Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutual Aid were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first and third Edwards the fifth and eighth Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestors in the end It is not amiss in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tyed that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aid the Earl of Britain and Theobald Earl of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earl of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earl of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earl who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earl of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutual aid that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King John and the Earl of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutual assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earl of Holland Hen. 3. anno 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earl of Flanders with a Pension annual of five hundred Marks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10 Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of intermarriage drew Florence Earl of Holland from the French to his party and the year following by the mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earl of Flanders who in an 20. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earl of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundy with a yearly donative of 30000 l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Francie against the French King He had Guido Earl of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000 l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earl of Gueldres by pay of 1000000 l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000 l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000 l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300 l. Turonensium in his service the same year And in anno 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earl of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward the second had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoesibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in anno 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders John Protector of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000. other armed men Edward the third had by the Marriage of Philip the Earl of Henault and Holland her Father assured to him and retained John of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium ad rogatum Regis who came to assist the King at his call with a Salary of 14000 l. yearly Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Challenge to the Kingdom of France he made up to his party Lodowick the Emperour who the better to countenance his enterprise elected him Vicarium Imperii Vicar of the Empire Reginald Earl of Gueldres Lewis Marquess of Brandenburg Conrade Lord of Hard who served him with fifty men at Arms the Cardinal of Genoa and his Nephew who aided him with Gallies the Magistrates of Colen Bruxells Lorrain and Mechlin and Jaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction who having quitted all duty to the banished Earl submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward the third who to free them of two Millions of Crowns wherein as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation took upon him the Title of King of France and imployed John Duke of Brabant and Lorrain William Marquess of Juliers and the Earl of Henault and Holland his assured Friends Procuratores suos ad vendicandum Regnum Franci◠his Procurators to claim the Crown of France These his Allies not long after meeting him at Tournay with one hundred thousand men as Robert de Artoys did with fifty thousand at S. Omers against the French King And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise weaving into his Faction and support more and more as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave By colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicily in the eighteenth year the Duke of Millain and the King of Castile for mutual aid and Simon Butangre Duke of Genoa and his Subjects for hire and reward In the ninteenth year the questionable Title of the Duchy of Britain assured him of John de Montford against whom the French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Duchy In anno 24. he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses and in the thirtieth made a convention of Peace mutui auxili cum Rege Navarre and of mutal aid with the King of Navarre In the thirty seventh with Peter King of Castile and in that and the one and fortieth an alliance of Aid and Amity he entred with the Duke of Britain and anno 45. again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earl of Flanders and Duke of Brabant and an 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugal Richard the second reneweth in anno 1. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew as he had done anno 2. with Lewis Earl
never would be drawn to â—he hazard of war for improbe Neptunum acâ—usat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack â—he second time until the French King conâ—ra juramentum formam pacis contrary to â—is oath and the form of peace had vexillis exâ—licatis with banners displayed invaded his doâ—inions in France and with a Fleet intended â—o attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subâ—ertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his Kingdom â—ntred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune â—nd after many years of war and much loss had â—n the end an expectation of peace which opened â—o his Commons and Council in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined hereto that they advised the King though it were â—n doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he â—hould not let slip that opportunity Until Charles of France had received that â—angerous Rebel Owen Glendowr by the name â—f Metuendissimi Principis Walliae the most â—read Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy â—gainst his Master whom he vouchsafed no â—ther title than Henricus de Lancastria by â—ontract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by â—he Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul â—ntred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again until Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meanâ— with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransom those taken at Agin-Court battel so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamuâ— ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberal conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffs he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Council by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the loss of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9 Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men propace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry 8. unto the quarrel of France until the Church complained against Lewis 12. who neither esteeming â—f God good fame nor conscience detained â—he revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardiâ—al William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the â—ege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Benivagli both Traytors to the Papal See where â—e intended to lay the foundation of his Empire â—o usurp all Italy and besought him for the pitty â—f our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors for I use the words of the Popes Brief that never forsook the Church of God in diâ—ress and by his filial obedience the strongest â—ond to enter into that holy League they having â—lected him against Lewis Coput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected â—n the marriage of their Mistress never attempted â—ny war against them The quarrels of France in the time of his sucâ—eeding sister after the marriage with Spain were â—either properly ours nor begun by us although â—n the end we only went away with the loss Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore the demand of Callis for â—ight years and neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown And the labours she â—pent to confirm amity with Spain by many â—riendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she â—ailed whether happily in prevention of the Spaâ—ish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that â—his work of peace was by divine providence reâ—erved for him that could and hath best effected â—t I know not Only I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terrâ— marique parta Janum clausi having setled Britaiâ— in peace by Land and sea I have shut up the doorâ— of Janus Temple Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the moâ—â— part the Civil or Forraign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility and people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else aâ— plague no less of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in making an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of â—ritany to invade the Kingdom of England a â—uissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall â—rom his first purpose and insist upon his own â—uard for which cause to the infinite charge â—f himself and people he levied 80000. men â—ut of the Shires of this Kingdom To withdraw â—is forces from France in the thirteenth of his â—eign they invaded the Realm and burned the â—owns of Plymouth and Southampton places â—hat suffered from the same motive the like caâ—amity In the first of Richard the second after the â—attel of Cressy when they feared our too much â—ooting and we too much believed our own forâ—une for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly â—alls for back what she gave us the Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty â—housand
of Flanders In the sixth year he combineth with the Flemings contraâ—nimicos communes against the enemies of them both with the Kings of Naples Sicily Navarre and Arragon de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid and with Winceslaus the Emperour Contra Carolum Regem Franciae Robertum Regem Scotiae against Charles King of France and Robert King of Scotland In anno 8. with the Kings of Jerusalem Sicily and Portugal In the tenth with Portugal who at his own charges aided this King with ten Galleys And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aid And anno 12. 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria And an 20. with the Earl of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae against the King of France And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene anno 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King Henry the fourth entred alliance of mutual aid in two years with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. In the twelfth with Sigismund King of Hungaria And in the thirteenth by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans laid the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered strengthened himself anno 4. by a League perpetual with Sigismund the Emperour renewing that of Richard the second with John King of Portugal as his Father had done He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain and with the Queen of Jerusalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anjou and Mayn and with the King of Portugal and Duke of Bavaria for supply of Men and Munition by them performed And the year before the Battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundy and his Retinue for Wages in servitiâ— suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae in his service in the Kingdom of France or the Duchy of Aquitain esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attain his end Henry the sixth i so long as he held the Amity of Britain for which he contracted and the confederacy of Rurgundy his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage which he did to the sixteenth year of his Government there was no great decline of his Fortune in France But when Burgundy brake the bond of our assurance and betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of Bruges 1442. then at Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son than ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this loss wooed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to win again the house of Burgundy which in anno 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France And drew in the year following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the eleventh year he renewed with Charles of Burgundy the bond of mutual Aid and contracted the next year the like with the King of Portugal And in an 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdom of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper as the Record is entred a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the seventh anno 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the eighth with the King of Portugal and in the tenth with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutual Aid Henry the eighth in anno 4. reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next year combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with four thousand horse and six thousand foot whereupon he winneth Tournay Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid into which Maximilian the Emperour and Joan of Spain were received the year following In an 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regentess of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of his intendment interdicteth the French Territories calleth in aid Brachii Seculdris of the Secular power those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protector and stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next year confirmed and explained Renewing in the years twenty one thirty five and thirty eight the association and bond of mutual aid with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although Edward the sixth in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetual yet forbore he to aid the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperial Protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that of Marriage Aid and Entercourse with the Emperour Spain and Burgundy and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde about New-haven and with Charles the ninth 1564. and at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen in ninety six And with the States of the Netherlands in the years eighty five and ninety eight divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterpize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have
should become Homager to Henry the eighth as to his Soveraign But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassadour refused that assurance of duty and gave a just suspicion that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself which the Emperour never meant to the King of England left by such footing in France he might grow so great as to give Law to his neighbours And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable howsoever the bonds of Alliance were Thus did Henry the eighth as often change his hand of help as either Princes of Spain and France got ground of the other And the Spaniard now to keep the States in Italy disunited compoundeth differences at his pleasure or taketh part with the weaker not suffering any though his own dependant to grow too strong which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy Non tantum interest Aetolorum opes minui it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetâ—lians yet they were enemies quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent who was their friend The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger The one with our Confederates the other with the Subjects of this Crown For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince as France where we have the fairest pretences for with any other we are like to have no question then is all Contract of mutual aide left to the election of our Confederate who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts although they were by Oath For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks as that between Edward 3. and John King of France and that between John of Gaunt and the King of Castile they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause That neither side should procure dispensationem c. either per Ecclesiam Romanam vel per aliquam aliquam a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement How much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the eighths time whether with best security we should Confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip of their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties than in their Bonds For it will be held not only worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles the Emperour before the Council of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in Law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthned by confirmation Apostolical if the parties were separati ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesiae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his son made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and design and must not only forsake but aide against us in any war we should there undertake Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutual aide whether they will so in a forraign Invasion especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against John King of England and Lewis the twelfth a side of their own Subjects as it did after in the same Kingdom against Henry the third though all three conformable in points of Religion to that See how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Jesuits to raise Faction and divert people from duty the Recusants many and Malecontents not few all which with war will discover themselves but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance lock up their riches in security and their hearts in silence And therefore by any enterprize it is not with the rule of Seneca safe concutere felicem statum For by provoking of some adversary in respect of Papal protection they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion and then the sancta expeditio the holy expedition against Lewis will be made Bellum Sacrum a holy War against us But admitting no less than in former times an easiness to attempt it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in general of the dangers and impossibilities to retain For first we must more than transgress Limites quos posuerunt Patres the Bounds which our Fathers owned and relinquish that defence of Nature wherewith she hath incircled divided and secured us from the whole world Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis tutaut semper ab hoste fores From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas and set thee safe from Enemy and commit our Frontiers had we never so much upon the next Continent to the protection of an Army which besides the continual Charge if we give Ambitious and able Commanders as unable for our Interest we will not how ready shall it be in such a Leader and so backt if he please to give Law to his own Countrey For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles Alii sicuti Jura populi defenderent Pars quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret bonum publicum simulantes some declaring to maintain the rights of the People others to uphold the authority of the Senate all pretending to act for the publick good Hence was it that Augustus refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire which with great facility he might have
observing the divers humours accidents and dispositions thereof findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet so is it in a Kingdom or Commonwealth If then out of the Registers of Record and Story the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State it shall appear Answers to the former Arguments 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace 2 Forraign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage 3 Danger to the State 3 Confederacy alliance the means of former victories no ways to be restored as heretofore that those times wich have been glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councils would ever acknowledge that Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs That Combustions at home were like Meteors ever kindled in another Region but spent themselves there That our men instead of Lawrel and Olive Garlands to adorn with victory and peace our Gates and Temples have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities That forraign spoils have been summed up with Taxes and Penury That this addition of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetual issue of our own Treasure That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery and by extenture of Territories Danger And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forraign enterprise now is much more than in any age before I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much or his Countrey so little as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples that the Kings of England except in some heat of Youth which is not the best director of Counsel preferred unjust Peace before the justest War none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories or imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty every one willing to pass his time with content of his private fortunes Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000 marks Expensarum nomine under the notion of expences to the French King ut firmior Pax haberetur that he might have a firm and setled Peace His succeeding son pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister which was like to make a fraction gave to the French King docem millia librarum ten thousand pounds Three hundred thousand marks John gave to the French King to match his calm entrance to a secure peace Until the Confederacy with Scotland and invading of the Land by Charls de Valoys the French King provoked Edward the first he never disquieted France with noise of war as after he did by the Earls of Richmond and Lancaster although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto His Son the second Edward anno 2. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this State the words are ut Deus nos regat dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitterness and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. was especially called to consult how Peace might be procured In his 17 year the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no means violate but in the twentieth year moveth peace by all the offers he can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Cross with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French â—ury who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shameful deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second meditation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge Et pia Armaquibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawful who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was injoyned to open in Sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian blood-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people gravia onera multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of War cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Countrey nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five and twentieth year in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoid effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian blood he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one hour can overthrow simul parta sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings success as Livy of the Roman fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet