at this day have been gain'd or Extorted from the Ancient Authority or Just Prerogatives of the Crown but that they are due to us from the first Constitution and Time immemorial and that such Violations which have been made upon our Constitution by means of what was call'd the Conquest or otherwise have been justly retriev'd so that in respect of Matters which regard the Right and Authority of the Kingdom we may judge according to what is visible and without Controversie admitted at this day The Right and Reason of Things ever were and ever must continue to be the same according to these Principles then can it ever be admitted that any acquisition obtain'd in Ireland by an English Army under the Conduct of King Henry the Second could be appropriated to the King distinct from the Kingdom We do indeed freequently find in History and we practice it no less in our Common Discourse that the Name of the King is us'd by way of Eminency to signifie things done under his Authority and Conduct as Head and Chief when it is never intended to be applyed to his Person for if I should say the King of England took Namure in sight of the French Army every Body would know that I meant the Confederate Army under the Conduct of King William took it In like manner we say such a King made such Laws when indeed the Parliament made them And if it will but be allow'd that the Irish submitted to King Henry not out of fear to his Person but for fear of his Army I can make no doubt but that the Submission was made to him as King and Head of the Kingdom of England and not as Duke of Normandy If he should lay stress upon their Submitting to the King and his Heirs that can import no more than what the Words us'd at this day to the King his Heirs and Successors do better explain The Second Argument is to shew That Ireland may not properly be said to be conquered by Henry the Second or in any succeeding Rebellion I shall not dispute with him in how many differing Senses the Word Conquest may be taken I will grant to him that Ireland was not Conquered by Henry 2d in such a sense as to enslave the People or subject them to an absolute Power and yet for all that the Word Conquest meaning a forcible gaining is much more applicale to Henry the Second's acquisition of Ireland than to William the First 's obtaining the Crown of England he had a pretence and came not to Conquer but to Vindicate his Right he was encourag'd to come over abetted and assisted by a great Number of the People who hated Harold's Government he fought against Harold who was not generally consented to by the People as a Lawful King and his Abettors but not against the Body of the People of England he pursu'd not his Victory like a Conqueror but receiv'd the chief of the People that came to him with Respect and Friendship they chose him for their King he swore to conserve their Laws and Liberties and to govern them as their Lawful Prince according to their own Form of Government On the other hand King Henry had no such Pretence of Right to the Kingdom of Ireland his Descent was a prrfect Invasion he was not call'd in by the People of Ireland and his Business was nothing else than to Conquer and Subdue the Kingdom 'T is true the People made no Opposition but 't was because his Power was dreadful to them what 's the difference between yielding to an Invader without fighting or after the Battel more than that one shews want of Courage the other of Success but are not both alike to the Gainer when he hath got his point The Irish made no Terms for their own Form of Government but wholly abolishing their own they consented to receive the English Laws and submitted entirely to the English Government which hath always been esteem'd as one of the greatest Signs of a Conquest But if he will be satisy'd in what sense the People of that time understood it let him but look again into his Giraldus Cambrensis and see how he can translate the words Hibernia Expugnata and what 's the Meaning of Qui firmissimis fiidelitatis subjectionis vinculis Domino Regi innodarunt But what may put it out of all doubt that the Body of the People of Ireland made an intire Submission to the Kingdom of England in the Person of King Henry the Second is his own Quotations Omnes Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates totius Hiberniae receperunt eum in Regem Dominum Hibernieae jurantes ei haeredibus suis fidelitatem et regnandi super eos potestatem in perpetuum et inde dederunt ei Chartaes suas Exemplo autem Clericorum praedicti Reges Principes Hiberniae receperunt simili modo Henricum Regem Angliae in Dominum Regem Hiberniae et sui devenerunt et ei et Haeredibus suis fidelitatem contra omnes iuraverunt And in another Nec alicujus fere in Insula vel nominis vel ominis er at qui Regiae Majestati et debitum Domino Reverentiam non exhiberet And yet after he hath made these and more such like Quotations 't is strange to see the same Man come and say From what forgoes I presume it appears that Ireland cannot properly be said so to be Conquered by Henry the Second as to give the Parliament of England any jurisdiction over us He makes out an entire Submission to the King of England and yet allows no Jurisdiction to the Parliament of England Let him shew us if he can by what Right a King of England may take to himself a separate Dominion over a Country brought into Subjection by the help of an English Army so as that it shall be no way subjected to the Parliamentary Authority of England But such arguing as this must either render him very Ignorant of the Constitution of our Government which I believe he would not be thought or wilfully guilty of maintaining an Opinion destructive to the Rights and Priviledges of the People of England I think him very much out in asserting the Rebellions of Ireland to be of the same Nature with the Commotions that have happen'd in England However Historians may make use of the word Rebellion to please the Party that 's uppermost yet there 's an easie distinction to be made between a Rebellion and a Civil War when two Princes contend for the Supream Government and the People are Divided into opposite Parties they fight not against the Established Government of the Kingdom the Dispute being no more but who hath most right to be in the supream administration of it Or if the People find themselves opprest and their Liberties and Properties invaded by their Prince and they take up Arms to restore the Government to its right Basis in both these Cases it may most properly be term'd
will never think the publishing a Book to the World which is little better than Sheba's Trumpet of Rebellion to be a fair way of stating Grievances but that 't is a part of their Business and their Glory when they think it worth their while to call such Authors to account for their Boldness I begin now with his Book which as near as possible I shall follow in order and for the Authorities which he hath quoted I shall leave them to him very little disturb'd but take them as he gives them whether they are right or wrong only making such Observations as may result therefrom or from his own Reasonings He begins with a very fine Complement again to the Parliament of England and then take upon him to give them Due Information in matters wherein as he says another People are chiefly concern'd and tells them that he could never imagine that such great Assertors of their own could ever think of making the least breach upon the Rights and Liberties of their Neighbours unless they thought that they had Right so to do and that they might well surmise if these Neighbours did not expostulate the matter and this therefore seeing all others are silent he undertakes to do but with the greatest deferrence imaginable because he would not be wanting to his Country or indeed to all Mankind for he argues the cause of the whole Race of Adam Liberty seeming the Inherent Right of all Mankind Now it seems from Children of the same Parent we are become another People and Neighbours the Irish may be said to be another People though they have not been very good Neighbours to us sometimes but the English we may justly challenge to be our own and not another People and we shall hardly admit them to be our Neighbours in such a sense as that we should transact with them in Matters of Government upon the same foot and at equal distance with our Neighbours of France Holland c. If they expect this from us I hope they 'll shew us the respect of sending their Ambassadours to us and do this Champion of their Liberties the Honour to let him be the first Can he think the Parliament of England will believe themselves to be civilly treated by him because of his fine Words when he is Suggesting to the World as if they acted so unadvisedly in their Councils as to proceed upon Surmises and to take upon them to do what they do but think they have a Right to when indeed they have none at all But doubtless Manking will ever have a higher Veneration for those August Assembles than to think them as subject to be mistaken in these Matters as one presuming single Gentleman But he argues for Liberty the right of all Mankind A Glorious Topick indeed and worthy of the utmost Regard especially from such great Assertors of it as an English Parliament But if People should ask for more then ever was their Due and challenge a Liberty of acting every thing they should think for their own profit thought it were to the Damage and Injury of others to grant this would be an Injustice and a sinful Liberty may as well be pleaded for such Expostulations as these are abominable and to assume such an equality with our Superiours as was never granted us is an Arrogance that might rather have been expected from 〈◊〉 Irish than an English Man And after all this 't is not enough for a Man to say If the great Council of England resolve the contrary he shall then believe himself to be in an Error and with the lowest Submission ask Pardon for his Assurance and he hopes he shall not be hardly censured by them when at the same time he declares his Intention of a submissive Acquiescence in whatever they resolve for or against Such Subjects as these as I have said before are beyond the Bounds of Modesty and cannot admit of any such Apologies He comes now to tell us the Subject of his Disquisition shall be how far the Parliment of England may think it reasonable to intermedâ—le with the Affairs of Ireland and bind up those People by Laws made in their House This is certainly a very odd stating the Question What need has he now to enquire since he knows already how for the Parliament of England have thought it reasonable to intermeddle Another Blunder as bad as this is his Talking of Laws made in their House Dotâ— he not know that our Laws are not made without the Concurrence of Two Houses and the Assent of the King also as the Third Estate But we will take his Meaning to be to enquire how far it may be reasonable for the Parliament of England to intermeddle c. and join Issue upon that Next he gives us fix Heads from which he undertakes to argue that they can have no such power For the First He pretends to give us the History of the first Expedition of the English into Ireland his Design being to shew That the first Adventurers went over thither yet with the King's License upon a private Vndertaking in which they were successful but that afterwards when King Henry the 2d came over with an Army the Irish generally submitted to him and received him to be their King without making any Opposition from whence he seems to suggest that Ireland subjected it self only to the King but not to the Kingdom of England But he should have considered that the Government of England was a limited Monarchy which was sufficiently acknowledg'd even by William the 1st commonly call'd the Conqueror in his Swearing to preserve the Liberties and Privileges of the People at his Coronation and confirming the same to them by his Charter and though he did indeed afterwards violate them in a greater measure than ever they had been before or since yet neither he nor his Successors did ever take upon themselves to be absolute Monarchs The great Power and Prerogative of an English King then can only be due to them as to the Supream Magistrate and Head of the Kingdom and not in any seperate propriety annext to their Persons as distinct from the Common-Wealth If then Henry the Second carried over an Army of English into Ireland it ought to be considered as the Army of the Kingdom for it is held as a Principle with us that no King of England may raise any Forces in this Kingdom but what are allow'd to be the Forces of the Kingdom I am not here arguing whether ever any King did or did not take upon him such an Authority but 't is sufficient for me to offer that he could not by right and according to this Authors own way of arguing what may not be done of Right ought not to be argued or brought into President if our Rights have at at any time been invaded and usurp'd upon this Nation hath had many Opportunities of Vindicating them and we do not believe that what we enjoy
thus we see that how great soever that Jurisdiction was which the King in Parliament granted to his Son Iohn he yet remain'd no more than a Subject of the Kingdom of England and was treated accordingly in his being Try'd and Condemn'd by the Laws thereof Moreover it may be noted that upon his accession to the Imperial Crown of England whatever Feudatory Royalty he had before became now merg'd and extinguisht in his own Person which by reason of it's being Head and Supream could not at the same time be capable of any Feudatory Subjection so that there was an absolute determination of the Former Grant which could not agâ—in be reviv'd but by a New Donation upon another Person I hope I have now so far remov'd this main Pillar of Mr. Molyneux's Structure that I may take the Liberty as often as I shall have Occasion hereafter to deny positively that King Iohn was ever made absolute King of Ireland without any Dependance on England Here Mr. Molyneux had brought his Argument up to a pitch and concluded us under a perfect real Seperation and thus he puts it upon us let us suppose That King Richard had left Issue whose Progeny had governed England and King John 's Progeny had governed Ireland where then had been the Subordination of Ireland to the Parliament or even to the King of England Certainly no such thing could have been then pretended But this is but a Supposition and fit for none but People of his size who take up Matters by Appearances and Presumptions and assume the Confidence from thence to be positive in their Assertions giving no allowance for the possibility of being mistaken But we need not suppose in this matter but may be confident that the Supream Authority over Ireland must always have continued in the Kingdom of England as it does at this day and he hath made nothing appear to the contrary De non apparentibus non existentibus eadem est ratio Yet I cann't but remark how he enjoys himself in this Supposition when he thought he had gain'd his Point Where then had been the Subordination if any such there be it must arise from something that followed after the descent of England to King John for by that descent England might as properly be subordinate to Ireland as the Converse because Ireland had been vested in King John twenty two Years before his accession to the Crown of England Yes and 't was the ancienter Kingdom too Is it likely that King Iohn who had not before thought so well of his Kingdom of Ireland as to make it his residence but chose rather to remain where he was but a Subject when he was now become a real King of England should be so far taken with the Fancy of the ancientest Kingdom if it were so as to put the greater and by many degrees the more powerful more pleasant and more civiliz'd Kingdom in subordination to the less which was then of no Power or Consideration in the World and that he should be better pleas'd with the Stile of Lord of Ireland and King of England than that of King of England and Lord of Ireland or is it likely that England who in that very Age had subdued Ireland and added it to its Empire should now be contented to submit it self and become subordinate to Ireland so as that the Administration of the Government there should direct the grand Affairs of England is not this perfect Jesting and Fooling with Argument But he tells us If perhaps it will be said that this Subordination of Ireland to England proceeds from Ireland 's being annext to and as it were united with the imperial Crown of England by several Acts of Parliament in both Kingdoms since King John 's time This is well acknowledged for it makes out clearly that Ireland is a Kingdom as firmly united to the Kingdom of England as the Legislature of both Kingdoms could do it If he would yet distinguish between the Imperial Crown as his words are and the Kingdom I have shewn before how there cannot be any such distinction in England But though in the former Passage of Iohn's being created an Independent King by Act of Parliament he shews himself to be quite overseen and blinded by his depending so much upon it through the rest of his Argument yet he perceives plainly that a fair Inquiry into this Annexing will not turn to account for him and therefore although he is not wanting to be very particular and exact in his Numerous Quotations of other Authorities yet here he is cautious of imparting any further Light into this matter than just to tell us there are several such Acts of Parliament both in England and Ireland Surely these English Acts might be said to be binding upon Ireland and therefore too they must be conceal'd and we shan't have one Word of them anon when he pretends to reckon up all those Statutes that the English Parliaments have made to affect Ireland And I cann't find that he meddles with it any more tho' he says that He shall enquire more fully hereafter how this operates But for the present he only tells us That he conceives little more is effected by these Statutes than that Ireland shall not be alien'd or seperated from the King of England who cann't hereby dispose of it otherwise than in Legal Succession along with England and that whoever is King of England is ipso Facto King of Ireland and the Subjects of Ireland are oblig'd to obey c. Doth not this strongly assert the Parliamentary Authority If he had said that it should not be alienated or separated from the Kingdom he had spoken English and set the matter right but if he will insist upon so fine a Conceit as to divide between the Political Capacity of the King and the Kingdom if it be not bad English is however Language that cann't be understood in England Now he tells us of King Iohn's going again into Ireland about the Twelfth year of his Reign of England where above Twenty little Irish Kings did again do Homage and Fealty to him and he constituted the English Laws and Custâ—â—s among them placing Sheriffs and other Ministers for the Administration of Iustice to the People according to the English Laws This is a further Proof of the intire Resignation and Submission of the Irish to the Government of England He goes on King Henry the Third his King Iohn's Son in the first year of his Reign granted to Ireland one or two Magna Charta's but he owns that 't was by the Advice of his English Privy Council Let it again be Observ'd that this King did not transact this Matter by any seperate Authority but did it in his Privy Council which is exactly according to our Constitution and that being the same Method in which all the Administration of the Government of the Kingdom of England was directed it shews that those Kings govern'd
AN ANSWER TO Mr. Molyneux HIS CASE of Ireland 's being bound by Acts of Parliament in England Stated AND His Dangerous Notion of Ireland's being under no Subordination to the Parliamentary Authority of England REFUTED By Reasoning from his own Arguments and Authorities Rom. 12. 3. For I say through the Grace given unto me to every Man that is among you not to think of himself more highly than he ought to think c. Gal. 6. 3. For if a Man think himself to be something when he is nothing he deceiveth himself LONDON Printed for Rich. Parker at the Vnicorn under the Piazza of the Royal Exchange 1698. THE EPISTLE Dedicatory By way of PREFACE To the Modern English Nobility Gentry and Protestant Inhabitants of Ireland Right Honourable Honourable c. ALthough you are by far the least in Number you are yet to be esteemed as the much more considerable part of the Inhabitants of that Country in respect of your Power and the Authority which you bear there 'T is true that upon the first Subduction of the Irish Nation to the English Government the Laws and Liberties of Englishmen were granted unto them equally with the Colony of the Old English that were planted among them but as they were a people that had been always us'd to a sort of wild aud barbarous way of Living they did not affect to embrace the more Civiliz'd Customs and Manners of the English but for the most part kept themselves off from uniting and joining with them in the Management of the Government which by the Concessions made to them they might freely have acted in yet they continued as a distinct and separate people sway'd and influenc'd by their own petty Princes or Chiefs of Clans even to the breaking out into frequent Insurrections and Rebellions against the English Government which therefore continued all along to be chiefly administred by the Inhabitants of the English Pale And in this state the Affairs of Ireland remain'd until the Reformation of Religion from whence sprung such a Revolution as produc'd a great Change in the Administration of the publick Affairs there For after the Reformation had obtain'd in England the Ancient English of Ireland did generally remain of the Roman Communion and consequently when 't was found dangerous to continue them in the Execution of publick Trusts they also as well as the Irish of the â—ame Religion were in process of Time by the Influence and Authority of England utterly disabled from acting any thing in the Government of the State and 't is in their rooms that you have since succeeded and are therefore look'd upon and treated by England as the governing part and effective Body of the Kingdom of Ireland But when I came to consider Mr. Molyneux's Book I thought it very strange that he who design'd so Elaborate a piece in your Favour should yet give you no stronger a Title to the preheminence which you bear in that Country than what would devolve upon you from those Concessions which were anciently made to the Native Irish and Old English which as he would perswade us did amount to no less than the establishing them upon the Foundation of an Absolute Kingdom distinct and separate from the Kingdom of England and wholly Independent thereon the Consequence of which if it had been so would have stood you in very ill stead for as you cannot make any pretensions to such Concessions because you are not generally speaking descended from either of those People but their Progeny are still in being and acknowledged to be such all the Rights and Priviledges which Mr. Molyneux hath so strongly contested for should be due to them if the Case must be taken as he hath stated it and nothing can be more plausibly offered in their Iustification for the cutting the Throats of the Modern English than this Notion And Mr. Molyneux is so fond of â—ixing you upon this Old Foundation that â—e even disputes the possibility of their forfeiting or the reasonableness of our retractiâ—g those Concessions I believe indeed that he might forsee that if it should be admitted that the frequency of their rebelling and our reducing them by force of Arms did amount to a Reconquering of this their Independent Kingdom as he makes it that would have dissolv'd that ancient Concession and spoyl his Design of entailing it upon you However it be I think this sort of Title does naturally fall under an inextricable Dilemma For If Ireland was granted to the Native Irish and Old English as an Absolute Independent Kingdom and was never since re-conquered by England the Right of administring the publick Affairs of that Government under the King ought to remain in them since 't was never given up to you by their Consents and then they have no reason to consider you otherwise than as having no Title more than Usurpers and Oppressors and that you may justly be treated as such whenever they are in a condition to do it But if this Independent Kingdom hath been reconquer'd the former Concessions are actually dissolvâ—d and neither you nor they can have any more pretence to an Independent Kingdom until you can procurea New Grant for it And thus Mr. Molyneux in labouring to raise you higher than your proper Basis hath quite unhing'd you But I have yet no doubt of your being as well Entituled to the Power and Authority which you enjoy and exercise in that Country as any People in Europe are and that it is justly deriv'd to you from a much more certain Original than what Mr. Molyneux hath assign'd and I have therefore undertaken in the following Papers to controvert his Notion through every point and to shew in Opposition to his Arguments First That Henry the Second having subdu'd Ireland by the means of an English Army that Country came to be annex'd to the Imperial Crown or Kingdom of England but not to the Person of King Henry in any separate propriety from the Kingdom Secondly That the Subduing of Ireland by the people of England under the Conduct of their King Henry the Second was then esteem'd to be a Conquest and is much more to be accounted so than William the first 's acquisition of the Crown of England and that Ireland was thereby most certainly brought under the Iurisdiction of the Parliamentary Authority of England Thirdly That King Henry's Descent upon Ireland was a just Undertaking and that the intire submission of the People to the Government of England their receiving its Laws and being endoâ—'d in all the priviledges of Englishmen made them become a Member of and annex'd to the English Empire and gave England a just Title to exercise a perpetual Iurisdiction over them Fourthly That all the many Concessions made to Ireland empowering them to hold Parliaments c. can be understood no otherwise than that they should be enabled to devise and enact such Laws when Occasion required as were suitable to the Circumstances of that Country But
imparted to me by a very Learned and Observing Gentleman of our House of Commons whose Credit I can relye on without troubling my self to search the Records and I doubt not but Mr. Attwood hath been much fuller in this particular though I deny my self the reading his Book till my own be perfected The Statute of York 12 Ed. 1st Enacts Laws to be observed in England and Ireland 11 Ed. 3. cap. 3. Prohibits any Cloaths to be brought into England Ireland Wales and Scotland for we then claim'd a Dominion over Scotland also but such as were made in the King's Dominions upon pain of Forfeiture 27 Ed. 3. Erects Staple-Towns in Ireland 34 E. 3. cap. 17. Enacts that Merchâ—â—nts Aliens or Denizons may come into Ireland with their Merchandize and freely return 43 Ed. 3. cap. 1. The Staples of Ireland c. shall be kept at the places where they were first ordain'd 1 Hen. 6. cap. 3. Enacts that the Irish that have Benefices or Offices in Ireland shall abide there upon their Benefices and Offices upon the pain of forfeiting the Profits of their Benefices and Offices for the Defence of Ireland and mentions the like Law made the 1st of Hen. 5th From these and many other instances it evidently appears that England hath always exercis'd a Legislative Iurisdiction over Ireland whenever fit Occasions have made it necessary I have also seen the Irish Acts of Settlement and Explanation and though Mr. Molyneux says that they plainly shew that the Parliament of Ireland may repeal an Act pass'd in England yet I find nothing like it in those Acts but on the contrary the King's Declaration which is of the Body of the Act of Settlement although it takes Notice that the Estates and Possessions enjoy'd by the Adventurers would prove very defective if they were examined by the Letter of the Law because they had not strictly pursu'd and observ'd those Acts of 42 from which they deriv'd their Title yet 't is made the first Business of this Act to confirm these Adventurers in the Inheritance of all the Estates allotted them by virtue of those English Acts of Parliament and 't is provided that if they should be obliged to restore any of those Lands to Innocents they should be first repriz'd to the full Value out of other forfeited Lands What more could be desired to shew the utmost regard to those English Acts of Parliament 'T is true indeed that the Act of Explanation retrenches one Third of the Allotments made to the Adventurers but this could not be construed as any Breach upon the English Acts for if they had taken a greater share than the Lands that remain'd forfeited would amount to 't was but reasonable to reduce them to a just proportion So that here again Mr. Molyneux hath evidently strain'd this Suggestion beyond the Truth of the Fact I have indeed remark'd these things at large in their places but as some more perfect Informations have since come to my Hand I thought they might not improperly be hinted here for the obviating the too great Opinion of Mr. Molyneux's performance with which some may yet remain praepossess'd and preparing them to entertain my Answer with the less prejudice I have heard indeed that 't is not to Mr. Molyneux alone that we are beholding for this Notion but that it hath for several Years past been talk'd on among several of your People and he hath only reduâ—'d it into form and now at last brought it forth into the World and you may observe by the Votes of our last Parliament that they were of the Opinion that several Resolves of your House of Commons gave Encouragement to the publishing of this Book But I would yet hope that many of that Assembly were not so far appriz'd of the Matter as wittingly to Design the doing any thing that should give so great an Offence to England Yet I can assure you from the Conversation I have had with several of the Members of our House of Commons that although they had not Leisure to proceed further upon this Business in their last Sessions 't is however very probable that it may be taken into Consideration again by the ensuing Parliament as a Matter which if it be not check'd in time may produce very ill Effects And you cannot but be sensible of the Dangerous Consequences of breaking the fair Correspondence and firm Confidence that ought always to be maintain'd between the Head Government and its Members and that when Misunderstandings and Iealousies are once entertain'd they are too apt to be improv'd into Extreams on both sides You know also that you have an Old Enemy near you who would be ready enough to entertain hopes of Advantage to themselves from any such Iarrings And you must needs acknowledge that 't is an imprudent thing to provoke those that have not only Right but also Power to support it It hath been an usual Policy with some other Governments to keep so strict a Hand over their Colonys as not to suffer the Criolians or People born there to bear any Considerable Office or Command therein but the Government of England hath not dealt so â—ardly by you and doubtless it will be always your Interest to prevent the giving any Occasion to distrust your Fidelity and to think it may be needful to treat you with more Caution I should think therefore that you cannot do your selves a greater Right than in the next Sessions of your Parliament not only to Censure this Book but utterly to Disclaim also the Notion of your being a Kingdom so absolute within your selves as to be wholly independent of the Kingdom of England I hope I have been able in my following Discourse to Convince any reasonable Person that it cannot be so and that instead of doing you any good 't would tend to your Destruction to have it thought so Yea and if you should Recognize your selves to be a Colony of England as I have shewn that you cannot be lookt upon under any other Consideration I believe nothing can be more agreeable to your Circumstances or better support your Title to what you enjoy in that Country It would also be well worth your Thoughts whether it might not be fit for you to shew your Readiness to Contribute something according to your Ability towards the Reimbursing of England a part of the vast Charge they have been at in recovering that Country and restoring you to your Estates whereby you may possibly prevent the Parliament of England's requiring it of you for I can tell you that since Mr. Molyneux hath started the Thought some of the most considerable Members of our House of Commons â—ave talk'd on 't I have no ill will to Ireland I have had the Honour to have been in Conversation with many of you for whom I have the utmost Respect and personal Esteem and I have been sorry to see so much of an Inclination in some worthy Persons to favour this Opinion of Mr.
Molyneux The sense of Power and Profit prevails much upon Humane Frailty nay it easily subdues our Reason and makes us unwilling to entertain Convictions against what we have believ'd to be our Interest but I have endeavoured to shew those that are mislead in this Matter that it can by no means be their Interest to be freed from the Iurisdiction of the Parliamentary Authority of England You know that you are not able to protect and defend your selves against the Rebellions of the Irish and that the Kings of England cannot raise Money upon the People to help you without their Consent in Parliament would you have them then only to have Authority to raise Money and appropriate it to your Service without having any more to do with you Or can you think that the Parliament of England will ever more assist you upon those Terms rather may they not with good Reason demand a Reimbursement of what Mr. Molyneux owns to be due to us for former Assistances which would doubtless amount to a greater Sumâ— than you are ever able to pay People that do good Offices expect at least a grateful Acknowledgment from those that receive them We have never been sparing of our Blood and Treasure to help you in your Distresses and yet 't is too well known that many of your People have been apt to speak very stightingly of what we have done for you and to tell us that what we did was not out of regard to them but to our selves And since the Bill design'd to restrain you from spoyling us in our principal Trade of the Woolen Manufactury by underselling us in Forreign Markets we have been sharply reflected upon in print as if we were about to ruine and undo you and even deny you Earth and Air and the common priviledges of Mankindâ— Nay we were after a â—ort Threaten'd with the Danger of your joining with some other Interest than that of England or of your quitting the Country c. and even Mr. Molyneux hath given some toucheâ— upon the same stringâ— Give me leave to tell you that this is not lookt upon as a modest or friendly Behaviour much less does it denote any sense of Gratitude retain'd in a People that were so lately Reliev'd by England and restor'd to the enjoyment of plentiful Estates which they must never have expected but through the Help of England and this hath been done wholly at our Cost and they have not hither to been askt to Contribute one Penny towards it some People would not surely have so soon forgotten so great a Benefit I am yet desirous to reason a little with you upon this Matter but 't is hard to use so much plainness as is requisite without giving Offence to some which I would as far as possible avoid my Design being real Friendship and Good-will to you and I should rejoice if I might be instrumental to Reconcile you to an even Temper of Mind but that 's hardly to be done with such as shall persist to be of the Opinion that they are altogether in the right Suffer me however to tell you that you have ways enough to employ your Poor without the Woollen Trade which with you as to those sorts that hurt us is a New Undertaking You have large and encouraging Improvements arising from the product of your Lands your great quantities of Provisions Butter Leather c. afford you a fair Foundation for Forreign Trade besides you are very capable of a Linnen Manufacture if you will employ your Stock and Industry that way On the other hand England hath for many Ages apply'd her self to the Woollen Manufactury the poor are settled in it and have no other way of Livelyhood she hath no means of gaining Wealth sufficient to support her Government without it but your being able to work so much cheaper must of consequence abate the prices to so great a degree as that she cannot be able to hold the Trade which in time will cause a decay of her Wealth and Power draw inevitable Ruin upon her whole Empire and involve your selves in the same Is it not easie then to determine for whom 't is reasonable to give place in this Contest 't was upon this Consideration you have been restrain'd from exporting your Wools to any Country but England and is not the necessity of restraining the Manufacture thereof much more cogent Bear with me to say that the evident reason of the thing is sufficient to convince all Mankind that England must be perpetually oblig'd to preserve this Trade to her self that she cannot suffer any of her Members to interfere with her in it and that to advocate against so just an exerting of the Supream Authority shews only a self-seeking Temper in Minds that would grasp all to themselves without having any regard to the Well-being of the whole Community of which they are but Members You see the People of Romney-Marsh are not willing to be hindred from sending their Wools to France and the justice of the thing is as much to them as you the only difference is that they being within the Realm of England send Representatives to the Parliament and yet perhaps they would have been as far from consenting as you if they had not been over voted But there would be no possibility of conserving Societies if such Compulsions might not be exercis'd towards particulars We must yet own that 't is but a natural infirmity for Men to be hardly perswaded into the right reason of things which they believe to be against their own Interest nay we find that they are too apt to be prejudic'd against such who endeavour to convince them of their Mistakes and as we observe that particular Persons are subject to prevailing Inclinations so also there are Habits and Dispositions that are in some measure peculiar to distinct Countries and People from whence it hath been usual to give general Characters of the Inhabitants of particular Countries according to the Virtues or Vices that have been noted to be most predominant among them neither is it difficult to assign some natural causes from whence such habitual Dispositions may proceed for some instance whereof I would offer the consideration of a Colony well settled in an abundant Country where the People find very easie means of subsistence and improvement and are in great measure exempted from the solicitious Cares and Difficulties of Life that attend the Inhabitants of places that are more populous and fully cultivated and where also they have been us'd to exercise a large Dominion and Power over the Natives who have been always kept in a servile Obedience and Subjection to them to a far greater degree than can be practiced in a Country where the People enjoy a more equal share of Liberty Is it not reasonable then to expect that the Inhabitants of such a Colony may be naturally Generous Hospitable Free of Conversation and of Couragious and Bold Spirits These are Virtues which every Body
will commend but is it not as natural for such a People to be less ready to pay so intire an Obedience as may be requir'd of them by their Superiours and to be uneasie under any Checks that may impeach them in the prosecution of such Advantages that they may find themselves capable of without considering how preiudicial they may be to others may there not be an aptness in such a People to be somewhat assuming and to have a good Opinion of themselves will there not be a proness to impatience and forwardness to reflect when any Contradiction is given them may they not be likely to expect more regard from others than is really due to them Is it not probable that they would be less considerate in giving Offence than ready to take Offence at others may not heighth of Spirit be nearer their Temper than true Humility Moreover as they have no Concern in the transacting with Forreign Nations in matters of Government they may be the less us'd to consider of the Nature and Reason of Political Managements or to think how far it is incumbent upon a Mother Nation or Supream Government to regulate all her Colonies or Members so as that the Tranquility of the whole Empire may be best conserv'd and perhaps they may be subject to forget the Obedience and Duty which must be perpetually owing from them to her These are Humane Infirmities that may be very naturally incident to a People under the fore-mentioned Circumstances and I have met with ingenuous Persons who have been bred up in such Colonies that have readily acknowledg'd that their Iudgments have been much rectify'd in these matters when they have come to see more of the World and been made sensible of the better Accomplishments that are to be found in a more Polite Conversation they may perhaps attain to a good pitch of School-Learning but that can amount to no more than a very superficial Knowledge in respect to the far greater improvement that is to be gain'd by reading the great Book of the World and practising the ample Study of Men and Things I am tender of putting these things too home because I know that though Men should be brought to see their own Infirmities but few can endure to be told of them yet a Marriner will esteem him for a Friend that warns him of the Rocks and Sands that lye in his way and a wise man will never account such an one his Enemy who over-perswades him into the right way when he was confidently going on in the wrong I am sure I want not good Will to the People of Ireland and I believe no Man that hath no concern there can wish their Prosperity more than I do and I am very sensible that 't is the interest of England to encourage them in all such improvements as may conduce to their Happiness and Well being provided they are such as may not prove highly prejudicial to her self I shall think my pains in this Vndertaking to have been very well bestow'd if I have been able to offer any thing that may convince you that 't is your undoubted Interest utterly to abandon the Thoughts or Desires of being look'd upon by the Parliamentary Authority of England to be a People wholly exempt from their Iurisdiction And as I know my Name is too inconsiderable to add any Authority to the Argument I hope I may be excus'd in concealing it from the Odium of such who may not discern the sincerity of my Intentions towards you in this Essay and yet I will not doubt but there are others who will believe me to be as I am resolv'd upon all Occasions to the utmost of my Capacity to render my self Right Honourable Honourable c. Your Real Friend and very Humble Servant AN ANSWER TO Mr. Molyneux OF all the Freedom that hath been taken since the Liberty of the Press we have scarcely seen so bold an Attempt as that of this Author it being no less than to strike off from the Kingdom of England with a dash of his Pen the whole Nation of Ireland over which it hath exerciz'd a just Dominion for many hundreds of Years and yet I believe it will appear that he hath not shewn the want of Consideration more in his choosing an Argument of so dangerous a Consequence than by his superficial confus'd and mistaken way of managing it the strength of any reasoning that he hath offer'd being much more applicable to the Native Irish with whom the Original Contract if there were any such must have been made than to the Brittish Protestants inhabiting among them But it is to be considered that the Political State of Ireland hath suffered very considerable Alterations since the first possession of it by the Engâ—ish for though that first Submission of the Irish was so universal as that the English possess'd themselves of most of the considerable Towns and settled far and wide in the Island yet in after times through the defection of the Irish and the mixing and uniting of many of the Old English with them that part which remain'd intirely under the English Obedience came to be confin'd to a Narrow Compass perhaps not above four or five Counties which was till very lately diâ—tinguisht by the Name of the English Pale and the far greater part of the Country remain'd under many petty Dominions possess'd by the Irish Lords and great Men who paid but very little Obedience to the Government of England but on the contrary some or other of them were almost continually giving disturbance to the English Government that was settled there by which means they were shut out from having to do with the English in the Transacting of the Publick Affairs of the Country and the Reduction of them never came to any tolerable Perfection till so lately as the Reign of Queen Elizabeth so that indeed those Ancient Parliaments and other Managements of the Publick Affairs there which Mr. Molyneux mentions did scarcely operate further than among the English Settlements which as I said before extended but to a small part of the Island There was yet another great Occasion which made a very considerable alteration in the Administration of the Government of that Country and that was the Change of Religion for after the Reformation came to be throughly establisht and the Roman Catholicks were found to be continually designing against it all of that Religion were excluded from having to do in Publick Managements and this shut out not only the Native Irish but even the Old English who mostly continued under that Profession But Mr. Molyneux takes no Notice of the Distinctions that ought to be made of these different Interests but that he may carry on his Point blends and confounds them all together as if they were to be considered alike as one intire People establisht and continuinuing upon the same bottom of Government If then due Regard be had to these and other Distinctions which must be
observ'd upon his way of Arguing I believe it will be found that this doughty piece of Irish Learning will appear but a very indifferent performance I would not however detract from any thing that may deserve applause and therefore must commend his smooth way of Expression and own him to be a good Master of Words but yet to have applyed them so ill will still continue him under the Censure of being much wanting either in Integrity or Judgment and makes this Book of his to deserve no better a Character than that of Vox praeterea nihil I have heard indeed that some have been taken with the seeming Modesty and Submission with which he introduces his Discourse as if it were but an innocent representation of the ancient Rights and Liberties of the People of Ireland and a just Remonstrance of some Encroachments and Invasions made upon them by the Government of England but if it shall appear that the Kingdom of England hath a certain Jurisdiction over them and that it hath never treated them otherwise than according to the Rules of Justice and with such a due Policy as becomes every Supream Authority to Exercise over all the Members of its Empire for the Conservation of Peace and Tranquility to the whole and in that have not exceeded the Bounds of a reasonable and just Dominion that part of the Empire that shall endeavour to withdraw themselves from the Subjection which they justly owe to the Supream Government that hath always protected and defended them and shall challenge to themselves Immunities and Privileges which never were or could be granted them without prejudice and injury to the greater Body of the Government deserve not to be considered as Assertors of their own Rights but rather as Invaders of the lawful Authority which God hath placed over them and certainly it must rather be Matter of Contempt and Derifion than of Commendation to see a Man treat his Superiour with a strain of Fine Smooth Gentle Words and Fawning Complements upon a Subject that is altogether imposing and odious to him Thus much I thought requisite to premise and so shall proceed to the Examination of his Discourse In which I intend to take Notice only of such matters as I shall think most Observable In his Dedication to the King he Humbly implores the Continuance of his Majesties Graces to them by protecting and defending those Rights and Liberties which they have enjoy'd under the Crown of England for above 500 Years and which some of late do endeavour to violate His most Excellent Majesty is the Common Indulgent Father of all his Countries and hath an equal regard to the Birth-rights of all his Children and will not permit the Eldest because the strongest to encroach upon the Possessions of the Younger Here is should be Noted that by the Crown of England he must intend the Kings of England as distinct from the Kingdom although I think this a very improper way of Expression which is evident from his Simile of the Eldest and Youngest Child as well as by the whole Design of his Argument and this perhaps might have serv'd the turn in making his Court to a Mac Ninny or a Prince â—ond of the Irish Nation but it looks but like a course Complement to his Majesty to entertain him with a meer begging the Question when he knows right well at what a vaâ—t Expence of the Blood and Treasure of England that Country was so lately under his Glorious Conduct reduc'd to its Obedience and he is too Just and Generous a Prince to endure that any Parasite should perswade him that any acquisition gain'd at the Expence of great Taxes rais'd upon the whole Body of his Subjects of England and even appropriated by the Parliament for the particular Uses in which they were to be employ'd can appertain to him in any propriety distinct and separate from the Imperial Crown of England Neither is it reasonable for him to expect that his Majesty should believe that the Some he means are about to violate their Rights and Liberties without clearer Proof than any he hath brought But it may be worth Inquiry to know in what sense he brings Ireland in with us for an equal share of Birth-right allowing us no higher Priviledge than that of being the Elder Child If he means this with respect to the Old Irish surely the many Disturbances they have given us and the many Occasions we have had of reducing them by force of Arms may fairly admit us to some higher Title over them but if he means it of the English Inhabitants they will certainly own themselves to be descended from England and it would ill become them to start up and call their Mother by the Familiar Appellation of Sister What he hints of encroaching upon their Possessions cannot be taken to have any fair Meaning unless he intends thereby to blame us for seizing the Estates of those that have been in Rebellion against us In his Preface he tells us How unconcern'd he is in any particular Inducement which at this juncture might seem to have occasion'd his Discourse He hath no concern in Wool or the Woollen Trade he is not interested in the Forfeitures or Grants nor solicitous whether the Bishop or Society of Derry recover the Lands they contest about I believe seven Eighths of those Gentlemen of Ireland that have been so busie in soliciting against the Woollen Manufactury Bill might make as fair a Protestation as this and yet it seems they thought themselves concern'd in the Consequence of that Matter but his Reach in this is to shew his Dislike of the Parliament of England's medling with the Business of the Forfeited Estates as well as the rest He says 'T is a Publick Principle that hath mov'd him to this Vndertakeing he thinks his Cause good and his Country concern'd 't is hard if they may not complain when they think they are hurt and give Reasons with all Modesty and Submission The Great and Iust Council of England freely allow such Addresses to receive and hear Grievances is a great part of their Business and to redress them their chief Glory but that 's not to be done till they are laid before them and fairly stated for their Consideration 'T is yet but a Private Principle to become an Advocate for a part against the Whole his Name shews him to be of English Extraction and I know none of his Neighbours under that Circumstance who don't reckon it a Privilege that they may still own Old England to be their Country and be owned by her though they are permitted to live in Ireland if they please what if they are not hurt and the nature of their Complaint be such as that it cannot be thought to be within the Bounds of Modesty and Submission how could he be so fond of his Project as to imagine that the Parliament of England would freely allow such an Address which impeaches their own just Authority They
as a Member of the greater Body and be held to obey all such Ordinances as are calculated for the Good and Welfare of the Whole If after this without any Breach made upon them on the part of the Greater they shall endeavour to withdraw themselves from the Subjection they have sworn to and shall take up Arms and commit Hostilities upon their Fellow-Subjects may not this be called a Rebellion in a settled Common-Wealth and have not the Municipal Laws of the whole Empire brought them under the Forfeiture of Life and Estate doth the being separated at a small or greater distance by Sea as Islands must be seperate them from continuing Members of the Common-Wealth to which they were once join'd If these things are to be brought in Question the English of England and Ireland both must have much to ansâ—er for to the Ancient Irish. Yet I am in no doubt but that the English have so fairly administred the Government as that they can well justifie themselves in all the Severities that they have been forc'd to exercise upon the Irish as justly drawn upon themselves by reason of their Râ—bellion Have we not always own'd them to be Freemen of England and allow'd them the same Privileges as English Men have they not been permitted to exercise all Offices Ecclesiastical Military or Civil with the same Freedom as English Men If since the Reformation the Roman Catholicks have not been suffered to act in the Government have not the Roman Catholicks of England been as much restrain'd Nay have not the Irish been much more indulg'd in the Exercise of their Religion by Connivance than those of England These Treatments towards them have given no Occasion to this Author to trouble himself so much in inquiring into the state of Slavery and the Terms that Just or Unjust Conquerors may or may not use for 't is not in the Case The Premises considered methinks he should grant us that some of the Disturbances the Irish have given us at least the Massacres committed upon their Fellow Subjects of our own Blood should not be reckon'd as fair warring between Nation and Nation but that they might very well be accounted as Rebellious and then why may not our subduing them give us the Title of Rightful Conquerors over them and if upon such delinquencies we had abridg'd their Posterity in some of those Privileges granted to their Ancestors upon their first coming in to us in Henry the Second's Time we had done no more than what he owns Conquerors commonly do And yet we have not put any such hardship upon the Posterity of those People for the fault of their Rebellious Fathers I know not that any Irishman quatenus an Irishman is at this day deny'd any of the Privileges that an Englishman can challenge if he be a Deliâ—quent or a Roman Catholick he is us'd no worse than all Englishmen that are in the same Circumstances If we have slain executed or banish'd the Persons of those that have been actually in Rebellion and seiz'd their Estates as forfeited this is no more than what he himself hath taken pains to prove may be done by the Laws of Nature or the Municipal Laws of Kingdoms Where 's then any room for Complaint or reason for his Elaborate Arguments on a Subject that does not concern us The Author by saying so much that directly reflects upon what hath been acted by the English in Ireland hath given me the Trouble to say thus much for the Vindication of them and among the rest I suppose his own Ancestors in their Conduct towards the Irish and to shew how well they have kept to the Original Capitulation on their part But I cannot end this Head without takeing Notice of his Remark that Even a Iust Conqueror gains nothing over those that conquered with him and fought on his side Why should he trouble the World with Arguments to establish a Position that no Body ever deny'd But if the Progeny of the Old English that serv'd under Henry the Second in the Conquest of Ireland have since joyn'd with the Native Irish in any Rebellion against their Mother Country their Crime is greater than that of the Irish and yet would he have us still treat them as Conquerors of our side when they are fighting against us Certainly this must forfeit all the Regard that was owing to them for the good Services of their Ancestors and justly entitle them to the same Treatment that is due to other Rebels Yet for all this If he or any Body else as he proposes claims the like freedoms with the natural born Subjects of England as being descended from them I know no body that will deny them to him if as I said before he be of Capacity and qualified as the Law now requires He may come here and even be a Member of our Legislature if he can procure himself to be chosen as many others of that Kingdom always are And let him for ever hereafter remember that we receive them and treat them all as equal Members of the same Body with our selves and if it be at any time requisite for the good of the whole that we should Enact any thing binding upon Ireland we do it not in respect of their Persons but in regard to that part of the Empire they live in and if I my self or any other Englishman should think it for my Interest to become an Inhabitant there I must be as subject to it as he is His Fourth Proposition is If a Conqueror just or unjust obtains an Absolute Arbitrary Dominion over the Conquered so as to take from them all that they have and to make them and their Posterity Slaves whether yet if he grants them Concessions bounding the Exorbitancy of his Power he be not obliged strictly to Observe those Grants I have shewn before that he had no reason to aggravate the Question to such Extremities in our Case because we have never pretended to exercise so Arbitrary a Power over the People of Ireland He goes on then To shew by Precedents Records and History What Concessions have been granted them by what steps the Laws of England came to be introduced into Ireland he would prove that anciently the Parliament of England was not thought to have any Superiority over that of Ireland And gives his Answers to what Obiections are moved upon this Head But I believe we shall find this as little to the purpose as the former He might have spar'd his pains in taking up so many Pages to convince us against all Objections that Henry the Second did establish the English Laws and Form of Government in Ireland that he gave them a Modus tenendi Parliamentum that an Exemplification of it made in Henry the Fourth's Time was extant Nay that They believe they have found the very Original Record of King Henry the Second and to give us so ample an Account through whose Hands it hath pass'd
Reign Against planting Tobacâ—o in Ireland for encouraging Shipping and Navigation and for prohibiting the Exportation of Wool from Ireland to any Country except England He acknowledges Do name and bind them too so as they do not transgress them and he hath nothing to urge to take off their Efficacy but how rightfully this can be done is the Question I answer by that Right which as I have shewn before must be inherent in the Supream Legislature of the English Empire for conserving the Well-being of its Body The Acts of his present Majesties Reign he acknowledges To be such as the Necessity of the Time requir'd and to be made in their Favour but that these should be argued as a Precedent of their Submission and absolute Acquiescence in the Iurisdiction of the Parliaments of England over that Kingdom is what they complain of as an Invasion of their Legislative Right We have Reason and Precedents enough to vindicate the Just Authority of the English Parliaments in these matters and they are not under any neâ—cessity of dating this Power as commencing from the first of these Acts not over thirty seven years past so that he need not be concern'd to think that they can make any ill use of these Precedents But whatever this Gentleman's Principles may be his following Expressions seem very arrogant from a Person who at fiâ—st pretended to so much Submission but I hope the Body of the Protestants of Ireland understand their Duty and their own Interest better than to Offer at throwing off the Authority that the Kingdom of England hath for so many Ages had over them and I doubt not but they will believe The hazard of doing it would be much greater than any inconvenience they have ever found in England's way of Protecting them We are now come to his Fifth Article viz. The Opinion of the Learned in the Laws relating to this Matter And he begins with the Lord Chief Justice Cook for whose Name he bespeaks a great deal of Respect although he treats him but somewhat roughly but this seems to be the Gentleman 's particular Talent He says the Lord Chief Justice Cook quotes many Authorities to prove that Ireland is a Dominion divided and separated from England and in particular the fore-mentioned Case of the Merchants of Waterford but he finds fault with him for citing it unfaithfully and brokenly The Chief Justice doth indeed abridge it and it seems by the alteration of the Words as if he had cited it by Head not transcrib'd it out of the Book which is a thing not unusual nor to be esteem'd a fault in such Authors if they give the passage its due weight and that I think he does as to the matter for which he quotes it but what he especially blames is that the Chief Justice upon the Words of the Report That the Statutes of England don't bind them Ireland adds in a Parenthesis which is to be understood unless they be specially named and that Herein he concludes magisterially so it must be this is my definitive Sentence without giving any other Reason It is not unusual for Men of this Judges Authority when they Note their Opinion transiently not to dilate upon it if that be not the Point they are directly handling yet Mr. Molyneux confesses that In another place he gives this Assertion a Colour of Reason by saying That tho' Ireland be a distinct Dominion from England yet the Title thereof being by Coâ—quest the same by Iudgment of Law mighâ— by express Words be bound by the Parliament of England But this doth but make the Matter worse with him He hath before enquired how far Conquest gives a Title But he would fain know what Lord Cook means by Iudgment of Law whether the Law of Nature and Reason or Nations or the Civil Laws of our Common-wealths in none of which senses he conceives will he or any man be ever able to make out his Position And now he gallops away with this that there 's no stopping him for two or three pages bespattering the Chief Justice all the way and though there is a great deal of his sort of Reasoning in it yet I think it not worth the Readers Trouble to repeat more of it than That he conceives my Lord Chief Iustice Cook to have applyed himself so wholly to the Study of the Common Laws of England that he did not much enquire into the Laws of Nature and Nations else sure he could not have been guilty of so Erroneous a Slip. Nay This Assertion of his is directly contrary to the whole Tenour of the Case he cites for that very Act of Parliament on which the Iudges debated and which they deemed not to be of force in Ireland does particularly name Ireland so that here again Lord Cook 's Error appears most plainly Well if he 'll be but a little Cool we may deal well enough with him in this Matter too wherein he thinks he hath so much advantage But now after all Mr. Molyneux's Inquiries he hath not said enough to Convince me that the Lord Chief Justice Cook is in the wrong to believe that England hath a Title to Ireland by Conquest Nay I do believe further of the Chief Justice's side that that Conquest hath given her so just a Title to all that Supream Authority which she pretends to hold over Ireland as that by Judgment or in Reason of Law her Parliaments may bind Ireland if nam'd in the Law and that she is warranted therein by the Laws of Nature Reason and Nations the Civil Laws of particular Common-wealths I don't understand and also by the Fundamental Laws of the Original Constitution of the English Government and I have already endeavoured to make out this Position so clearly that I shall say no more to it here but leave the Matter referr'd to the Reader 's Judgment The Censure which he passes upon so venerable a Person as the Lord Chief Justice Cook that he must be very little acquainted with the Laws of Nature and Nations should methinks but ill become a Writer so little known in the World as Mr. Molyneux especially when in this first Essay of his he hath discovered much more of his Assurance than Judgment But now to Vindicate the Chief Justice from the gross Errors with which he Charges him we must look back again upon the Opinion of the Judges in the Exchequer-Chamber as he hath deliver'd it in Page 90 91. They were Consulting whether the Staple-Act made in England could bind the People of Ireland they argue after this manner Ireland hath a Parliament of its own which makes Law 's for the ordering Matters among themselves and therefore the Statutes made in England don't bind them by which they must mean such Statutes which are made in general Terms and for the particular Occasions of England for 't is plain that what they intend when they say that The People of Ireland
as Subjects of the King are oblig'd to act nothing out of that Country against the Statutes is of such English Statutes as name Ireland for the Subject of their Debate was about a Statute wherein Ireland was named These Judges of the Exchequer do here make two Conclusions that seem contradictory First They say our Laws don't bind them but that is in respect of things transacted within themselves wherein the Parliament of England don't meddle but then in the Second Place They say our Statutes did bind the People of Ireland in Matters not relating to what was done within themselves and therefore they Concluded that this Statute did because they were particularly named else there had been no such Dispute about it and this reconciles both these Conclusions Soon afterwards as is aforesaid when this Cause came to have a Second Hearing before the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber the Chief Justice Hussey declar'd That the Statutes made in England shall bind those of Ireland to which the other Iudges agreed without saying much against it But doubtless this Opinion is to be understood of such Statutes only which name Ireland and as to this Statute they all agree that it had its full Effect upon the People of Ireland Where then is this Erroneous Slip of the Lord Chief Justice Cook In repeating the Words of the first Opinion that Our Statutes don't bind them he Notes in a Parenthesis the Tenour of the latter Opinion unless they be especially namedâ— this is not contrary but agreeable to both the former Opinions how then doth he differ from them indeed the first Opinion says only that they should be obliged in matters done out of that Country But Hussey and Cook take no Notice of this Distinction but give their Opinion somewhat more General Cook infers that if Ireland be specially named our Statutes do bind them which still is not contrary to the Case which he cites for that entirely agrees with him excepting only in this difference he infers that Ireland is bound that asserts that the People of Ireland as Subjects of the King are bound the Case stands stated alike to both 't is if they are named in an English Statute If this Distinction will do Mr. Molyneux any good let him enjoy it for me it sufficeth if I have shewn that the Lord Chief Justice Cook 's Assertion is not directly contrary to the whole Tenour of the Case which he hath cited He Notes that the English Statutes don't bind Ireland unless they are specially named this Case shews that because Ireland was named in it those Judges were of the Opinion that the People of Ireland as Subjects were oblig'd to pay Obedience to this Staple Act as far as it required I see therefore no contrariety to it in this his Assertion but a great deal in that of Mr. Molyneux where he says 'T was the Vnanimous Opinion of all the Iudges then in the Exchequer Chamber That within the Land of Ireland the Parliaments of England have no Iurisdiction whatever they may have over the Subjects of Ireland on the open Seas I appeal to the Words of the Opinion whether it denies that the Parliament of England hath any manner of Jurisdiction within the Land of Ireland there 's nothing in it so positive if it says that Ireland hath a Parliament within it self it Notes also that 't is only for ordering of Matters fit to be transacted among themselves If it says that the Statutes in England don't bind them because they have no Representatives there it may well be understood of such Statutes that are directed for the particular Occasions of England wherein Ireland is not named it doth not in the least offer at the denying the Jurisdiction of the Parliaments of England in naming Ireland for it directly concludes them to be Subjects of the King which cannot be meant in any separate Sense from the Kingdom because it says they shall be under the Obedience of the Admiral of England and the King hath no Admiralty or Navy distinct from the Kingdom Nay their quoting the lying of a Writ of Error in the Courts of Ireland after they had own'd them to have such Courts as well as a Parliament in the very same manner as those in England from the King's-Bench in England could be he here to no other purpose than to shew that England had Jurisdiction over Ireland in some Matters and certainly where England has any Authority at all it cannot be severed from the Supream Legislature But since he lays so much stress upon the Words Ad aliquam rem extra terram illam faciend though it is to be noted by the way that this Deliberation was upon a Statute respecting only matters to be done out of the Kingdom yet I 'll do him all the Reason possible and if I should take the Words in the strictest sense he puts them and grant that those Judges at that time had not considered the Matter further than to think that the Jurisdiction of the Parliaments of England did not extend to enact Laws binding within the Land of Ireland he must yet allow that Judges are sometimes mistaken in their Opinions and we do not admit their Sentences to have the force of Laws as neither will he himself the Opinions of the Lords Chief Justices Hussey and Cook if then the Reason of the thing as well as ancient Practice be quite otherwise as I hope I have sufficiently shewn in this Case we may very warrantably conclude this Opinion of these Judges to be Erroneous if they intended it in the same sense which Mr. Molynâ—ux takes it He hath not yet done with the Lord Chief Justice Cook but tells us That this Assertion is likewise inconsistent with himself in oâ—her parts of his Works where he says that the Laws of England had been granted to Ireland and thereby Ireland being of its self a distinct Dominion and no part of the Kingdom of England was to have Parliaments holdâ—n there as in England The Chief Justice might well say that Ireland had a distinct Dominion and Parliaments within themselves every Body must own it needful because of their being divided from England by the Sea that they might thereby be enabled to regulate Matters among themselves as the Circumstances of Time and Place should require May not the City of London be said to have a kind of a distinct Dominion and a sort of a Parliament held within themselves even after the Pattern of the Grand Parliament of the Kingdom the Lord Mayor after the manner of the King calls and dissolves their Assembly the Aldermen after once Chosen have Right of Session for their Lives as the House of Lords the Common Council-men resembling the House of Commons are chosen Annually by the Respective Wards like the Counties all these assemble in Common Council and there Enact Laws for the good Government of the Citizens which the Grand Parliament rarely if ever controul and though
they ow'd to their Lawful King there was no Act of their Parliament to declare King Iames abdicated and the Throne vacant neither indeed was there any pretence for it because he came and was actually present among them and in the full Exercise of his de facto Kingly Power as to them But as I said before the People of England having in their Convention which at that time was the Representative of the Nation conferr'd the Crown of England and Ireland and all other Territories and Dominions belonging to the English Empire upon King William and Queen Mary the Kingdom of Ireland as a Member of the English Body was as much bound to submit to that Revolution as New-England or any of the rest of our Colonies and therefore the Opposition made by the Irish against it was a perfect Rebellion and render'd them liable to all the Pains and Penalties which the Municipal Laws of the Kingdom could inflict upon Rebels This then justly forfeited their Estates to the King as he is the Head but not as in any separate Capacity from the Kingdom of England We know however what Authority the King hath to dispose of these Estates to such as may have deserv'd well and if the Parliament of England shall acquiesce therein that 's no Argument that therefore they have no Authority to intermeddle in that Matter and their former practice as he confesses hath shewn the contrary He owns that In a War the Estates of the Unjust Opposers should go to repair the Damage that is done but theirs do not resemble the Common Case of Wars between two Forreign Enemies but are rather Rebellions or Intestine Commotions And so we say But he continues If the Protestants of Ireland by the Assistance of their Brethren of England and their Purse do prove Victorious A fine Turn indeed the Matter of Fact is that the Army of England prov'd Victorious and that without any thing that might reasonable be call'd Assistance from their Brethren as he though somewhat assumingly in this case calls themselves the Protestants of Ireland and yet forsooth the Victory must be theirs No Man of Modesty as this Gentleman would bespeak himself could dare to put upon the World at this rate Well but he tells us The People of England ought to be fully repaid but then the manner of their Payment and in what way it shall be levyed ought to be left to the People of Ireland in Parliament Assembled He owns the Debt and that we ought to be paid but how and which way and when ought to be left to them a pretty New-fashion'd Priviledge this Gentleman is inventing for his Country provided they own the Debt the Creditor must be contented without any Security without any Terms and consequently without any Interest how long soever he may be kept out of his Money he ought to leave all that to the Good Will and Pleasure of his Honest Debtor but I believe Mr. Molyneux would be loth to pass for such a Fool in his own way of Dealing in the World and sure he must measure us by an Irish Understanding if he thinks this sort of Reasoning will go down with us He goes on And so it was after the Rebellion of Forty One that 's a Mistake though it deserves a harder Word for he tells us The Adventurers had several Acts of Parliament made in England for their reimbursing by disposing to them the Rebels Lands so that it was not then left at the Discretion of the People of Ireland But after all it was thought reasonable that the Parliament of Ireland should do this in their own way and therefore the Acts of Settlement and Explanation made all the former English Acts of no force or at least did very much alter them in many particulars Here'tis plain that Acts of Parliament were made in England for disposing the forfeited Estates of Ireland which were be liev'd to be of Validity and a sufficient Security to the Adventurers at the time when they were made otherwise People would not have advanc'd their Money upon them and though I am no Lawyer and don't think it concerns me to look after those Acts yet from the Reason of the thing I cann't believe that those Persons that advanc'd this Money could afterwards be legally depriv'd of the Interests granted them by those English Acts by any after Authority of an Irish Parliament If any were I would advise them yet to sâ—e to an English Parliament for Relief 'T is true there had happen'd a Revolution and perhaps some People that had those Lands might be lookt upon as under Delinquencies to the Government that then came to be uppermost and we know that some of the Irish Papists were very strangely restor'd to their Estates and the Possessors put out yet if some Injustice was done at such a time when many things were carried by Extreams nothing will prove an invalidating of those English Statutes less than either a total Repeal of them and that he seems not to stand upon here though he suggested it in another place for he only says they were made of no force or at least were very much alter'd in many particulars which is a certain Sign they were not repeal'd Or to shew that they were so altered as to take away all the Lands that were possess'd by any of those Adventurers or their Descendents by Virtue of those Acts of Parliament If that cann't be made out which sure he won't pretend to it will remain that those English Acts of Parliament did really dispose of the Rebels Lands in Ireland and if there be any after Settling or Confirming them to the Safety of the Proprietors by Act of Parliament in Ireland that cannot impeach the Authority of the first Acts. Well he still allows That we shall be repaid our Expences all they desire is that in preservation of their own Rights and Liberties they may do it in their own Methods regularly in their own Parliaments And if the Reimâ—ursment be all that England Stands on what availeth it whether it be done this way or that way so it be done A pretty loose way of Talking this he speaks as confidently of reimbursing us as if that were a small matter and they had this way and that way ways enough to do it and they are so well prepar'd that they desire nothing else but Liberty to let them do it in their own methods I am sorry we han't heard one word like this offer'd in their Parliaments 't would have lookt much better from them than from Mr. Molynellx to have taken Notice of this great Debt to England and to have at least declar'd their Intent of paying it but he is a Member and perhaps he knows their Minds better than I do and because he proposes so fairly I am willing to strike a Bargain with him if he 'll undertake on the Behalf of Ireland I 'll undertake on t the part of England that
if they are in good Earnest willing and able to pay us his Debt the Parliament of England and I hope my good Intention in this matter will obtain their Pardon for my presumption will leave them intirely at Liberty to raise it according to their Methods as regularly in their own Parliaments as he desires and this being as he says all they ask let him but publish himself in Print once more and engage to pledge his own Estate which by the way he may value the less by how much he is indebted to me and the rest of the good People of England for what we have paid to redeem it to the Publick for the performance I 'll engage not only my Estate which is somewhat to me if it be not so great as his but my Life too that the Parliament of England will assent to give them what time they please for the payment of the Principal if they can but give Security for the payment of the Interest at 6 per Cent. though the Interest of Ireland is 10 and I believe I might adventure to promise that upon the performance of such Articles they would make him as Compleat a King of Ireland as ever his King Iohn was and also give him a better Estate to support that Dignity than was given to that Prince I don't love Banter but how can a Man treat such Discourse otherwise is it not certain that we have expended more Money besides the invaluable Blood of our People in the Reductions of Ireland than all the Lands in the possession of the English are worth and yet we have been so generous to them as hitherto not to ask for one penny of Reimbursment from them But see the inconsiderateness of this Gentleman he hath been so far overseen in the saying any thing that he has Thought could give the least support to his unreasonable Argument as not only to scatter many pernicious Notions which the Irish may lay hold on to the Prejudice of the English but here also he hath started a Thought that is capable of being improv'd more to the Benefit of England than to the advantage of his own Country-men as he distinguishes the English of Ireland Is there not Reason that those who receive the greatest Benefit by the Publick Expence should contribute a proportion towards it The People of England receive but a distant advantage by the Reduction of Ireland and yet they have born the whole Charge the Protestants of Ireland have receive'd an immediate Benefit by being restored to very great and improving Estates and yet they have paid nothing the Government of England is extreamly in Debt and the Taxes will continue to lye very heavy upon the Inhabitants of England where the Means of Sustsistance is much harder but Ireland is recover'd into a flourishing Condition and through the great Plenty and Cheapness of Provisions the People there by a little abatement of their abundant way of living may spare Taxes much more easily then England What then if the Parliament of England should entertain this Thought of his and become of his Opinion that they ought to be repaid their Expences and that the People of Ireland are now in a Condition to Contribute something towards it especially since they are already become so Upish and retain so small a Sense of Gratitude for the great Support we have so lately given them as that not only this Gentleman but others also have shewn their Readiness to fly at our Heads and even threaten us with the Consequences of their Resentments for our only offering to Check their Progress in a Manufacture which cannot be carried on there but to the Ruine of England I say if upon these Considerations and so extraordinary an occasion they should require a Certain Summ from the People of Ireland I know not but that it may well consist with that Supream Authority which as I have endeavoured to shew must be of the Essence of every Compleat Empire and that it would be no Violation upon that Constitution which was given them if our Parliament should be content That in preservation of their own Rights and Liberties they may have Liberty to raise it in their own Methods regularly in their own Parliaments Perhaps Mr. Molyneux will tell us that they have a Negative upon us but he hath before put us in mind of an Unlucky Hank that our Admiralty hath on them I doubt the Gentlemen of Ireland won't be well pleas'd with me for touching upon this Point but they must reflect upon their own Advocate but for whom it had never come into my Mind and they ought not to be offended with me for answering him in such a Way as his own Arguments require I never design'd them any ill Office and if any advantage should be taken by this I am as ready as Mr. Molyneux himself for my part in it with the lowest Submission to ask their Pardon What follows next may be prefac'd with a Monstrum horrendum informe ingens cui lumen ademptum We have an Example of this in Point between England and Holland the Glorious Revolution under his present Majesty Holland in Assisting England expended Six Hundred Thousand Pounds and the English Parliament fairly repaid them It would look oddly for Holland to have insisted on disposing of Lord Powis's and other Estates by their own Laws to reimburse themselves An Example in Point then Holland must once have Conquer'd England and have ever since retain'd a Title to this Kingdom and exercis'd an Authority over us in directing all the Principal Managements of our Government Neither can there be any Semblance of their assisting us at that time with Six Hundred Thousand Pounds that Assistance was advanc'd wholly on the Credit of their Stadtholder the then Prince of Orange and the Assistance we had was only owing to him who by the Success of that Glorious Expedition came to be Elected our King and then the Parliament of England considering the Inestimable Benefit England had receiv'd by that most Happy Revolution thought it reasonable to repay them the full Charge which the States had advanc'd on this Account Besides if the Fact had been true the Dutch knew we were well able to repay them and they have had their Money to their Content but we knew that the People of Ireland if they would have beggar'd themselves could never have reimburst us and therefore we have not and perhaps then never intended to ask them for it May this be call'd an Example in point too After this can there be a more Odious Comparison than what he infers that the Dutch had as much reason to insist on the disposing Lord Powis's and other Estates as our Parliament had to meddle in the matter of the Forfeited Estates of Ireland I have sufficiently shewn how the Government of England hath a Just Right to the Forâ—eited Estates in Ireland but surely the Dutch cann't pretend to any Right to Estates forfeited in England
by our Municipal Laws and it does indeed look oddly enough in him to Controvert this with us before we are repaid one Farthing of a vastly greater Expence and tell us here 's an Example in Point for us Such Treatment as this would raise the Blood of an Englishman and though a fitting Modesty and Regard to my Reader doth restrain me from venting the Resentment due to so great an Indignity put upon the English Nation yet I hope I may be indulg'd to imprecate upon my self if ever I should discover so little Thought as to make use of Examples highly reflecting upon my Superiours and yet no way agreeing with the Fact in hand may I be Censured for an Eternal Blockhead and condemn'd to wear my Book affixt on my Back as a perpetual Badge of my Insolence and Folly I am weary enough of this Head of Purchase and yet I will take the pains to transcribe the last Paragraph on 't from end to end He says 'T is an ungenerous thing to vilify good Offices I am far from doing it but with all possible Gratitude acknowledge the mighty Benefits Ireland has often receiv'd from England in helping to suppress the Rebellions of this Country to England's Charitable Assistance our Lives and Fortunes are owing But with all humble Submission I desire it may be Considered whether England did not at the same time propose the preventing of their own Danger that would necessarily have attended our Ruine if so 't was in some measure their own Battails they fought when they fought for Ireland and a great part of their Expence must be reckon'd in their own Defence If Mr. Molyneux had had a due sense of what he was saying he could never have so solemnly protested against the ungenerousness of Vilifying good Offices and yet in the next Breath attribute no more to England in what she hath done for them than just her helping to Suppress the Rebellions Is not this Vilifying with a Witness after we have Reduc'd Ireland and put them into the Possession of their Estates upon our own proper Cost and Strength to have it lessen'd to no more than a little Lending them a Hand at a dead lift and for which they are very willing to repay us in Words Why this is not worth his acknowledging with all possible Gratitude the Mighty Benefits they have received from England c. But after all this Mighty Hodge-Podge of an Harangue is but to tickle us into a good Humour that he may slyly usher in his Plea in Abatement of Damages and so pay us all off with the Flap of a Fox-tail It is to be Considered whether England did not at the same time prevent their own Danger and consequently in some measure fight their own Battels We have been pretty well us'd to this ungrateful Complement from others of his Countrey men who have been apt on all Occasions to reflect upon us that 't was not for their sakes but our own that we reduc'd Ireland only Mr. Molyneux like himself gives it us in finer Language What if we also have receiv'd some Advantage by this Reduction I should think that a People who had any due sense of Gratitude might remain so well Content with the great Benefit that accrew'd to themselves by the re-enjoyment of the Estates which they had lost as not to upbraid us with any such reasonable Convenience which we might draw from it without Prejudice to them Can they think it had been fit for us to engage in so mighty an Expence for no other Reason than to recover their Estates for them Well suppose we had thought fit only to fight our own Battails and when we had done to have bridled the Irish by strong Garrisons and had no reguard to have restor'd them to their Estates perhaps we might have as well secur'd our own Interest that way However the Tenderness we had for them how ill soever some of them seem to have deserv'd it would not suffer us to use so Severe a Policy which yet if we had practic'd from the beginning and kept our own People at home would have turn'd to much better account to us than if we should at last be so far overseen as to suffer a Colony of our own to Contest with us for our Trade But yet I am for Complying with Mr. Molyneux in this matter and I am content that a part of this Expence in proportion to the Benefit England shall be thought to have receiv'd by the Reduction of Ireland shall remain upon our Account but then I hope the vast advantage which immediately aocrews to the People of Ireland by the Recovery of their Lands and the fair time we have spar'd them from Contributing any thing may be thought justly to intitle them to the far better part of this Charge and if Mr. Molyneux can with as much Ingenuity find a way to pay it as he hath been ready to own it he will very much oblige the Government of England at a time when their own Occasions do so much want it So much for Mr. Molyneux's feign'd pretence of Purchase which can be but an Invention of some such pregnant Brain as his own for I never before heard that the People of England had set up any pretention for their Superiority over Ireland upon that foot such another is that which follows Another thing alledg'd against Ireland is this If a Forreign Nation as France or Spain for instance prove prejudicial to England in its Trade or any other way England if it be stronger redresses it self by force of Arms or denouncing War and why may not England if Ireland lyes cross their Interests restrain Ireland and bind it by Laws and maintain these Laws by Force He discusses this Point very gravely but since no Body ever thought of making this any Argument but himself and we never pretended to have so little to do with them as with France and Spain I 'll trouble my self no further about it but let it pass for a Meer Whimsie Mr. Molyneux tells us The last thing he shall take Notice of that some raise against them is that Ireland is to be lookt upon as a Colony from England Here he attempts to delude us with a falacious Argument but that is very easily solv'd by an Obvious Distinction If he would not have Ireland lookt upon as a Colony yet I believe there can be no Notion of a Colony clearer than that the English planted there are so in the strictest Sense and that I shall undertake to prove anon although he calls it The most Extravagant of all Objections against them and then without doubt it must follow that As the Roman Colonies were subject to the Laws made by the Senate at Rome so ought Ireland by those made by the great Council at Westminster I may add or any where else where our Parliament may sit to Enact Laws But he would not have this be thought To have the least Foundation
Secondly If the Kingdom of Ireland belongs to the King as his own Propriety distinct from the Kingdom of England if the Irish should at any time hereafter believe that the King of England could not be able to protect his Potestant Subjects there without the Assistance of Men and Money fâ—om his English Parliament and should thereupon make another Attempt to drive them out and seize their Eâ—tates whether the Parliament of England would think themselves oblig'd to be at any further Expence to protect a People with whom they had nothing to do and who had shewn so little Gratitude for what had been done for them formerly Thirdly If Ireland be such an Absolute Independent Kingdom by virtue of the Conceâ—â—ions formerly granted to them by England those Concessions were made to the Native Irish and Old English settled there all that Mr. Molyneux hath argued is intirely their Case and they alone have Right to be considered and treated with as the Body of that Kingdom but the Modern English Protestants can have no Interest in these Ancient Grants they are still our own People went thither with our leave and may not stay there without our permission if then the Governmeâ—t of England should think fit to recall them as they may those that are in France Holland c. Whether the Irish Papists could either have Will or Power to protect or keep them from us And now as I have been necessitated upon several former Occasions to shew that Mr. Molyneux hath started many things that may be made use of to the Disadvantage of the English of Ireland so I think I have also demonstrated that upon the foregoing Considerations his Notions if they should be thought reasonable so far as to obtain upon the Parliament of England to believe that they ought to quit all manner of Pretensions of their Superiority over Ireland as amply as he desires the Consequence must draw immediate Destruction and Ruine upon them which I should think might sufficiently convince the Gentlemen of Ireland that Mr. Molyneux hath not deserv'd well of them in writing this Book And I hope they will think that I have employ'd my time much more to their Advantage if it may convince any that have been lead into his Mistakes that 't is the true Interest of the Protestants of Ireland to remain constant and firm in their Loyalty and Obedience to the King and Kingdom of England and to esteem it their great Happiness that they aâ—e annext in so easie a Subordination to a Kingdom that is so well able to protect them and hath requir'd so little from them and never more to think that their being restrain'd from interfering with us in our principal Trade can be too great a Reâ—â—ibution for the many Benefits and frequent Preservations which they have receiv'd from us especially since they are in much easier Circumstances than the People of England to live without it whereas the Robbing England of it must inevitably introdâ—ce a Decay of her Riches and Power and render her incapable to give Iâ—elind that large Assistance that she may posâ—ibly at some time or other need again England hath been and must still continue to be at a mighty Expence to maintain her Navies and the Civil List from all which they receive the Benefit of being protected in their Estates and Trade without being hitherto ask'd to pay one penny towards it so that they may clearly see that 't will be much easier for them to continue in such a Subordination than to aspire to the Dignity of an Independent Kingdom which they cannot be able to suppoâ—â— I have now done with Mr. Molyneux's Book and since I have taken so much pains with it I hope I may be permitted to give it such a Character at parting as I think to be in a most peculiar manner agreeable to it 'T is an abundance of Well chosen Words and Fine Rhetorical Turns to prove nothing 't is a multitude of Arguguments and Authorities brought together to confute its own Author and 't is a promulgating of such inconsiderate Notions as would ruine and undo the People for whom it undertakes to be a Zealous Advocate If it should be thought by some that I have been too sharp in some Expressions there are yet others whose Judgment I have taken that are of the Opinion that so Inâ—olent an Argument merits no less and I think such a Discourse cannot well be treated with that Coolness and Indifference which might become a Modest Controversie Subjects that so rashly undertake to disturb the Minds of People and assail the Authority of a powerful Kingdom in matters of so high a Nature deserve at least to suffer such a Correction that others may be deterr'd from the like Bold Attempts let it be remembered that Salmasius was lash'd to Death by a Pen provok'd in what in those times he thought the Cause of his Country and Mr. Molyneux may be thankful that we have no Milâ—on living to handle him I am a perfect Sâ—ranger to the Genâ—leman and can have no personal Disrespect for him and if he 'll give me leave to distinguish as nicely as he does between the King and the Kingdom 't is his Book not him that I would expose after all if in regard to his Person I do with the lowest Submission ask his Pardon in the End I hope I shall come off with as good Manners as he does with the 〈◊〉 of England in â—asking theirs in the Beginning of his Discourse Last of all to râ—flect a little upon my self I ought to ask Pardon of the World for what Mistakes I may have committed for I cannot think so well of my self but that some may have slipt my own Observation Reading hath not been my Business and therefore it may seem somewhat strange that I should have undertaken to deal with a Book that profâ—â—ses so much I was resolv'd therefore to handle it in such a way wherein I might be most safe There was indeâ—d room enough for me to shew from undenyable Authorities that Mr. Molyneux hath very extra vagantly err'd and fallen short in his Representation of this Matter for there are many English Acts of Parliamâ—nt extant which prove that as well in ancient times as since Poyning's Law the constant practice of England hath been to make Laws binding upon Ireland as oftâ—â— as they saw fit whereof he hath takâ—◠〈◊〉 manner of Notice which must conclude him either to have dealt very disingeniously or what will no less reflect upon him that he was too ignoâ—ant in Matters of Fact for so considerable an Attempt But this part being undertaken by a much ableâ— Pen I was resolv'd to let all that alone and meddle with no Authoâ—ities but what Mr. Molyneux hath produc'd and as far as possible to admit of his own Arguments and only endeavour to turn the Reason which Naturally flows from them against him Can there be a fairer Opposition than to fight a Man at his