all the Netherland people began to mutter to shew a generall vnwillingnes vnto the so wide stretching of their purses the sediously affected took Occasion by her Forelockes and to the feare of this taxe added the faygned feare of the bringing in of a Spanish Inquisition One Monsieur de Lymmay vnderstanding by detayning of the K. of Spaynes money in England what hatred that Queen began to beare him posteth out of France into â—ngland where shewing his readynes to any rebellious attempt receaued such encouragement by promise of ayde from thence and such fit instructions that he came ouer into Holland and there on the first day of April in the yeare 1572. he surprised the towne of Briel the first in all the Low Countryes that set it selfe in open rebellion after whose example Flushing Enchusen and others followed Heereupon was made ouer out by England vnto these rebells by meanes of Syr Thomas Gressam threescore thousand pounds sterling to begin withall and presently after followed ouer with troopes of English forces Morgan Gilbert and Cheâ—â—er and after these againe North 〈◊〉 Caâ—aish and Norris all made Coronels and comming thither with whole regiments receaued from tyme to tyme great supplyes of money and forces from England which grew afterward so heauy that for some ease in the sustayning of the whole â—urthen it was deuised to draw the Duke of Alancon Brother vnto the French King Henry the third into Eâ—gland vnder colour of treaty of a match betweene him and Queene Elizabeth but in the end it proued an infortunaâ—e match betweene him and the Lady Belgica for he was sent ouer into the Nâ—therlands there made Anti Duke of Brabant where his successe was such as retâ—ring from thence into France with dishonour he there not long after dyed of griefe In this designement the English saw their expectation greatly deceaued For albeit K. Henry the third of France had refused to take the Hollanders parts hating them for that cause which no Kinges can loue such people yet they thought by getting his owne brother aforesayd inuested in the Duchy of Brabant he must then of necessity take his part But the matter now falling out otherwise the burden returned and remayned heauyer vpon the Queene and Realme of England then before And the Prince of Orange soon after the death of the Duke of Alanâ—on being slayne the HollaÌ„ders remayned as a body without a head vntill the Queen of England sent ouer vnto them the Earle of Leycester with great prouision both of men and money accompanyed with diuers Noblemen and Gentlemen of good accompt And albeit this Earle afterward returned into England againe yet continued she her ayding the Hollanders both with men and money vnto her dying day And it is thought by such as haue made calculation of this great and long continued charge that she so oppressed and burthened her subiects for the Hollanders wars that she had more money from them by Graunts Subsides such other meanes then had all the Kings of England from the tyme of the Conquest vnto her dayes who had the greatest warres with France And I haue heard some Lawyers affirme that she did extremly wrong her poore Subiects by sometymes pressing them and sending them perforce to her seruice out of the Realme seeing as they say no Prince by the Lawes of the Realme can compell any of his subiectes to serue in warre vnles it be for the defence of the Realme at home or for the recouery of some lost Patrimony of the Crowne abroad seeing now that Holland was neuer knowne to haue beene any part of the patrimony of the Crowne of England nor any pretence of iust war could be made by England to that end it was the greater wrong and iniustice And heere by the way I must also note vnto you that at the beginning for a long time of her ayding the Hollandâ—rs though she did disguisedly make shew of friendship amity with Spayn and had not only her Embassadour in Spayne as the King of Spayne had his also in England and in all her publike Proclamations wherein any mention happened to be made of Holland and the adiacent partes she did alwayes call them The Low Countreyes of her louing Brother the King of Spayne therby acknowledged that which she could not deny yet euen at this very time she imployed Syr Francis Drake to robbe him of his treasure in the West Indyes Don Bernardino de Mendoca remayning Ambassadour Ledger for the King of Spayne in England both then and long after yea euen at the very tyme when Drak was arriued home with his booty which was in Nouember in the yeare 1580. and being all this while an eye witnesse not only of the sayd Queenes oppressing and impouerishing her own subiects at home for the ayding of the foresayd Hollanders abroad rebellious subiectes of the King his Maister but of her sending forth also to robbe him in his owne dominions therby to ayde them vnlawfully with their Lords own treasure If now from the first to the last the deportement of the Queene of England towards the King of Spayne in the long continuance of so many great wronges and iniuryes be but indifferently considered what man though but of meane capacity can iudge but in the end he must needes be prouoked to do something against her were it but in regard of Honour he being a King so great and potent And therefore it was no wonder that after so many former yeares patience he was in the end and that also with an addition of eight yeares forbearance after the taking of his aforsayd treasure in which tyme al detriments that could be done him both by Sea Land besides the ayding also of Don Antonio the pretended King of Portugall being put in practise forced to prepare that great Armada against EnglaÌ„d by sea which he did in the yeare 1588. though with no successe And therefore as I haue heard Strangers that are indifferent to both Nations wonder very much why there should be more hatred discouered now in a tyme of peace and amity betweene England and Spayne in the English NatioÌ„ to the Spanish then in the Spanish to the English the English hauing giuen more cause a great deale for Spaniardes to hate them then the Spainards haue giuen to Englishmen So haue they likewise noted that notwithstanding the misusage in England of the Spanish Ambassadour himselfe in his own person yet the Spanish in Spayne doe not for all this misuse the Ambassadour of England the cause whereof is the discreet consideration of the Spanish Nation who can discerne this misusage to proceed from such pure-strayned Ministers as are possessed with the fury of the spirit or from the common debaushed people that doe not consider or haue not so much wit as to think when they see a Spanish Ambassadour in England that his Maiesty likewise hath an English Ambassadour in Spayne Nor yet to set before their eyes the
OBSERVATIOâ—â— CONCERNING THE PRESENT AFFAIRES OF HOLLAND AND THE VNITED PROVINCES Made by an English Gentleman there lately resident since written by himselfe from Paris to his friend in ENGLAND Printed Anno M.DC. â—â—â— THE AVTHORS EPISTLE TO HIS FRIEND WORTHY welbeloued Friend you shal please to vnderstand that at my late being at the Hage in Holland I receaued your leter wherin you desire me to describe vnto you the Countrey condition of the people as also to know my opinion of their cause and quarrell against the King of Spayne about which they haue so long troubled the world Moreouer how I find theÌ„ in their thankefulnes vnto our State for so longe sticking vnto them and ayding them And what those differences are which are lately risen vp among them about matters of Religion This letter of yours I had no tyme to answere froÌ„ thence neither would the answering it there haue beene conuenient I therefore deserred the answere vntill my comming into France to which iourney I was resolued before the receit of your letter because to deale truely with you I could not any longer endure to heare the lauish and vile speaches which a sort of base vnbridled people dayly disgorged against the Maiesty of our King whereof in the ensuing discourse somwhat more shal be spoken And indeed this intollerable demeanour of theirs toward the Maiesty of so great and so bountifull a Prince and to whome they are so much beholding hath giuen me good cause aswell to looke into the iustnesse of their wars against the King of Spaine as into their in gratitude vnto the King and State of England and therby to become the more able to giue you satisfaction to the demands in your letter I must notwithstaÌ„ding confesse that since my aryuall heer in Paris I haue for some whyle deferred it for as on the one side I had a great desyre thereunto so on the other syde I found in my selfe a kind of vnwillingnes to begin it which vnwillingnes I protest vnto you proceeded of a conceaued feare to offend you when in deliuering you the very true and playne truthe of thinges as they are you might fynd me altered in mynd and iudgment from what I was when I was coÌ„uersant with you in England But considering that the true duety of a friend is with his friend to deale vnfaignedly I haue now at last vndertaken the taske so to do And in such regard must intreate you to excuse me and not to let my ignorance of the time when I coÌ„uersed with you be put in opposition against the better knowledge which experience of ryper years hath yielded me for you must think that by trauailing abroad in other Countryes conuersing with men of vnderstanding of diuers nations who in these parts are accustomed to frenesse of speach by reading the iudicious writings of such credible Authors as haue noted downe the actions of State of this time as also by the obseruatioÌ„s which myselfe haue made I haue seen as it were a mist wipâ—d away froÌ„ before myne eyes and thereby am come to discerne that which truth reason hath made manifest vnto me as I make no doubt you also will become to do when with vnpartial patieÌ„ce you will haue pleased to read what heere for your satisfaction I haue written that thereby we may agre aswel in mind iudgment as we do in ancient amity And thus leauing you to God in all kind affection I take of you my leaue You know the hand From Paris the 20. of March after this stile computation THE CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS A Briefe description oâ— the Country People of Holland with a true relation of the beginning of their rebellion against their â—lawfuâ—l Soueraigne Lord King Philip the second of Spayne Chap. I. How dishonoraâ—le it was for Queene Elizabeth of England to take the Hollanders parts against the King of Spayn how she oppressed and impouerished her subiects for thâ—ir sakes and endangered her owne Crowne and Kingdome Chap. II. Whether England hath receaued any benefite by defending the quarrell of the Hollanders or whether the Hollanders haue endeauoured to deserue the friendship they haue receaued from thence or haue any way shewed themselues gratefull for it Chap. III. Whether England can expect any benefite by continuing to take the Hollanders parts and whether the Hollanders do deserue the same by wishing or desiring the continuance of the State and Gouernement of England as now it standeth Cha. IIII. Of the present state of the Hollanders of the diuision among them about matters of Religion and whether respect of Religion may vrge England still to assist them Chap. V. CHAP. I. A briefe description of the Countrey and People of Holland with a tâ—uâ— Relation of the beginning of their rebellion against their lawfull Soueraigne Lord King Philip the second of Spayne HOLLAND at the creation of the world was no Land at all and therefore not at the first intended by God or nature for a dwelling place of men for it was then long after a sea and consequently the habitation of fishes Had it been meant for a habitatioÌ„ of men it had not only been such high ground that it should not haue beene continually subiect to the inundation of the â—ea but also haue beene able to haue yeelded the inhabitants bread to eate wood or stone to build withaâ—l and the foure elements would not haue conspired together to be there all naught by being naught vnto men to shew their dislâ—ke of vsuâ—pers that depriue fishes of â—heir due dwelling places Being then at the first wholy sea by reason of the flaâ—s shallows thereof â—t was partly by banâ—kes raised of 〈◊〉 and earth through the labour of mâ—n and partely by sandy downâ—s o◠〈◊〉 driuen together by the râ—ge of the waues encroached vpon gotten from the sea by the old Ancestâ—urs of the now Inhabitantes The Coâ—nâ—rey then except these banâ—kes and doâ—â—nes lyeth all as low and leuel as water hath made it In it are neither mountaynes nor fountaynes nor hath nature affoarded them within the earth the meanest of the seauen mettalles or any mineral matter at al. But what shal I speak of their want of mynes in the earth when they haue want of earth it self and yet notwithstanding their want therof are faigne to make vse of that litle they haue for their fuell and so begin to burne vp their Countrey before the day of Iudgement Grasse they haue and that is all the greatest good that their ground can affoard them and heerof butter and cheese are the wittnesses but for this one benefit they want many which other Countries haue that haue this as wel as they To say the truth I do not know any benefits peculiar to themselues whereof they may boast except only two the one is their hauing of a Country which is the fittest for rebellioÌ„ in all Christendome and the other is that by reason of
begin to speake of Queen Elizabeth of England her assisting the rebelled subiects of Holland against the King of Spayne it is not impertinent to the purpose to call to mind whether there were any cause of emnity giuen vnto her by meanes of any wronges or iniuryes offred her by the King of Spayne in former tyme in regard wherof she might now take the oportunity of reuenge This King Philip the second of Spayne hauing beene maryed in England to Queen Mary was neuer known to haue beene disaffected to the Lady Elizabeth for so was she then called but coÌ„trary wise did shew himself to be the greatest freind â—he had in the world which heeâ—e in briefe to declare you must nore that this Lady Eâ—izabeth being then a subiect vnto her sayd sister Queen Mary chaunced to fall into sundry troubles for which she was imprisoned in the Tower of â—onâ—on and retayned in durance at Woodstoâ—k and other places M. Fox the Author of the English Protestant Martyrologe wryting of this Ladies inprisonment declareth not any cause why but because he putteth her in his history of others that suffred for protestant religioÌ„ he intendeth to haue his reader imagine her to haue suffred some persecutioÌ„ also for the same cause whereby he thinketh not a little to honour her But had her troubles beene for Religion indeed Fox would then neuer haue omitted to set down her examinations about the same and her answeres thereunto in defence of some such poinâ—s as are in controuersy betwen Catholiks Protestanâ—s as about the real presence of Christ in the Sacrament or about prayer to Saints or prayer for the Dead or some one or other point as wel as he hath set down the examinations and answeres of so many others to their great glory as he takes it but heer is nothing found Fox in this in silent and leaues his reader to imagine of himself that it was for religioÌ„ For something it was but that it was for religioÌ„ be could not make manifest for that this Lady in al the tyme of the raigne or her sister dayly did heare Masse went vsually to Confession and in all points shewed her selfe a Catholike yea three weekes after she was proclaymed Queene she had Masse in her own Chappell in the Court and permitted it to be sayd in all Churches throughout the whole realme for the space of seauen monethes after which is no signe of being so resolue da Protestant as that she would suffer imprisonment for that religion Her troubles in very deed were for sundry offences against Queene Mary her sister which being found to be such as might perhaps haue cost her her life if they had come vnto publique triall of Iustice the King of Spayne was so greatly her freind that he stayed the proceeding thereof and so not only saued her life but quit her also from the publike blot and stayne of treason and heerin he was so earnest that on a time when she was to haue come to her answere he did so importune Queene Mary his wyfe to let the matter passe in sylence that she sayd vnto him My Lord You speake very earnestly now for her but I pray God she do not one day make you repent it A certaine Spainsh Author wryteth that the King was therevnto also moued vpon some consideration of state for Queen Mary of Scotland being then maryed vnto the french king Francis the second if the Lady Elizabeth had dyed there had in apparence byn great possibility that the Kingdomes of England Scotland and Irâ—land might come to haue beene annexed vnto France the sayd Queene of Scotland being the next heyre in bloud vnto them all Queene Mary of England at last hapning to dy King Philip her husband notwithstanding the caueat giuen him by his late deceased Queen did so coÌ„tinue his good affection vnto the now Queene Elizabeth that being then in the Netherlands he sent ouer vnto her Monsieur de Assonuile to congratulate her aduancement and to signify his gift vnto her of all Queen Maries Iewells which being his owne he might iustly haue detayned vnto himselfe if he would These Iewells she seemed very thankfully to receaue and sayd vnto this Monsieur de Assonuile that she thought her brother the King of Spayne might thinke much in her for change of religion but quoth she there is but little difference betweene his religion and ours almost all that he hath in Latin we haue in English and we do not as others do for we mayntayne a clergy of Bishops and other Prelates so vs we are in effect as before And whereas there was held a treaty of peace between the Spanish French Kings vpon the taking of S. Quintins the king of Spayn would yield vnto no agreement with the French vnlesse it were also conditioned that Callis should be restored backe vnto Queen Elizabeth of England and heerin were his commissioners that treateâ— with the French so earnest that in the end the french to be rid of their importunity were faygne to confesse vnto them that they knew that they tooke more paynes then they were desyred to do for that the English had playnly told them that they had not set them on work in any such busynes which was a signe that they desired not to be beholding vnto the king their maister Of which wheÌ„ the king had knowledg he stood no more vpon the rendring of Callis but concluded his peace with the french without it which as thinges did afterward fall out proued a happy turne to himself These proofes of this Kings good will vnto Queene Elizabeth being thus made manifest to the world who would haue thought that she would not only haue omitted all signes of gratitude but within a litle after become an enemy to such a friend yea and so great and capitall a one as seldome any History can giue witnes of the like Seeing then that no acts of gratitude are to be sought after let vs then see what effectes of emnity ensued insteed thereof First then to begin withall omitting her refusall of the King of Spaynes kind endeauours for getting the French to restore vnto her the Towne of Callis we will returne vnto the duke of Alua his expected prouisioÌ„ of money from Spayne mentioned in the former Chapter This prouision beâ—ng the summe of six hundred thoâ—sand Ducates comming out of Spayne 〈◊〉 the Netherlands in the moneth of Dâ—cember in the yeare 15â—1 was on the West coast of â—ngland seized vpon and aâ—rested by the English By meanes of which wrongfully detayning this money of the King of Spaynes the Dâ—ke of Alua was forced to demaund the tenth pennv of euery mans goods that was of ability for his supply â—ut this demand of his caused chiefly thorough the said English arrest was cause of a far greater detriment vnto the King of Spayne then that wrongfully detaâ—ned money came vnto so as the one great wrong was the cause of another far greater For heereupon
where it is not vpon the coast of any Countrey vnto which the benefit belongeth by ancient prerogatiue And yet is all this but little in regard of their vsage of our Nation in the East Indyes wher they haue as fiercely set vpon them with open hostility as if before their meeting there they had of long continuance beene mortall enemyes hauing slaine many of our men and sunke sundry of our shipps And when moreouer they haue taken some of our men prisoners they haue vsed them in the sight of the Indians in such contemptible and disdainefull manner as if at home in their owne Countryes the English in respect of them were but an abiect and a slauish Nation and that the Hollanders were either their Superiours might vse them at their pleasure or the English so base and vnpowerfull as they durst not be reuenged but quietly put vp any iniury at their handes And indeed the Indians might in reason coniecture that the Hollanders would neuer haue dared so to domineer ouer the English abroad if they had not had the maistery of them at home after which accounpt reckoning such actions abroad are wont to be looked into What thinke you now of our English Prouerbe Haue we not brauely set beggers on horsbacke Nay haue not Englishmen the premises considered great reason to loue the Hollanders and to hate Spaniards Yea and to hate Spaniards only for the loue of such courteous gratefull Hollanders And as for the commodious trade which the English haue had in Muscouy for more then threescore and ten years and which the Hollanders haue now quite gotten from theâ—â— and spoyled what shall I say Seeing they are about to make recompence for the same by doing the like with our English Merchants in Turky And it is a thing so naturall notorious for them to spoile the trade of other Nations that when they cannot find occasion to do it they will not sticke to spoile one another so great is their auaricious and insatiable desire of gayne and yet all this proceedeth but out of a certain couetous wretchednes for let any of them arriue to what riches he will he knoweth not how to be Noble or Generous CHAP. IIII. Whether England can expect any benefite by continuing to take the Hollanders parts and whether the Hollanders doe deserue the same by wishing or desiring the continuance of the State and Gouernement of England as now it standeth THE end and scope whereunto the rebellious wars of the Hollanders haue tended hath beene to bring themselues into as free and quâ—et a State as is the Republique of the Switzers which they might haue easily done by the help they haue had from England France if the King of Spayne had wanted the meanes or the will to haue continued warre against them But admit they had arriued vnto this their designe and had freely and quietly gotten the full possession of all the seauenteene Netherland Prouinces is it not like that they would then haue gotten into their clawes the Duchyes of Cleue Iuliers with the other parts theron dependant seeing they haue already gotten fotting therin And hauing once incorporated these is it like that they would haue suffered the Countrey of Liege to haue remained in quiet vnder the Rule of a Bishop When as the colour of reformation of Religion had also beene sufficient for the taking away of the Countrey from the true owner Or may a man thinke that they would stand vpon titles of right who hold not the least place they possesse by any right at all Or that they would make a conscience to detayne from their Neighbour when they make none to detayne from their true Lord and Maister Surely there is no reason to think other wayes and yet if any man should let him but looke into their attempt vpon Huys also vpon Liege the principall Citty of that Countrey not long since put in practise Put the case then that they had arriued vnto their desired greatnes that is to say to haue gotten the whole seauenteene Netherland Prouinces with the Duchyes of Cleue and Iuliers the rest thereunto dependant as also the Countrey of Liege how would they theÌ„ haue borne themselues towards England and France How had they then beene able to haue giuen law to both these kingdomes to the one by land from the Countrey of Liege coÌ„fining vpon it and to the other by sea by being able to ouertop it in shipping what doubt may be made heereof considering what a correspondent party they would haue found in France by their most confident friends the Huguenots and in England by no lesse friendes the Puritans Who cannot now discerne that the King of Spayne by continuance of war against the Hollanders hath highly benefited both England and France and that England and France by assisting the Hollanders against the King of Spayne haue laboured to their owne cost What policy might it then haue proued for England and France if the Hollanders had by their help preuayled against the King of Spayne when they should therby haue prepared an irremediable scourge for themselues Let it then be truely considered whether it had not been greater policy more honorable more profitable for both those Nations and more for the tranquility of Christendome that they had suffred the King of Spayne to haue brought these his rebellious subiects to obedience and so to haue gouerned them in peace to the end he might haue imployed so many millions as he hath beene forced to spend in the NetherlaÌ„d warres against the Turke And that so he would haue done if he might heere haue inioyed rest and quiet who can doubt Seeing notwithstanding these his long wars and all other wars therby occasioned both by sea and land he hath to his euerlasting prayse and honour neuer made either peace or Truce with that capitall enemy of Christendome And if those forsayd many millions might haue bin imploâ—ed against this common enemy who can make doubt but he might thereby not only haue beene driuen out of Europe but that Hierusalem and all Palestine might haue beene recouered England as hath beene sayd in the precedent Chapter hath already receaued proofe of the ingratitude of her costly Holland friends and France no lesse by hauing not long since discouered them to be more ready to take their partes that were in armes against the now regnant King then the Kinges part against them And if they had been so wary as to haue dissembled som what longer their ingratitude insolencyes towards England and France yet their audacious brauing of the King of Denmark notwithstanding they must passe with all their corne from Danske throgh his Sownd were inough to haue discouered their proud contempt of the maiesty of Kinges and what Neighbours they would haue proued to England France when they should haue arriued to their expected freedome of an absolute Republike Let it then be considered whether England or France could
euer feare to be so much endomaged by Spayne as by them or that Spayne could haue so ready meanes to endomage theÌ„ as the Hollanders or could haue correspondence in either Countrey with two such turbulent factions Thus may England as well by example of the Hollanders ingratitude to France as by the deere purchased experience in it selfe cleerely behould what apparence there may be of expectation of any least benefite by their meanes since none can be found none be looked for albeit they were sought after with the lanterne of Diogenes If therefore no benefits can appeare either past or to be expected let vs then see what good fortune hath otherwise betyded such as haue beene the gretest actors in this rebellious busines whereby it may appeare to the World how their endeauours haue beene pleasing to God The first man that began the surprize and open rebellion of Townes in Holland was the aforenamed Monsieur de Lymmay This man amongst other presents which were giuen him when he was in England one was a very faire great mastiffe Dog which he much esteemed and on a tyme playing with him he bitte him so soare in the arme that he could by no meanes be cured but in the end dyed thereof starcke mad and raging in the Towne of Liege And thus came he to his death by being bitten of a Dog that had beene a wolfe vnto many Ecclesiasticall persons whose bloud without all forme of lustice or any offence by them committed he had caused to be shed aswell in the Towne of Briel which he surpryzed as in other places The next great Actor in this ill busynes was the Duke of Alancon also before mentioned This Duke after he had in the Citty of Antwerp beene inuested in the Duchy of Brabant as absolute Soueraigne fynding not withstanding that he was to be limitted gouerned by such as he accompted his subiects seeking thereupon to make his authority more absolute drew certayne troopes of his souldiers into the Town to haue surpryzed it himself being with his whole army hard without who through the resistance of the Townesmen were all put to the sword Whereupon he with his whole army the Artillery from the walles of the Towne playing vpon him was forced to retyre thence in extreme disgrace and melancholy as a defeated enemy and in the end to returne into France where considering the tricks that had by n put vpon him in England and what disgrace he had therby receaued in Flanders on the 10. day of Iune in the yeare 1584. he dyed of conceaued griefe in the town of Chasteaâ— Theiry and so lost his faire possibility of wearing the crown of France vnto which he was the apparent Heyre The next and chiefest styrrer in this busynes was William of Nassaw Prince of OraÌ„ge who because he was the Arch-rebell or principall Actor in this great rebellion of all other I hold it not vnfit before I come to speak of his death briefly to run ouer the thinges of most note in his life This Prince as in the first Chapter hath byn sayd retyred himself into Germany so soone as he heard of the Dukâ— of Alua his aryuall in the Netherlandes and albeit he came afterwards backe agayne to push forward his begun rebellion yet was he fayne to fly the second tyme into Germany from whence when he heard that the Town of Briel and one or two more were openly rebelled he came secretly backe into Holland and being in very poore and bare estate he took vp his lodging in the Town of Tergow in the howse of one Kegeling an Apothecary keeping himselfe very secret because this town as yet held for the king of Spayn as also did all the other Townes of the Country except two or three But the Duke of Alua his demaunding the tenth penny aforesayd hauing bred a generall disgust and auersion in the myndes of the people certayne scouts of rebellion were secretly imployed abroad in the Country to sound the people about their forwardnes to reuolt Which being done answere was returned that they were found to be theâ—unto ready inough so they might haue a head but who this head should be that knew they not The Prince of Orange heerupoÌ„ in whose behalfe these scouts had beene imployed called a consultation of some fyue or six irreligicus Politikes for such best fitted to be his counsellours to consider what religion he were best to be of for of all the religions now currant he could not be and not declaring himself to be of one all might hold him to be of none For he had so caryed himself vntil this day that the Catholikes held him affected to them The Lutherans to them The Anabaptists to them And the Caluinists also to them The Catholikes tooke him for their freind because they thought him not to hate their religion but indifferently well to affect it in regard that he had beene brought vp in it long professed it and had made as yet no open opposition or profession against it and for that he protested to vndergo this busynes for the mayntayning of their rightes and priuiledges and to free the Countrey from that terrible exaction of the tenth penny aforesayd The Lutherans tooke him for their frend because they held him in hart to be of their religion since he had maryed the daughter of the Duke of Saxony who was now a Lutheran in publique profession and that he must in reason keep good correspondence with the Lutherans of Germany in hope of hauing ayde from them The Anabaptists tooke him as greatly to fauor their religion because his Chamberlayne being the chiefest man about him was an Anabaptist called of his fellow Anabaptists by the name of Mardochaeus by whose meanes this Prince became greatly beholding vnto them for the loane of sundry good summes of money which he had receaued of them The Caluinists thought him assuredly their friend because he was an enemy vnto Spayne Spaniards and because he could not but see them more forward in action of Rebellion then any of the others seeing Briel and other Townes were already surpryzed by those of their Nation and Religion The aforesayd Counselours considering that this indifferent carriage of the Prince could but argue a dispersed affection might breed many iealousies and factions and wherby he could not procure to himselfe the assured affection of any one syde to sticke fast vnto him their resolution must now be taken without longer delay of which of these he would declare himself absotely to be albeit he might promise fauour and protection to the rest There was no great need of learned Deuins to dispute the matter Scriptures and ancient Fathers were not important to be looked after Faith and Conscience had heerin no clayme and Reason of State did put the Holy Ghost to silence It was therfore first debated whether it were best most for this Prince his aduantage to declare himselfe a Catholike because the face of the State
was yet Catholike To this was alleaged that if he should so do by fauouring all opposite to the Catholikes the Catholikes would therfore disfauour him seeing the other through his fauour would insult vpon them and so might there be danger of their returning to the obedience of the King of Spayne whom thev were sure was of their religion and would mayntayne them in it All which considered it was not thought fitting for him to declare himself to be a Catholike To declare himself a Lutheran was also thought vnsit because the Duke of Saxony albeit a Lutheran was yet a freind vnto the Emperour and the howse of Austria and besides the Lutherans were but flegmatike cold fellowes and too farre offto giue him assistance if need should require To declare himselfe an Anabaptist was held lesse fitting for albeit they had shewed more heat of zeale in their greater number that had suffred for their religion then any of the others yet were they but of the meaner sort of people not hauing any potent persons among them nor any forrayne Prince or State to take their partes In fine it was resolued that it was most conuenient for him to declare himself a Caluinist in regard of their stirring spirits whereof they had giuen greater proof then any of the others that there was apparence of assistance from England and of good correspondence with the Huguenots of France Vpon this resolution followed straight-wayes the conuersion of this Prince of Orange vnto Caluinian-Protestant religion and his new gayned greatest friendes so bestirred themselues that Town vpon Town rebelled especially after he had by solemne Oath sworne to mayntayne the Catholike Clergy in all their rights and priuiledges and in publike exercise of their Religion about which point yet the town of Amsterdam amongst others very precysely capitulated with him and he very seriously also protested and swore performance of the conditions which Oath notwithstanding he made no more conscience soone after to breake then he had done sundry oathes before as the great and solemne Oath which he tooke of Fidelity to the King of Spayne when he receaued the Order of Knight-hood of the golden Fleece the Oath of fidelity which he also tooke at the sayd Kings making him Lieftenant Gouernour of Holland c. besydes his sundry other perfidious breaches both of oaths and promises And because there is not any fidelity or honest dealing to be expected where there is layd no ground of Religion and vertue it is the lesse wonder that this irreligious Noble Man so caryed himself in choyce of religion Certayne it is that he was at the first a Catholike and notwithstanding that his malice had transported him so farre as to protect and shelter some most sacrylegious Church-robbers yet vpon the aryuall of the Duke of Alua and before his flight into Germany he sent for his eldest some Philip who was Prince of Orange next after him at that tyme a student in the Vniuersity of Louayne and most straightly charged him to liue and dye in the Catholike Roman Religion as the sayd Prince hath at sundry tymes to diuers persons yet lyuing protested wherby it may seem that at that tyme he had yet retayned some regard of religion and holding that for the best commaunded his sonne to remayne still therin Foure wyues he had the first was a Catholyke the second was a Lutheran the third and fourth were Caluinists which perchance was because he found no noble woman fit for him to match withall that was an Anabaptist that so he might haue had foure wyues of foure seuerall Religions yet to shew his great good wil vnto the Anabaptists albeit he could not match amongst them he gaue them vnder his hand wryting the priuiledge freedome for exercise of their religion in their own howses which they yet in Holland enioy When I consider the life and actioÌ„s of this man I wonder in my self that the blyndnes of the popular multitude could be so great as to honor and extol him so highly and to accompt him the great Patron and Protectour of their Country that was the greatest enemy therof that euer it had and who was the cause of spilling so much bloud aswell of the people of his owne Country as of other Nations and such an one as was the betrayer transporter also thereof vnto another Nation as much as in him lay who had no right or clay me thereunto To come now to touch the end of this man when I coÌ„sider I say what it was there commeth to my remembrance this saying of a Pagan Poet Tyraennous Lords that cause Landes to rebell VVithout some blow can hardly come to Hell About some foure yeares before the death of this Prince he was for his offences depriued by the sayd King of Spayne his soueraigne Lord of all the authority and power which in former tymes the sayd King had giuen him proclaymed for a publike enemy vnto the King the peace and Weal-publike of the Countrey and his goods person exposed to open violence by publique sentence In the end after some attempts to that effect the Prince perceauing what victorious successe the Duke of Parma that then vnder the King of Spayne commanded in the Netherlands now began to haue in Flaunders and Brabant he fled secretly from Antwerp where he had layne lurcking for a time vnto Delft in Holland in his Armour for it was the greatest prayse forsooth that this valiant Captayne atchieued in these warres that he did commonly put on his Armour when he was eight or ten leagues from any place of danger Being arriued at Delft where he thought himselfe in greatest safety he was vpon the tenth day of Iuly in the same yeare 1584. slayne with the shot of a Pistoll by one Ealtazar Gerard aliâs Serach a Burgundian of the age of fiue and twenty yeares a moneth after that the Duke of Alancon dyed at Chasteau-Theiry for the Duke dyed on the tenth of Iune this Prince was slayne on the tenth of Iuly next following as though his life had beene limitted by lease to last but iust one moneth after the death of the other The next of the greatest Actors in this rebellious Tragedy was Robert Dudley Earle of â—eycester who after he had beene the chiefe Commaunder of Holland in these broyles in which waâ— slaine his sisters Sonne Syr Philip Sidney a Knight worthy to haue deserued more Honour if he had serued in an honourable cause he grew weary of the Hollanders and they of him in so much that by a iustification of his worthlesse actions published in Print he was driuen to accuse blame them of breach of promise and performance of couenants made vnto him that so by laying the fault vpon theÌ„ he might repaire his owne reputation and excuse of gayning so little honour among them as he had Returning therefore with great discontentment into England he soone after sickned and dyed and as it is reported was
suppose the Hollanders to deserue the same in regard of a kind of loue and affection which they beare vnto that State albeit no effect or shew of good deeds to proue it doth anv way breake out This inuisible affection must then be imagined to consist in a true desire they haue to the countiuuance of the present State Gouernement as now it standeth Les vs then see how likely it is by first of al calling into consideration the affection they manifest themselues to beare vnto our Kings Maiesty of England for this ought to giue the first and best light vnto this great obscurity Surely if I should relate vnto you what myne owne eares haue heard in this point you would stand amazed Respect of conscience and duty doth not permit me to repeate those most odious Epithets which without any râ—spect of Maiesty are euery where common in these rebellious Hollanders mouthes And I protest vnto you that I verily thinke they did neuer more spytefully raile against the King of Spayne whome they hold for their greatest enemy Their wordes as I sayd I will not repeate for feare least an alleadger of the calumnyes of others might be taken for a subtil calumniator himselfe but if you doubt of the truth heerof make further enquiry of such as since the late famous battaile fought in Bohemia haue come out of Holland into England for there want no witnesses to affirme this to be true And if you shall chance to meet with One who for affection to the Hollanders will rather dissemble then confesse the truth especially being demaunded therof in EnglaÌ„d I doubt not but you wil meet with Two who will affirme it and withall confesse that there is not any remedy to â—hâ—rme their durty mouthes and much lesse to any purpose for an Englishman to oppose himselfe against the lauish tongues of such an vnbridled multitude of cocks crowing vpon their own dunghil And who can otherwise imagine but that they who are in authority amongst them be content that the common sort doe speake that which themselues also thinke and in priuate speake the same as well as they seeing in publike they shew no dislike therof That the Hollanders do desire the continuance of the present State and Gouernement of the Realme as now it standeth by wishing the long raigne of his Maiesty of England and of the Prince his Highnes after him who can imagine since all their driâ—ts do wholy tend to their owne ends and that the Count Paâ—atine by his Mothers side is of the house of Nassaw to which house of all otheâ— vpon earth they are most deuoted and that by the sayd Count Palatine his attayning to the Crown of EnglaÌ„d diuers of the same house that want liuings as wel in Holland as in the Duchy of Bullion as also in other places might come to be aduaÌ„ced in England And no doubt since the Count Palatine hath already had the tast of one Crowne they will the more desire the pleasing of hiâ— appetite with another The religion of England they also like not and therefore in regard of a more pure and perfect Reformation they do out of zeale and conscience the lesse desyre the continuaÌ„ce of the State as it is Their freindes the Puritanes haue long since giuen them to vnderstand how ilfauourâ—dly the Religion of England is now reformed and what great want they haue of a Holland-discipline and such a worshipfall Consistory of Church-counsellours as they hâ—ue there in euery of their Townes They haue also enformed them of the great lyuings that certayne men in England do possesse who beare the name of Bishopes and whose large reuenewes would fall out very fit for sundry poore Countes of the aforesayd howse of Nassaw to begin withall til confiscation of English Noblemens lyuinges might be able to make them the more capable of the titles of Dukes and Princes And this being matter to reflect vpon I will so leaue it vnto your further ponderation and proceed to giue you satisfaction according to your demaund in the rest CHAP. V. Of the present state of the Hollanders and of the diuision among them about matters of Religion and whether respect of Religion may vrge England still to assist them THAT the Hollanders haue a will to continue their warres to the end that at last they might in quiet possession attayne to their wished great Republike of the whole seauenteene Netherland Prouinces with such adiacent and Anseaitcke places as they could come to incorporate and annexe vnto them there is no doubt but their want of meanes to vndergoe this charge wherof no end can be determined is also out of doubt It is now about some two yeares ago that I saw a note of calculation made of their debts which then appeared to be about six millions of florins for the which they payed do yet yearly pay interest It is not lyke that this debt is diminished but that it is rather since that tyme much augmented besydes theyr yearely châ—rge of mayntayning their presidies and fortifications they haue beene at a great deale of lost cost in their monethly great summes of money disbursed for the ayding of the Count Palatine Their meanes and trafficke of marchandize is well known to be nothing so good as it hath beene and dayly to declyne to worse and worse for they haue not only had exâ—reme losses by pirates but haue shewed themselues so vnpartiall that because the English Merchants should not thinke them only bent to spoyle their trade they spoyle their trading amongst them selues in so much that Holland doth not only spoile the trading of Zeland but euen in Holland they dayly study to spoile the trade one of another so as it hath beene noted that when in Amsterdam it selfe some Merchant hauing gotten priuate aduice from his correspondent els where that in such or such a place such and such a commodity will be well vented and that this Merchant thereupon fraighteth a ship with wares accordingly another that perceaueth him to be fraighting though not knowing whither his voyage is intended will straight wayes and with all diligence fraight a ship also with the self same wares and follow and dogge him by sea till he arriue to the same Hauen vnto which the other is bound and so by hindering of his gaine catch away the bread out of his mouth And as by this so by all other wayes and meanes â—ch one seeks to spoyke and hinder another for all will be Merchants aswell the Boores in the Villages as the Burgers in the Towne This then trading then thus hindred what by Pyrats what by the multitude of Merchants and other wayes spoyled they cannot draw sufficient meanes for the maintenance of warre only out of toles and customes neither can it be raysed by taxes and impositions layd vpon the people they being already more heauily burdened that way then they are able to beare and farre beyond the tenth penny which the Dulde of 〈◊〉
of Holland it self as other Prouinces but the Synod refusing to heare the Arminians as dilinquentes condeÌ„ned them their doctrine being reduced into fyue capitall articles and heerupon by a seuere Proclamation were the ArminiaÌ„s forbidden to preach or hold assemblies for the exercise of their religion some hauing been killed for attempting the contrary some banished some sustayned confiscation of their goodes and some imprysonment where they yet remayne though in the meane tyme their number doth not diminish but dayly more and more increase throughout all the Countrey aswel in villages as in citties Thus haue you the beginning and ground of this great controuersy wherof no end can be determined It resteth now for Conâ—lusion of my intended discourse that heere I set downe whether in respect of Religion the State of England may be moued to continue their help and assistance to the Hollanders The religion therfore of Holland is first to be rightly known and conceaued and then wel to be considered I meane that which hath beene and yet is principally mantayned by the States therof to wit that which is opposit vnto the Arminians and doth now vulgarly beare the name of Caluinian or Gomarian doctrine as hath beene saâ—d The Arminians against whome they of this religion do contend did in the tyme of their formamed Aduocate Berneue't sollicite and â—abour that the States might haue the authority giuen them of Supreme Headship of the Church and some affirme that they also sought to haue Bishops after the manner of England but herunto the Caluinian Gomarists in all earnestnes opposed themselues and especially against the hauing of supremacy or superintenâ—eÌ„cy in their Churches wherein they went so farre that they published openly in their printed bookes that whatsoeuer they were that went about to make men the heades of Churches would make of men Idolls and of themselues by so doing Idolaters What think you now of the conformity of this religion to that of England where by established Actes of Parlament it is death to deny the Temporall Prince to be supreme Head of thâ— Church He that denyeth this in England is by the law to 〈◊〉 as a traytour he that affirmeth it in Holland is by their doctrine to be held for an Idolater Our Bishops in England were wont to persecuâ—e Puritanes for denying their authority what would they say to these professors of Reformation that make them Idolaters These be purer then Puritanes being distilled into a farre purer strayne or quinâ— essence Is not this a religion trow you that deserueth by English Protestants to be fougâ—ten for to haue the wealth of England coÌ„sumed for vpholding the cause and quarrel thereof What may we think of our most Royall Kinges expresse Commaundement to haue the Communion receaued kneeling They would shew themselues to haue leggs as stâ—â—fe as the legges of Elephants rather then they would fynd anâ— knees to bow thereunto let it be commaunded by what authority it would And I do verily belieue they would be without communion all the dayes of their life rather then to receaue it with so much vnease as of not sitting And as for the Crosse which his Maiesty hath likewise commaunded to be vsed in Baptismâ— how is it possible they would endure it seing they sticke not to say It is the marke of tâ—e 〈◊〉 By which saying the world may maâ—ke that themselues are beasts indeed And England may thinke it self very ill aduised and very vnhappy to a first the quarrel of a people in regard of religioÌ„ whose Religion is so opposite to theirs as this is and the professourâ— wherof if they were subiects of England and there resident would by the lawes of the Realme be seuerely punished But much more vnhappy should England be if heerafter by the fayling of his Maiesty the Prince his Highnesse both whome God long preserue such a Sect should come to be set vp and aduanced there Doubtlesse most wellcome to their Puritan Brethren who then would triumph and iumâ—e with them to the full and with them beare the only swâ—y in persecuting the Pâ—otâ—stants in England as the others now do the Armintans in Holland One conceyte more commeth to my mynd to note vnto you before I take my leaue and this 〈◊〉 that wheras in the late Synode of Dort some of our English and Scotâ—ish dâ—uines being sent thither to assist the Caâ—uinian-Comarists about the condemnation of the opinion of the Armâ—ntaâ—s they could so notwithstanding piettily put to sylence the â—omarists for making of them Idolaters as though there had beene no such matter euer by them thought vpon and that on other syde the Gomarists could be so kynd as to sit in the company of English Idolaters and quietly hold their peace from challenging them to be such yea and without all scruple of conscience to eate and drinke with them and to parte very good friends Surely heere is in this case a great moderation and suspension of spiâ—it to be noted in both seeing the one knowing what the other kept in his bosome no reproach of being traytours or Idolaters did burst forth between them Thus hauing giuen you a briefe and true Relation according vnto your demannd I will not be further tedious vnto you but with respectfull remembrance and of as great desyre of your good as of my own recommend you vnto him from whome only all good proceedeth FINIS Faults escaped in the Printing Page Line Fault Correction 17. 17. from all from him Ibid. 22. published polished 29. 8. honorified homofied IFany other faults haue escaped it is desired of the Gentle Reader to correct them of his courtesy the Author being farre absent from the Print