although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto His Sonne the second Edward anno 20. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him and the people of this State the words are e ut Deus nos regat et dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace ut Guerrarum discrimina vitaret that he might avoid the dangers of war he reaped nothing but bitternesse and detention of his Messengers Son and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne his Rebels injoying all Protection and his Merchants all Inhospitality whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit et Mercatores interfecit took in a hostile sort and slew the Merchants The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. a was especially called to a consult how Peace might be procured In his 17. year b the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France and to sollicite the Pope for mediation The truce from hence effected he would by no meanes violate but in the 20th year moveth peace by all the offers he c can as Contracts Intermarriage and to take up the Crosse with France in succursum Terrae Sanctae for succour of the Holy Land But all he could do could abate no whit of the French fury d who invaded by themselves Aquitain England by the Scots surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain whom at Paris ignominiosae morti tradidit he put to shamefull deaths there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects and rasing his Castles nor would upon a second mediation admit any way of peace War then was left his last refuge e Et pia Arma quibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est War is to that man just and lawfull who hath no hope of help but by war And this his Clergy was in joyned to open in sermons that he might eschew the infamy of Christian bloud-shed In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people f gravia onera et multa mala heavy burthens and many mischiefs as the Record saith and that the fortune of war cum splendet frangitur when it shineth clearest is then nearest breaking he passed over into France to seek peace divers times and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer a devotas preces suppliciter ad Deum humble and devout prayers to God to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Country nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum and the advantage of the whole Christian world which he believed could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours This is the dislike of war he openeth himself in the five twentieth year b in Parliament declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope but could not effect it And in the third year after c calleth again the body of the State to devise with him the means to obtain it for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted But d when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had undertaken and to avoyd effusionem sanguinis Christiani quantum potuit vel decuit pacem quaesivit the shedding of Christian bloud he sought peace as much as in him lay and as far as was fitting sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession but all in vain he stood upon his own strength By which his confident adversary the year following captive that was afore obdurate justly found that one houre can overthrow simul parta et sperata decora at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for And we may truly conclude of this Kings successe as Livy e of the Romane fortune Propterea bella felicia gessisse quia justa that therefore his wars were prosperous because they were just To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet he was contented to disclaim f the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him And after though often again incited yet never would be drawn to the hazard of war for improbe Neptunum accusat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack the second time untill the French King a contra juramentum formam pacis contrary to his oath and the form of peace had vexillis explicatis with banners displayed invaded his dominions in France and with a Fleet intended to attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subvertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his kingdome entred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune and after many years of war and much losse had in the end an expectation of peace which opened to his Commons and Councel in Parliament b their longing affection was so much inclined thereto that they advised the King though it were in doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he should not let slip that opportunity Untill Charles of France had received c that dangerous Rebell Owen Glendowr by the name of Metuâ—ndissimi Principis Walliae the most dread Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy against his Master whom he vouchsafed no other title then Henricus de Lancastria by contract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by the Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul entred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again untill Burgundy d that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meant with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in a Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransome those taken at Agin-Court battell so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamus ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered b many large and liberall conditions but received in exchange nothing but scosses he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected c by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Councell by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the losse of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury d a petition of 9. of
France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France not the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place left it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say a Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which in answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But a ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign a Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain b The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if c Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry d 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first and 3d. Edwards the 5th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no Henry the first but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea a adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with b Robert Earle of Flanders And again c cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond d mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the e Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn a and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King b The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an. 11. drew c Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Marks d And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an. 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an. 13. e by a pretence of intermarriage drew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party f and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who in g an. 20. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign h In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of
the bond of our assurance betook him to the Amity of France and dealt with this Crown but as a Merchant by way of intercourse first at the Treaty of e Bruges 1442. then at f Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son then ever it increased in the rising of the Father And Edward the fourth who succeeded sensible of this losse woed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to winne again the house of Burgundy g which in an. 7. he did to joyn for the recovery of his right in France h And drew in the yeare following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy In the i 11. yeare he renewed with Charles of Burgundie the bond of mutuall Aide and contracted the next k yeare the like with the King of Portugal And in an. 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem for the recovery of the Kingdome of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper a as the Record is entered a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain b And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money though he could not any portion of land Henry the 7. c an. 5. 6. entertaineth an Alliance with Spain against the French King The like in the 8. with the King of Portugall and in the 10. d with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutuall Aide Henry the 8. in an. 4. e reneweth the Amity of Portugal and the next yeare combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with 4000. horse and 6000. foot whereupon he winneth Tournay f Consilio Auxilio favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris with the advice assistance and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian In anno 7. g to weaken the French King he entreth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace and with h Charles of Spain for Amity and mutuall Aide into which Maximilian the Emperour and Ioane of Spain i were received the yeare following k In an. 12. with the Emperour Charles and l Margaret Regentesse of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King as the common enemy quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects as was mentioned in the contract the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany And the Pope in furtherance of this intendment interdicteth the French territories calleth in aide Brachii Secularis of the Secular power a those two Princes appointeth the Emperour Protectorem advocatum Ecclesiae the Churches Advocate and Protectour stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio an holy expedition b And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next yeare confirmed and explained Renewing in the years c 21. 35 and 38. the association and bond of mutuall aide with the same Princes and against the French King if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk And although d Edward the 6. in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Burgundy perpetuall e yet forbore he to aide the Emperour in the wars of France disabled as he pretended by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him f And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperiall protection During the Reign of Queen Mary there was no other but that g of Marriage Aide and Entercourse with the Emperor Spain and Burgundy h and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde i about New-haven and k with Charles the 9. 1564. at l Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him and after Britain and lastly by the Duke of Bullen a in 96. And with the States of the Netherlands in the yeares 85. b and 98. divers Treaties of Amity Confederation and Assistance By all these passages being all that well either our Story or Records can discover it appeareth manifest the Kings of England never to have undertaken or fortunately entertained any Forreign Enterprize without a party and confederate Amongst which by situation those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain Lords of the Netherlands the City of Genoa the kings of Portugall and Spain the Empire since knit into the house of Burgundy As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany the Kings of Denmark Poland and Sweden so farre removed I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy but of Amity and Entercourse onely IT remaineth to observe a little what were the reasons that first induced and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these severall Nations respectively to this Crown The assurance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffique here All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of themselves without any jealousy of Surprize But as soon as Vicinum Incendium the fire began in Millain they put themselves into the protection of Spain foreseeing how dangerous it would be set a weak State to stand Neutrall according to Aristhenus counsell to the Aetolians c Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus What else will become of us being in firm friendship with neither side then to be made a prey to the Conquerour Since which time Spain by estating Doria Grimaldi and the Spinellos chief Families of that City with great Patrimonies in Naples retaining their Gallies in his perpetuall service and salary the Inhabitants of all sorts in beneficiall Trade and no lesse in Policy to ingage that City then to supply his own Wants continually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summes of money as the Interest of late exceeded a 25. Millions hee hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party then if it were commanded by a Cittadell so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown Navarre and Britain while State of themselves were so long firm to our Confederacy as they were tyed with the bond of their own Calamity occasioned by that power which incorporating lately the one by Descent the other by Contract is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii more potent now then ever it hath been under the House of Capet Burgundie was so long our friend as either they were enriched by Staple of our Commodities or had protection of our Swords against France
who not only claimed Soveraignty over most but a proprietary interest in part and therefore had reason to give aide and Armes to such a Confederate as did by a diversive war secure and by particular Immunities inrich that State But now growing into Spain they need no such assurance in the one and we almost undone by their draping of our wooll which is happily called home not able to return them the benefit of the other cannot presume upon any such assurance of their aide as heretofore Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a fast Confederate for 2. respects First for that he is absolute and that we be equally devoid of demand neither having against the other any Titles Next for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocall between us then France and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood To this may be made a two-fold answer from the change of their Dispositions First for that they never assist any now but to make themselves Master of their State Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Portugall And when they were called into Naples by the Queen against the French they combined with her Adversary and divided the Kingdome And after upon the River of Garillon under their Leader Gonsalves taking an advantage they defeated the whole Army of the French holding ever since that entire Kingdome themselves For Spain will admit neither Equallity nor Felowship since upon Union of so many Kingdomes and famous Discoveries they begun to affect a fifth Monarchie The other that the late hostilitie between them and us hath drawn so much blood as all formes of ancient Amity are quite washt away and as Paterculus a saith of Carthage to Rome so may we of Spain to England Adeo odium Certaminibus ortum ultra metam durat ut ne in victis quidem deponitur neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse desiit The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly that the very conquered party cannot forget it in such a case the very places must cease to be before the hatred and envy towards it can cease BEsides these locall considerations there will 2. other Dangers now fall out from any Contract of mutuall aide The one from diversity of Intention and the other of Religion In the one when either the Confederate hath safely attained his own secret End whatsoever he pretendeth in the entrance he leaveth the other to work out his own designes Thus was Hen. 3. served called over by the Earls of Tholouse and March they in the mean time having made their Peace with France a Et expertus â—am infidem â—mo perfidiam Picta vensium turpiter recessit festinans non pepercit Calcaribus insomuch that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins he was forced dishonourably to retreat and for haste to spurre away the perill the poore King was left in being so great He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth who having drawn him into the warres of Apulia against Manfred in the end depauperato Regno Angliae undique bonis suis spoliato his Kingdome of England being impoverished and wholly despoiled of its Goods left him to his own shift The King of Navarre calling in the aide of Edward 3. b against France and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces revolteth to the French after he had by countenance of that preparation wrought his Peace Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry 8. not onely contracteth to aid him in person to recover the Crown of France pro tyrannico Rege repellendo and to remove the tyrannicall King they are the words of the League but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem Imperium Romanum the Imperiall Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion and estateth the Dutchie of Millain after recovery upon his person suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum modo feodorum Imperialium and his heires male lawfully begotten to hold in Fee of the Empire yet in the close left the King to his own fortune his turn for Millain and Verona served Charles the fifth when by the incuision of the French he saw his portion in Italy distressed in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish as he used himself to say for it supplied his Army with great Levies and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy he then ingaged Hen. 8. in the wars of France and bound himself as Bourbon his Confederate that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdome and the other should become Homager to Hen. 8. as to his Soveraign But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassador refused that assurance of duty and gave a just suspition that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself which the Emperour never meant to the King of England least by such footing in France he might grow so great as to give law to his neighbours And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable howsoever the bonds of Alliance were Thus did Hen. 8. as often change his hand of help as either Princes of Spain France got ground of the other And the Spaniard now to keep the States in Italie disunited compoundeth differences at his pleasure or taketh part with the weaker not suffering any though his own dependant to grow too strong which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy Non tantum interest AetoloruÌ„ opes minui it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetolians yet they were enemies quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent who was their friend The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger The one with our Confederates the other with the Subjects of this Crown For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince as France where we have the fairest pretences for with any other we are like to have no question then is all Contract of mutuall aide left to the election of our Danger by difference in Religion in respect of the Confedrates who May break by dispensation though both Catholicks Confederate who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts although they were by Oath For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks as that between Edward 3. and Iohn King of France that between Iohn of Gaunt and the King of Castile they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause That neither side should procure dispensationem c. either per Ecclesiam Ramanam vel per aliquam aliam a Dispensation ought to break out of the Rom. doctrine one
AN ANSWER made by Command of PRINCE HENRY to Certain Propositions of WARRE and PEACE Delivered to his HIGHNESSE by some of his Military Servants Whereunto is adjoyned THE FRENCH CHARITY OR An Essay written in French by an English Gentleman upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON Printed by Roger Daniel Anno MDCLV PROPOSITIONS OF WARRE and PEACE Delivered to his Highness PRINCE HENRY by some of his Military servants Arguments for Warre FRames of Policy as well as works of Nature a are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on By Armes was layd the foundation of this State whether we respect the Saxon or the Norman It was Warre that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in forreign parts the renown of her own greatnesse and crowned thereby this State with an eternall peace Times nor our owne vertues are not changed Necessity Benefit and Facility of Warre being the same that they were before â—o our forefathers Reasons of forraign War drawn from 1 Necessity for 1 Preservation of our own peace 2 Venting of factious spirits We never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad as at home by the calm government of Henry the sixth For France by the awfull hand of his father reduced it fared with us as with the mistress of the world a Remoto Carthaginis metu et Imperii aemula when the fear of Carthage her competitour for the Empire was removed that fell not by degrees but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad voluptates à negotio ad otiuÌ„ rushed headlong from arms to pleasures from employment to idleness And from hence as greatest Nations cuÌ„ ab externis causis tutae videntur ipsae suis viribus onerantur when there is no longer fear of forreign enemies their own strength becomes a burthen to them so after many conquests abroad we were at home prest down wth the unnatural weight of civil armes For cum foris non habent hostem domi inveniunt when people have no enemies abroad they find some at home as all warlike fruitful Nations will no otherwise delivered either of their humours or people To add to this necessity the sending away oâ— our factious spirits it wil removâ— the seat of bloud from our own doors and prove the cheapest school to train up in armes the better dispositions whose military skil may after serve to defend the State and by the late accession of another Nation wil be now more needful a Ne novus populus otioâ—t nimia pecunia lasciviret lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idlenesse and we in the end be enforced with the Satyrist b to confesse Nune patimur longae pacis mala savior armis Luxaria incubuit We suffer now the harm of a long peace Whilst Riot worse then war doth thus increase 3 Instructing in arms our people 2 Benefits 1 Wealth by 1 Spoil of the Enemy 2 Addition of Revenue by subjectedterritories 2 Honour by addition of 1 Title 2 Dominion The benefis arise from Profit and Honour The Spoils we have brought away in our French Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting and the Revenues of the subjected Signiories as Normandy Aquitain c. supporting with much advantage the expence in keeping Our Honour as the Stile of our Kings by confluence of so many Titles increased and by accession of so many territories as we held in France our dominions and liberties so far inlarged 3 A more facility to effect then heretofore by 1 Addition of new strength 2 Substraction of diversions The facility to effect this being now more then ever by the addition of strength and substraction of diversions in this happy union of the Britain Empire AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESSE AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body naturall that by observing the divers humours accidents and dispositions thereof findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet so is it in a Kingdome or Commonwealth If then out of the Registers of Record and Story the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State it shall appear that those times which have been Answers to the former Arguments 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace 2 Forraign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage 3 Danger to the State 3 Confederacy alliance the means of former victories no waies to be restored as heretofore glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councells would ever acknowledge that a Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs That Combustions at home were like Meteors ever kindled in another Region but spent themselves there That our men instead of Lawrell and Olive garlands to adorn with victory peace our gates and Temples have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities That forreign spoyls have been summed up with Taxes and Penury That this addition of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetuall issue of our own Treasure That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery and by extenture of Territories Danger And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forreign enterprise now is much more then in any age before I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much or his Country so little as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples that the kings of England except in some heat of Youth which is not the best directour of Counsell preferred unjust Peace before the justest War none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories or imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty every one willing to passe his time with content of his private fortunes Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000 marks a Expensarum nomine under the notion of expences to the French king ut firmior Pax haberetur that he might have a firm and setled Peace His succeeding sonne pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister which was like to make a fraction gave to the French King b decem millia librarum ten thousand pounds Three hundred thousand marks Iohn gave to the French king to match his calme entrance to a secure peace Until the confederacy with c Scotland and invading of the land by Charls de Valoys the French king provoked Edward the first he never disquieted France with noyse of war as after he did by the d Earls of Richmond and Lancaster
none either by reason of Distance they come too late or if not by reason of Remoteness he who is to execute will be bolder with his Instructions then is fit for a Minister to be How dangerous is it then by addition of Territories for our Master a Alterum pene Imperio nostro suo quaerenti Orbem whilest he is seekng to joyn another world in a manner to his and our Empire to alter either the setled order of directions or walls of our securitie Besides as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis the rationall soul cannot informare give life sense or disourse to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly or any other body disproportionable to a Form so qualified so is there as well a bound of amplitude and strictness wherein the soul of Government is comprised b Between which extremes there are many degrees of Latitude some approaching to the greatest that nature seldome or never produceth some to the least and some to the mean beyond which proportions respectively though some may have a will to effect they never can have a power to attaine And this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in France which we could never either with Profit or Assurance retain being gotten by Conquest and but tacked to by Garrison contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies For some Kingdomes in which number this may be accounted are of the same condition that Demosthenes c maketh the Athenians Non ea vestra ingenia sunt ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperiateneatis sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae ut alium potiri principatu prohibeatis aut potitum exturbetis It is not your way violently to oppresse other States and seize the Government but in this is your strength manifest that you can hinder another from possessing the Government or when he is possessed of it throw him out again Since then by Situation and Power we are the fittest either to combine or keep severall the most potent and warlike Nations of the West it is the best for Safety and the most for Honour to remain as we were Arbiters of Europe and so by Neutralitie sway still the Ballance of our mightiest Neighbours which by holding of our hands and onely looking on we shall easily do since Spain and France hang so indifferently that a little weight will cast the Beam imploying ours as Claudius did his Forces in a Germanie ut subsidio victis Victoribus terrori essent ne forte elati Pacem turbarent to assist the Conquered party and to over-awe the Victor lest he should be puffed up with pride and disturb our peace Thus did Hen. 8. with the French and Spanish Princes using as his Motto of Honour and Power this Cui adhaereo praeest He rules whom I stick to And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies then to inlarge her Dominions multiplying her Leagues more by giving then receiving gratuities winking at her own wrongs rather then willing to revenge And as the great Mistris of the world once did what rather became her Greatness then what severity of Armes required Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates and her Land here cleared of Enemies For according to Micipsae's counsell to Jugurth Non exercitus neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt Neither Armyes nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdome but such Allies as neither Armes constrain nor monyes purchase sed officio fide pariuntur And since by fortune of the times succeeding this State hath grown more upon Opinion then Deed and that we know Magis fama quam vi stare res nostras that our affairs stand rather by Fame then Force it is most safe neither to discover weakness nor hazzard losse by any attempt Besides standing as we do no waies obnoxious by Site to any of our neighbours they will alwaies be ready to referre the judgement order of their differences to us As the a Brabanters and Henowayes to the Arbitrement of Edward the third and b Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth Thus every part shall woe us all Princes by their Oratours shall resort unto us as to the Common Consistorie of judgement in their debates and thereby add more to our Reputation then any power of our own For as well in States as in Persons Suitours are an infallible token of Greatness which Demosthenes c told the Athenians they had lost since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour Riches and Safety and in all other but endlesse Expence Trouble and Danger Robert Cotton Bruceus FINIS THE FRENCH CHARITY WRITTEN In French by an English Gentleman upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON Printed by Roger Daniel Anno MDCLV THE FRENCH CHARITY ALthough we see that naturall causes produce sometimes contrary effects that the Sun which draws up the Clouds can also scatter them that the same Wind both lights and blow's out the taper that Vipers serve for wholesome medicaments and Scorpions carry about them an Antidote to their own poison it is not so neverthelesse in morall and politick affairs wherein that which is once ill is alwayes accounted such from whence is begot in us that quality which we call Experience whereby wise men are accustomed to judge of present and future actions by those that are past Which is the foundation whereupon all Monarchies and Republicks have established the Maxims of their subsistence and found out both what they ought to follow and what to avoid The Charity which France hath testified to pacify our differences is so great that it is become incredible so unseasonable that it is suspected and so contrary to their former proceedings that it is quite otherwayes understood Philosophers say we cannot passe from one extremity to another without some mean I cannot see by what steps they are come to this perfect goodness nor what good Genius can have made them in an instant so good friends of such dangerous neighbours to us I will passe my censure upon nothing yet let me have the liberty to judge of all I find so great a wonder in this change that I find a conflict in my self to believe it It is no common marvell that those who have for so long a time beheld all Europe in a flame and could not be moved by the bloud and destruction of so many people to cast thereon one drop of water should now have their bowells so tender as to compassionate the dissensions arising in a corner of the world which hath alwayes bin fatall to them That those who have made it their chiefest interest to divide us should now make it their glory to reunite us That those who place their rest
in our troubles should now apply their cares for our repose and that after they have cast us down headlong they should reach us a plank for to come ashore Let the wise Reader here whilst I determine nothing allow me at least a little distrust it is the Mother of Safety The Trojans who could not be overcome by Armes perish't by a pledge of peace All the French civilityes are faire and good but in the bottome Quicquid id est timeo Gallos dona ferentes Let us see what reasons can oblige them to interest themselves so passionately in our agreement Is it Religion surely no for that which they professe is contrary to that of this Kingdome and the little Charity they have for their own ought not to perswade us that they have much for ours Is it for the inclination they have to peace surely no for if they esteemed it a benefit they would seek it first for themselves It is perhaps for an acknowledgement of their obligations to us in the late warres and for the assistance we gave to those of Rochel I this would be truely Christian indeed to render us good for evill They will say that they are the bands of blood and parentage which bind them to the Queen and yet they have let the Mother beg her subsistence and retreat among strangers which she could not find with them and having beheld her without pitty and succour in her greatest extremities they advise to offer her a remedy upon the declining of her ill But if this be the reason of their admittance I conceive them no lawfull nor indifferent Mediators since they are so much concern'd in one of the parties They will whisper us in the eare that the designe is to pacify us and to ingage us in a league with them against the Spaniard although at the same time they designe Ambassadours for Munster to endeavour a peace with him O we should wrong them very much to believe it though they might seem in an humour to desire it of us They are too gallant spirited to pretend it they know that we are better advised then to serve them to pull their Chesnut out of the fire that a body recovering health from a long sicknesse ought not to expose it self to a violent agitation that the State will find it self loaden with debts and the Subject exhausted by Contributions that we ought to preferre the evident profit of traffick before the uncertain vanity of a conquest that Iealousies being not yet removed nor aemulations supprest all kind of arming would be suspected by the State fearing least some under pretense of a forrain warre might study private revenge or the oppression of the publick liberty that in the end it will be our gain to see them deal with Spain and to make our advantage of their troubles or not to meddle at all with them unlesse by adding secretly according to the revolution of affairs a little weight to them that shall be found the lighter If then it be none of these motives it remains that it must be either Generosity or deceit O Generosity that hast so long since withdrawn thy self to heaven there to keep company with the faire Astraea or rather who wer 't buried in France in the Sepulchre of Monsieur Gonin is it possible that thou shouldst be risen again or that France should have recall'd thee with her exiles since the death of her King and that the first labour she should put thee to should be in favour of England against whom but few dayes since she shewed such violent resentments for an offence received by a pretended violation of the treaties which had past between us Truely if it be she we must reverence her with extraordinary respects but before we give her the Honours due unto her we must know her for feare of Idolatry in adoring her masque for her self or embracing a cloud in stead of a Goddesse Let us give a thrust with our launce into the Trojan horse to see if there be no ambush within In walking lately with some French Gentlemen as this nation is free enough of their discourse a word escaped from one of the company without making reflexion as I think of what Countrey I was That amongst their Prophets there was one which said That the Conquest of England was promised to their young King This thought cast into the aire though inconsideratly seemed to me very considerable and having given me an occasion to reflect upon all things both past and present it served me as a light to guide me in the obscurity of this Labyrinth upon which before I had reasoned but superficially From thence being returned to my lodging I opened accidentally a book of Monsieur de Rohan intitled The interest of the Princes of Christendome and I fell presently upon a passage where he said That one of the surest wayes to make ones self Master of a State is to interpose and make himself arbiter of its differences I had no need of any other Oedipus to expound to me the riddle of the Prophesy these first motives of suspicion having cast me into more profound thoughts I revolved in my mind how France had managed the whole business both before since the beginning of our troubles and weighed all the circumstances of this Ambassage Why such a solemne Ambassage in a time when all things seem most exasperated and furthest from accommodation Why then not sooner while differences were not yet irreconcileable between the two parties Why such a warlike Prince who is not experienced in the affaires of this Kingdome to manage a negotiation of a peace the most nice and intricate that the world at this time affords Why at the same time levying of Souldiers in Normandy when all the other troops are in their quarters Why therefore should they supply one of the parties with mony when they come to act the persons of mediatours if not to cast wood and oyle into the flame Why at the same time an Agent in Scotland who propounds to them openly a League with France Why begin they onely to turn their cares upon England when they are upon the point of concluding a peace with Spain May not we well judge that it is to prepare themselves for a new employment since they themselves confesse that their boiling and unquiet temper hath need of continuall exercise and that the onely means to prevent troubles at home is continually to furnish them with matter whereupon to evacuate their choler abroad Why doth onely France afford us this so suddain and unexpected Charity after all the fresh wounds which bleed yet among them because of the expulsion of the Capuchins after the continuall cares she hath taken for so many years to lay the foundation of our troubles by the secret negotiations of the Marquis of Blainville by the intriques of the cardinal of Richelieu with Buckingham by the long plots in Scotland and by the open sollicitations of