rather led by truth then by opinion louing the effect better then the appearance free in speech louing his libertie and easily forgetting iniuries moreouer he is liberall ciuill curteous and gentle of all vertuous qualities I thinke that in them are to be found as many cleare and euident testimonies as there are places that speake of their exploites in vnpassionate Historiographers For in respect of ciuilitie what better witnesse can wee haue then Philip de Commines who himselfe had experience thereof in behalfe of the lord of Vaucler I should speake of a thing but too wel knowen throughout all the world if I should spend manie words in discoursing of their magnificence and liberalitie Certainely if that be true which Herodian writes of barbarous men namely that they are naturally greedy of money Englishmen are sufficiently discharged of the blame of barbarousnes howsoeuer some ignorant or passionate writers haue endeuoured to stayne them therewith But to what purpose is it to stande long on this point seeing the experience and testimony of noble and famous personages dooth openly ratifie my saying That good Vidame of Chartres of famous memorie who for that himselfe was one of the most liberall Lo of our time might best speake of liberalitie said openly that if there were any Nation in Christendome more liberall and courteous towardes strangers then the English he would be reckoned amongst those which talke rashly of thinges which they know not He which hath succeeded him as well in his vertues as his heritage protesteth often that he dares not to speake of the humanitie liberalitie and courtesie of the English Nation fearing to begin a discourse the entrie whereof were found much easier then the issue Odet Cardinall of Chastilion had ordinarily this saying in his mouth that courtesie had once imparked her selfe in France but that now she was passed ouer the sea This discourse would demand longer deduction but I am a Frenchman and iealous of the honor of my countrie Plutarch writes that the great Rethoritian Molon hauing on a day heard Cicero declaiming in Greeke saide lamenting that he deplored the estate of Greece whose richest ornament meaning eloquence Cicero carryed away with him For my part though I am no lesse affectionate towards the English Nation then commands the desert of their vertues yet so is it that I am sorrie to see them so richly arayed with our spoiles In so much that England may by good right be accounted at this day the very Sanctuarie of all ciuilitie kindnesse and courtesie the testimonies whereof may be seene not only towardes their friends and in time of peace but euen in time of warre and towardes their enemies Of many examples I will chuse one so notable as I knowe not whether the like be to be found in the Greeke or Latine Historiographers Amongest all the battels which were euer fought in France that of Poytiers is worthy the remēbrance not onely for the inestimable losse of the vanquished but much more for the courtesie and generositie of the vanquisher For the Nobilitie of France was there hewen in peeces many Princes and great Lordes made prisoners and namely king John himselfe fell into the handes of the Prince of Wales who had him afterwardes into England where hereceiued so good and gracious intertainement of king Edward father to the Prince of Wales that being on his fayth and hostages returned into France to giue order for his affaires after he had thoroughly considered the intertainement that was made him he sauoured and liked so well of the English courtesie that he esteemed it more honorable to die neere so noble a Prince then to liue as king of the greatest and mightiest kingdome in Christendome Porus an Indian king being taken by Alexander and being asked of him how hee desired to be dealt with at his handes I am sayth he a king let me be vsed Royally as belongeth to a king Alexander being farther instant on
being ouer-laden do diuerse times of meere charitie and good will yeelde them so much succour as to take some part of their burden into their owne ships Yea so courteous friendly be our Frenchmen that they constraine the Spaniardes whether they will or no to receiue the effectes and testimonies of this their charitable courtesie Besides all this the Indians begin to waxe shrewd lads and to make no more so much account of glasses pins and such other Spanish giftes peraduenture because some bodie hath made them taste this saying of Sophocles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though faire the giftes of foes may seeme Vnfriendly alwayes do them deeme And if other causes wanted is it possible that the possession of a thing so ill gotten should endure long Do we thinke there is any Indian vnder the subiection of the Spaniardes which cryeth not ten thousand times a day in his language this sentence of Aristophanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alas how hard a thing it is to serue against ones will a master that of wit of sense and reason can no â—kill Aristotle sayth that a countrie is possessed and helde by a Tyrant in the same manner that mens bodies are with an agew How many sighes and groanes do we thinke that the poore Americans being by such a feruent feuer so long tormented cast foorth which mount vp to the eares of him that holdeth the sterne of the matters of this world Do we thinke that the hande of God is shortned that hee can not when he sees time execute the threatnings which he hath vttered by the mouth of his Prophet against these murtherers robbers and wasters Where is that state in the world be in neuer so flourishing that can be exempted from decay and vtter ouerthrowe What wisedome what counsell what force is it that can warrant it out of the hande of the almightie and euerliuing God Mischiefe runneth vp and downe saith Euripides from house to house in most rich and exquisite wordes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mischiefe from house to house doth go As winde which passeth to and fro The same with greater reason may be sayde of Monarchies in which we may see from day to day the accomplishment of this threatning which is so wisely set downe by Hesiodus speaking of Iupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He soone puls downe the mighty ones and poore from dust doth rayse He soone correctes the crooked ones and rootes out wicked waies Which is then seene especially when the sinnes as well of the Prince as of the people enforce God to breake his patience The Mathematicians holde that the augmentation of the greatnesse of thinges maketh them seeme to approach neere vnto our sight though in verie truth they approch not at all But with the sinnes of men it fareth much otherwise which being heaped one on the other doo approach and present themselues before the sight of the liuing God who oftentimes punisheth the people in the Prince and the Prince in the people whose iustice is not ruled by the same square that mens iudgements are directed in the which according to the Lawyers Noxa caput sequitur that is Penaltie pursueth the principall Whereof we haue a manifest and notable example in Abimelech the king of Gerar who excusing himselfe vnto Abraham vseth these wordes What haue I done vnto thee and wherein haue I offended thee that thou hast brought on me and on my kingdom this great sinne Nowe if Abimelech do call adulterie a great sinne how shall we call that which we can not better describe then by the conformitie thereof vnto that example set downe by Suetonius in the life of Claudius in the xxvi chapter of his booke But if this speech be thought by any to be ouer darke I referre him to that which the Lawyer Paulus hath written lib. 39. vnder the title Si quis D. de ritu nuptiarum and hee shall plainely vnderstande my meaning But this is not all for there are yet in this behalfe other sortes of wickednesse as much or more abhominable then the other which they thinke to keepe secret as if the saying of the Poet Musaeus had not place as well in this age as in the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oft times we heare that sounded openly Which we thought had beene done full secretly Now then if we thinke Gods iustice to be immutable let vs knowe and be well assured that he will visite such and so execrable wickednesse which may with more honestie then ease be concealed and will at last how long soeuer he foreslowe it make the Spaniards and their king to feele his vengeance A cruell Tyrant on whose wretched head The wrath of God to fall is readie spread To be short the time will come ere long and will not tarie that this wicked Nation which for these hundred yeares hath made a trade of pilling and praying on others shall be exposed for a pray vnto other Nations The time I say draweth neere when eyther the Indians or else the king of Spaine his Lieutenants themselues shall reuolt from him and become executors of God his wrath against the couetousnesse and crueltie of their owne Nation Now remayneth to be considered the third and last point of this discourse that is to wit whether of these two Nations being become our enemie hath most meanes to annoy vs. This point may well be cleered by that which hath beene discoursed in the former touching the meanes which eyther of those Nations hath to succour vs with all Yet so it is notwithstanding that if the Englishmen should happen to set foote in France and especially in Guyenne it would be as hard for vs to stay a great part of the Nobilitie and Gentlemen from taking their part as to burie the remembrance of the good turnes and pleasures which their houses haue receiued heretofore at the handes of the kings of Englande especially considering that the Charters of the greatest houses of Guyen are as many testimonies or rather as many authenticall recordes of the obligation wherin they are bound to the memorie of the kings of England moreouer falling at ods with the English euerie one knoweth that they haue good diches large and deepe such as can not be drayned On the contrarie part according to the opinion of that great Captaine the Admirall Chastillon it were no lesse easie then expedient for vs to ouercome the Spaniards if we warred vpon them as we ought that is to say if cutting off the riuer at the spring head we would set vpon them at home in their owne countrie of Spaine which is a land very easie to be entred into being both vnfurnished of strong townes which cannot but hardly be succoured froÌ„ Germanie wheras on the contrarie part our armies should be backed by the countries of Languedocke and Gascoyne both of theÌ„ well stored with victuals and men of warre so that in France that quarter may wel be called at this day the storehouse of Mars If I should adde nothing else yet notwithstanding the causes heretofore set downe being well considered do sufficiently conclude of themselues that to preferre or to match in equalitie the allyance of Spaine to that of England were openly to show our selues vnnaturall and vnkinde to our allyes It were I say to shew our selues blockish and vnable to discerne the nature that matcheth iumpe with ours from that which is cleane contrarie vnto ours and manifestly to oppose our selues against the benefite and welfare of our countrie The Spaniardes as we haue sayde are couetous craftie proud and rauenous Shall we change then our franke liberalitie into a slauish and insatiable couetousnesse shall we change the generositie of the Lyon into the subtiltie of the Foxe shall we become of gentle and courteous arrogant and disdainefull and of milde and meeke cruell and rauenous shall we so bereaue our selues of those vertues which haue gotten vs reputation through out the whole world as that there shall remaine no more vnto vs of Frenchmen but euen the bare name And yet if we neerely consider the naturall disposition of the Spaniarde that miserable exchange whereof I now spake will be euermore noted as an euident and sure testimonie of our ouer great facilitie in making so great account of that Nation who resembling Iuie hath alwaies made those to feele the most pernitious effects of her most hurtfull malice which haue beene most straightly allied vnto her Now for as much as prayer is accounted the duetie of an honest man towards his countrie I pray to God O France that thy preseruation increase may be a continuall mirror of his goodnesse wisedome which shineth in the gouernment of great estates and kingdomes And that to the same end he vouchsafe to open thy eies that thou maiest discern that poyson mixt with hony by the which they go about to worke thy ruine and the vtter ouerthrowe of thy honour and greatnesse FINIS Salustius in Iugutha Hesiodus in his booke of workes and daies Cicero 1. offic Caesar lib. 1 de bello Gallico Caesar lib. 2. de bello Gallico Plutarchus in Theseo Plato in Lysida Cic. 2. de natura deorum Ramus de moribus veterum Gallorum Caesar lib. de bello Gallico Plato in Timaeo Arist. lib. 1. cap. 1. polit Arist. Ethic. lib. 4. cap. 3 Comines cap. 34. Herodian in Commodo Plutarch in the life of Cicero Comines cap. 112. See the historie of Bellay Theocritus in 〈◊〉 Prolo Callimachus in hymno Iouis Guichardino lib. 15 Guichardino lib 16. Homerâ— Iliadâ— â— Virg. Eglog 1. Plutarchus in Phocione 〈…〉 Looke Froysard Se Froysard Pindarus ode x. Pith. Cicero in Lucullo Pindarus ode 1. Olym. Pind. od 1. Nem. Cicero in Lucullo Plinius li. 7. Cap. 21. Guichardine lib. 12 Thucidideâ— lib. 1 Arist. lib. 7. cap. 7. politic Pind. ode 1. Nem. Machiauell in lib. de principe Theophrastus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sophoc in Aâ—ace Aristophanes in Plut. Arist. Metaphys lib. 1. ca. â— Esay 33. Euripides in Electra Hesiod oper diebus Vitellius lib. 4. Theox 129 Caius li. 20 vltimo D. de Noxal Action Genesis 20 Suetonius
king Henrie for greater confirmation of amitie a mariage was intreated of betweene him and the Ladie Marie eldest daughter to king Henrie Insomuch that all thinges accounted the English had then no cause to be affraid of the Emperour Moreouer the Emperor could not enterprise any thing on the estate of France without parting stakes with the English for their olde pretence vnto Guyen and Normandie This matter deserueth longer discourse but I studie after breuitie that I may speake somewhat of king Edwarde the sixt the sonne of king Henrie This Prince was so full of vertue and the feare of God that he may be good right be called the Iosias of the new Testament and the Paragon of Princes Christian. But laying aside his rare vertues whereof the best speakers can speake but too compendiously I will only touch that which neerest concernes our subiect This Prince by the counsell of the late duke of Northumber lande carried so entire and sincere an affection to our king Henrie the seconde that if God had lent him longer life there had beene a league made betweene these two kinges duke Maurice of Saxonie In such sort that there is great likelihood that an allyance made betweene three such mightie Princes had then brought the Emperour Charles to take that part which afterwardes he tooke that is to retire himselfe into Castile to the Monasterie of Saint Iust. I speake not of his humanitie vsed towardes our poore Frenchmen fled into England for refuge in a time when to make pâ—ofession of a Christian life in France was but to expose themselues to the death This obligation is common to vs with almost all the Nations of Europe whose exile hath beene honored with the assistance and comfort of this most holy and happie king Edwarde Happie say I not only in respect of him selfe but for that he hath also in his sister the Queene Elizabeth so perfect a portraiture and so right a resemblance of his most Christian and Heroicall vertues Which causeth that all such as throughout Europe are indued with sound iudgement do wish of all thinges in the world eyther to be the subiectes of such a Princesse or at least to liue vnder the subiection of such a Prince as might most resemble her But I dare not vndertake to set foorth the prayses of Queene Elizabeth in respect that if I should omit any one of her rare vertues my discourse would not be well taken of the better sort and to go about to discourse of theÌ„ by particulars were neuer to haue done Taking then a shorter course I will only say that she hath made demonstration of her good will towardes France as often times as the estate of our affaires hath presented her any occasion Aboue all she hath alwaies showed her selfe affectionate to the intertayning of peace with vs being induced thereunto as well by her owne cleare insight and wise forecast as also by the mature sage counsell of the right vertuous and noble Lords Sir William Cecill yet at this day Lord Treasurer of England and Sir Nicholas Bacon of worthie memorie sometimes Lorde Keeper of her Maiesties great Seale personages indued with so high and eminent wisedome and so happily qualified in all kinds of vertue that he shall well deserue a place amongst the best speakers that shall duly set foorth their praises to posteritie For my part I magnifie that most mercifull God which hath so well married good happe to the vertue of these two English Nestors that in them may be seene the accomplishment of that prayer so much celebrated by Callimachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O blessed father be thou blest Giue vertue giuing store Goods without vertue do no good with vertue euermore And vertue feeble feeles her force if so she liue in want Then blessed father vertue giue and let not store be scant It remaines now to speake of a like demonstration of amitie towardes vs and yet in a case much vnlike France hath not in it any greater ornament then the Citie of Paris nor the City of Paris then the exercise of learning which hath beene there continued euer since the time of Charlemaine that is to say since the yeare 792. euen till this day with such reputation that in the time of our fathers to haue studied at Paris and to be well learned were two diuerse termes signifying one and the selfe same thing But if this benefite be great as it can not be otherwise accounted sauing of such as want iudgement we can not acknowledge to haue receiued it of any but the English Nation except we will in depriuing theÌ„ of their deserued praise bereaue our selues also of being reputed a people that loues roundnesse and integritie For Charles the great was induced to this so happie an enterprise by the counsell of Flaccus Albinus an Englishman seconded by two Scotishmen the one named Ioannes Milrosius the other Claudius Clemens But euen as euill counsell by a iust iudgement of God fals ordinarily to the preiudice of him that giues it contrariwise the author of good and holy counsell is hee who willingly tasteth the first fruites thereof So the Englishmen haue reaped the fruite of that good and wholsome counsell of Albinus and his companions in that the Vniuersitie of Oxford is a branch of that of Paris But because wee see men to be so much the more inclined to thinges vnto the which they are drawen for the conseruation of that which doth neerest concerne them I say that the safetie of England toucheth vs so neerely and our safegarde so neerely the English that one of the two Nations being distressed by a stranger the other may make reckoning that they are not long to enioy any great quietnesse It is knowen that as soone as Caesar had set on foot the Romaine power in France he thought hee had not well played his part vntill he went to remoue houshold into England The histories haue so cleared this article that it were but superfluitie of speech to extende our selues any farther in deduction thereof I would now that some one of our maisters of the Court who are so affectionate and make so great account of the allyance of Spaine wold show me the like motiues grouÌ„ds of their opinion But I assure my selfe that they will not put themselues to the paynes of proouing any naturall affinitie betweene the French and Spanish vnlesse they fetch it from the Arke of Noe or else make reckoning of that which the Poets tell touching the beautifull Bebrix Which neuerthelesse were an argument as feeble as far from the purpose as is knowen to such as are seene in the knowledge of antiquitie and specially of Poeticall fictions But being now entered into this discourse it will not bee impertinent to speake of the originall of our Spaniardes at this day For eueÌ„ as waters which run out of sulphur springs haue alwayes a taste of brimstone
vs is that which the Spaniardes will alleadge shall it not be the succour which king Henrie of Castile gaue in the time of king Charles the fift and the victorie which hee wonne before Rochell of the Earle of Pembrocke As if he himselfe had not reaped the principall fruite of this victorie or as if such an assistance had not beene the chiefe rampire of his owne estate But as the English are conformable vnto vs in so many thinges as I haue heretofore alleaged so they haue that also common with our miserie that they haue tryed to their cost the most dangerous amitie of the Spaniards For Phillip king of Spaine and then also king of England hauing purposed to possesse himselfe of Callis gaue occasion to the French to do that with the Lyons clawe which the Spaniarde had thought to haue done with the Foxe his tooth otherwise the French would neuer haue resolued themselues on so hazardous an enterprise as the siege of Callis To make short one may well say that the Nation of the worlde which is most affectioned towardes the common-weale of France is that which least resembleth the Spanish which so much the more boldlie I conclude as I hold my selfe assured that none will paine himselfe so much as to proue that they haue beene helpefull vnto vs eyther in the knowledge of good letters or in gouernment of our manners For what lightning vnto learning can be expected of a NatioÌ„ which during this happie age hath scarcely brought foorth fiue or sixe learned men Thence I thinke it is that the Spaniards as great trauaylers as they are neuer durst go so farre as to the Hiperboreans fearing belike least they yet kept their ancient custome that is sacrifycing of Asses For gouernement of manners we may well say that as the Philosopher Polyanus being once wedded to the dotages of Epicurus forgot all the knowledge which he had of Geometry so by the acquaintance of Spaniards we haue almost forgotten that vertue which we were best acquainted with that is courtesie and humanitie And to what purpose I pray you should that Nation bee so affectionate vnto vs who hath so little interest in our ouerthrowe nay rather which hath alwayes and especially within these hundred yeares founded their aduancement on our destruction I abridge this discourse of purpose to intreate of an article of more importance that is the means which both the one and the other hath to helpe and to hinder vs. I wil speake first concerning traficke and after touching matter of armes All such as haue knowledge both of England Spaine will agree vnto me that Englande is much better stored of people then Spaine I speake not in respect of proportion but absolutely although England be by a great deale the lesser which proceedes onely of the temperature of the place For although France be one of the temperatest regions that are yet so is it that Caesar sayth expressely speaking of England Loca sunt temperatiora quà m in Gallia This aboundance of people is a certain argument of the fertilitie of the place Pindarus in some place calleth Sicilie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is aboundant in sheepe and expounding himselfe in an other place he calleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is fat or fertile If the argument of this so learned Poet be well couched we may well conclude the fertilitie of England by the great aboundance not onely of sheepe but in generall of cattell which is in it Here it may be some will alledge the saying of Cicero in his oration entituled De Aruspicum responsis For beholde with what wordes he speaketh Quà m volumus licèt ipsi nos amemus tamen nec numero Hispanos nec robâ—re Gallos nec calliditate Paenos nec artibus Graecos nec denique hoc ipso huius gentis ac terrae natiuo sensu Itales ipsos ac Latinos sed pietate ac religione omnes gentes ac nattones superauimus But in this place it is easie to see that Cicero had rather eares then eyes as well as heretofore speaking of Astrologie And that in this discourse hee would play the part of an other Mirmecides making a great ado about a small matter But to what purpose is it to stande much on this article since the trafficke of the one and the other countrie may easily cleere it We haue out of England Wooll Tinne Fish and many other thinges in great quantitie In exchange whereof wee furnish them with wine salt woad and diuerse other thinges which is the cause that Rochell Bourdeaux and generally all the coast of Normandie Britaine and Guienne is brought into great perplexitie when the traficke ceaseth with Englande Out of Spaine I confesse we haue very good Horses for seruice although they come but by stealth Which I doo neuerthelesse against my will because that confessing this article I am constrayned to accuse the negligence and sloth of our Frenchmen For if we would maintaine such races of horses and mares as are seene at Lauedan our traficke with Spaine should be accounted of meere charitie for as much as we shold helpe theÌ„ very much without being holpen or eased by them For the marchandise of a fewe perfumed gloues and such other small baggage deserues not to be accounted of And for their behoose they are constrayned to borrowe of vs by reason of the drinesse and barrennesse of their countrie that which is most necessarie for the life of maÌ„ which is corne As for wine they haue sufficient There remaines the traficke of wooll of kersyes and clothes both woollen and linnen which comes not to the thirde part of that which our Marchantes haue out of Englande Neither will it serue to say that he may haue store of corn out of such places as he holdeth in Italy as out of Naples Sicily and Millaine For they which husbande the matter after this manner do not consider that this were but robbing of Peter to pay Paule Sicily is fruitefull I graunt but it behooueth that Malta and the Goze be sustayned by her fruitfulnesse except they will in abandoning of them expose themselues for a pray to the Turke Moreouer a great part of the commodities of Sicile are employed on the maintenance of Italy But in respect of Millaine and of Lombardie the Spaniarde findes such difficultie of carriage that hee can not well helpe himselfe with the commodities thereof except the sauce cost him much dearer than the fish is worth Touching Naples Apulia and Calabria as they are lesse fruitfull so also the Spaniard can be lesse holpen by them The like may be sayd in respect of the lowe countries Some peraduenture will finde it strange that I stande so much on the infertilitie of Spaine seeing that the great meanes which this Nation hath to helpe vs with make a more then suffieient counterpoise for this default Heere must I needes employ that Quolibet which the Iudges of Rome were woont to
the English auncient enemies to the estate and crowne of France thinking thereby to be accounted learned amongest the ignorant discouer themselues to be vtterly ignorant amongst the learned And for so much as diuers Courtiers whom I haue heard discoursing on this argumēt haue come to this conclusion that they prefer the alliance of Spain before any other whatsoeuer hauing regard as they say to the safetie and welfare of France I purpose to dispute this question which in my iudgement hath no better foundation then a partialized affection or else too litle knowledge of the affaires of this world I hope then by liuely reasons to enforce that the alliance of Englande is much more expedient for vs then that of Spaine by the same means to cleare the generall controuersie and to make knowen that there is no people in the world whose alliance is so commodious so necessarie vnto vs as that of the English nation And to lay some foundation for my opinion I say that whē there is question of making alliance with some nation there is principall regard to be had of two things th' one that those whose allyance we preferre haue more wayes meanes to helpe vs th' other that they haue also more means to harme vs being once become our enemies And I pray you what people is there in the world that hath iuster occasiō to loue vs then the English which are allyed vnto vs in bloud conformable in manners and brotherly giuen to the selfe same vertuous inclinations which I meane nor onely of those whō at this day we call English but also of the ancient Britains the remainder of whom we see at this day in the countrie of Wales who though they agree in manners fashions customes and vsages yet in language they differ from the other inhabitants of Englande Caesar who first amongst the Romaine Captaines discouered and had knowledge of the estate of this Ile teacheth vs that one part of the Britaines that is they which dwell next the sea haue taken their originall of the Belgae the same author hath also left vs in writing that in his time the king of the Switzers named Diuitiacus did rule also ouer great Britaine And therefore is it no meruaile if the Britains especially those that inhabite about Kent were agreeable in humanitie and maner of liuing with the French And indeede if we iudge by that which we find in writing nothing can be sayde more brotherly then these two Nations That I may not busie my selfe too much in sifting out particulars I will speake only of the Druides which in auncient time bare rule in both Nations These Druydes were Poets and Priests as in ancient time was Hesiodus in Greece Most certain it is that the first among the Grecians who haue adorned their coūtry with the knowledge of learning comprehended all their doctrine in verse as Homerus Hesiodus Orpheus Musaeus Linus Empedocles Parmenides and Pitheus of whom Plutarch maketh mention And therefore it is that Plato hath attributed so much vnto Poets calling them fathers and fountaines of wisedome These Druydes were also Mathematicians Philosophers which make me that I can not comprehend wherupon Citero should thinke when he compared the Britains with the Scythians in respect of their ignorāce of the Mathematikes If he relyed on the testimonie of his friend Trebatius euerie one knowes him to be a witnes as may be gathered euen out of the workes of Cieero Qui calat hum libentius quam celum contemplabatur But it seemes that Cieero a person otherwise of exquisite iudgement would needes versie the saying of Thales of Milesia who being asked how farre trueth was different from falshood answered as farre as the eyes from the eares So may we say in respecte of that which 〈◊〉 are now to intreat of that we acknowledge eies in Caesar and eares in Cicero But howsoeuer it be either that the Britains receiued the knowledge of good letters from the Gaules or the Gaules from the Britaines so it is that the young men of France for farther aduancement in their studies transported into Britaine to the Druydes of that countrie of whom they learned the most hidden secrets of Philosophy of the Mathematicall sciences If we report our selues to what Caesar hath writen hereof the Philosophie and doctrine of the Druydes had his first beginning in great Britaine which opinion I willingly embrace howbeit that rare and excellent personage Petrus Ramus seemes in a worke of his to holde the contrarie No maruell then if so learned a Nation and so well nurtured in good letters hath beene endewed with so singular humanitie sortable to their knowledge and such as whereof our ancient Gaules haue gathered the principall fruite In so much that Caesar intending a descent into Britaine alleageth for his purpose an other pretence but that the Gaules had beene succoured by the Brytains in all their quarrels which they had against the Romans But if any one thinke that those people which since the time of Caesar haue made themselues masters of Gaule and of Britaine namely the English the French haue not had so firme friendship but rather lesse occasions of louing one another he deceiues himselfe as much as he that is ignorant howe great is the force of that friendship which is founded on naturall allyance the memorie whereof can not be blotted out neyther by tract of time nor distance of place The Citizens of Sais in Aegypt sayd that their Citie was founded by the Goddesse Minerua as did also the Athenians of theirs In contemplation of which allyance as Plato witnesseth the Grecians in generall and specially the Athenians were welcomed and well intertained at Sais It resteth nowe to consider howe straightly the French are vnited to the English and what demonstration of friendship they haue made from time to time the one to th' other Neither is it sufficient to say that they haue had great and long warres togither euen in the memory of our great grandfathers for by the same reason shold we banish amitie from amongst all Nations of the earth By the same reason should we conclude that there could be no friendshippe amongest the French themselues who euen of late daies haue furnished a stage in their own countrie with the bloudiest tragedie that euer was heard of And touching the wars betweene the English and French I hope hereafter to showe in due place that so farre off is it that this consideration should bring any alteration of friendshippe or amitie betweene them and vs that contrariwise it ought to enforce at our handes some increase of good will in their behalfe For God hauing giuen them so great aduantages ouer vs as euerie knoweth it is hard to say whether this noble nation haue showen themselues more valiant in fight then mild gentle after the victorie To lesse purpose yet serue those vnseemely speeches which may be heard in the streetes as well