into his own Country there were hopes doubtless 〈◊〉 a happy peace to ensue and long to continue But seems those hopes were soon blasted For the 〈◊〉 next year viz. the 15 we read of the late agrâ—â— peace's being violated and broken by the King 〈◊〉 according to my Author persevering in his wroâ—â— would in no wise be induc'd to hold his own graâ—â— but to execute all things after pleasure nothing â—â—ter Law and Justice These violations produc'd new War between King John and his Nobles 〈◊〉 ended not till after the Kings Death So troublesâ—â— was it to the Nation so dangerous to the King 〈◊〉 he should have such ill Ministers about him 〈◊〉 were either authors or followers of no better adviâ—â— then what could not consist with the Kings keepiâ—â— his Royal Word That the Sheep were made 〈◊〉 for the Shepheard to clip shear pill and slay at own will and pleasure is a Doctrine that the 〈◊〉 quiet innocent harmless Sheep would no longer â—â—â—lingly assent to than while the Knife is held at 〈◊〉 throat how acceptable soever it may be to the 〈◊〉 Wolves and the degenerate Dogs of the 〈◊〉 When King John found himself too weak to â—â—tend with his Barons and yet it seems by the 〈◊〉 not willing enough to keep to his former 〈◊〉 he sent beyond Sea and call'd in strangers his Assistance We read that Northfolk and 〈◊〉 were the Lands promised to those strangers 〈◊〉 would come over to aid the King who had a little â—efore got the Pope to disannul the aforesaid Charter â—nd liberties granted ere while by him and excommuâ—icate the Barons We have mention made in Stow 〈◊〉 or 3 times of strangers coming over So many of â—hem were cast away at one time by Tempest who â—ere coming over Men Women and Children that â—â—'s said of 4000 not one escap'd alive So that we â—ay observe 't is an old trick to call in Foreigners â—pon the Natives when Arbitrary designs are on 〈◊〉 When the King was found to have invited â—trangers to his aid the Lords also sent into France â—or help and succour When two Women fall a scolâ—ing and pulling one anothers head-cloths whoever â—â—rst began the fray it is much but both will be in â—â—ult before it end London was the place where the â—ords kept themselves together till the expected aid â—nd succour from beyond Sea was brought to them â—nder Lewis the French Kings Son who landing 〈◊〉 England with a strong Army came afterwards to London and was there received Hence he with the Lords departing won many Castles in the Land and 〈◊〉 their return had the Tower of London given up to â—hem by appointment Tho the Tower held long for â—he King yet 't was the City it seems that bare the â—way and adhered to the Lords What a strength â—â—ey were of we may observe out of Stow where â—ing John is said to have made hast to besiege Lonâ—on but the Londoners were hereby so little daunted â—hat they set open their Gates and were ready to meet â—im ten miles off the City whereupon the King withâ—rew understanding their boldness and multitude â—hen the Major Roger Fitz. Alwyn was accused to be â—â—vourable to the Kings Party we find him quickly â—ischarg'd of his Office and one Serle Mercer chosen 〈◊〉 his place so great was the favour of the Citizens to the Barons and their Cause that they spar'd not their own head Officer and Ruler when he lay under thâ— suspicion of favouring Arbitrary designs so contrary to the mind of the Citizens The War still continuing and King John being not able to prevail tho thâ— Pope interceded by his Legaâ—e he had at last â—â— some writes all his Arbitrary designs quench'd with a Cup of Poyson at Swinstead Abby about Lincoln Tho another Author is said to affirm that he died â—â— the flux at another place Soon after this unhappy unfortunate King John death we meet with an eminent instance of Englisâ— mens Loyalty as well as of their love of liberty anâ— freedom for though the King and his Lords were 〈◊〉 so great a difference most of the latter part of hiâ— Reign and he left the Throne and his life at such 〈◊〉 time when his Barons were likely in outward appearance to be much too strong for him his his survâ—ving Heir being but then a Child of about 9 years 〈◊〉 age Yet as if all rancour and animosity against thâ— King and his Party was dead and buried with him 〈◊〉 his Grave the wheel of affairs was so turn'd as 〈◊〉 were in an instant that Lewis and his strangers weâ—â— disgusted and the young Fatherless Prince was proclaim'd and Crown'd King of the Land at an agâ— wherein he was not fit to be left to his own guidanâ—â— without a Tutor It 's plain enough by this instancâ— that English hearts were more loyal than naturallâ— to desire the ruine of their Prince and his Family 〈◊〉 at any time they appear'd in Arms against him in defence of their Lives Liberties and Freedoms hoâ— ready have they shewed themselves to accord anâ— submit as soon as those men of ill Principles and Aâ—bitrary practices were remov'd from their Princâ— who had rais'd those clouds of discontent betweeâ— him and his People The chief of those that so soon returned to their Allegiance were the powerful Earls of Pembroke and Chester who drew with them a very considerable reâ—inue They may be probably thought to hope to â—â—nfuse better Principles into their young Prince in his Nonage than appeared by former Arbitrary actions â—o have been in his Father and so model the Goâ—ernment into a better frame in the time of that powâ—r they were as the chief Nobles most likely to â—ave under the King in his younger days Neither â—o I know but somwhat might proceed from reâ—orse of Conscience The Earl of Chester in the 2d â—ear of the Kings Reign taking his journey into the Holy-Land the Religion of those times having made â—hat the usual way of Expiation Some such intent of â—he Earl stands likewise upon record in one of the Chronicles saith my Author Another very probaâ—le occasion of this sudden change of Affairs in the Kingdom may be supposed to have risen from the Death-bed confession of a French Nobleman who 〈◊〉 reported to have discovered Lewis's intent to 〈◊〉 destroy and quite root out those English Lords â—hat adhered to him as if in detestation of their disâ—oyalty to their own natural English Soveraign When â—he Barons came once to find that he whom they â—ad called in to defend them against their Kings Arâ—itrariness intended to violate and break their Coâ—enants established at first between them when he â—ould come to have opportunity and so turn their â—â—plored aid into their certain destruction they â—ight well think they had reason enough to disclaim 〈◊〉 Alliance and endeavour to frustrate his privy inâ—â—ntions by returning to their former Allegiance as 〈◊〉 as a fit season presented it self Conditional
London there passed an Inquest of Twelve Knights of Middlesex sworn upon a Jury between the Abbot of Westminster and the City for certain Priviledges the Citizens of London claimed within Westminster where by the said Jury it was found before the Chief Baron of the Kings Exchequer that the Sheriffs of London at those days might lawfully enter into the Town of Westminster and all other Tenements that the Abbot had within Middlesex and unto the Gate of the said Abby and there to make Summons and distrain for lack of Appearance all and every Tenant of the said Abbot 'T is not now adays only that the Londone's stand so strong for their Priviledges whatsoever some may think of it as if out of stubbornness and opposition Their Fore-Fathers were like-minded and stood up couragiously in defence of their just Rights and Liberties against Arbitrary Encroachers above Four Hundred years ago Anno 1262. After this the former Complaint of the Aliens and others was declared before the King and his Lords in the Parliament at Westminster This is the Term Fabian gives it but whether on the same account as he did before when he expounded a Parliament by a Council of Lords in the 43d Year pag. I am not so certain as positively to determine Here the Chronicle tell us it was at last sentenced but by what means and Inducements is not there set down that the Barons should restore all such Goods as they and their Company had taken from all Persons before that day as well to Aliens as other men both Spiritual and Temporal and also that such Menial Servants as should be daily in the Kings House and about his Person should be such as the King would choose and admit himself But the dissenting Barons utterly rejected these Articles whereupon the Fire of Dissention was again kindled between the King and those his Lords In the 47th Year by procurement of the Barons we are told that the Commons of London chose unto their Mayor for that Year Thomas Fiz Thomas Robert Moumphere and Robert de Suffolk were Sheriffs and without Counsel of the Aldermen swore him at Guild-Hall upon Simon and Jude's day and made no presentment of him the morrow following to the King nor to the Barons of the Exchequer as had been the custom For which we may easily suppose the King was much discontented with the City Whereupon the King perceiving the City would take the Barons part having caused his Son to seise Windsor Castle by a Train early in a Morning a little before Christmas he rode thither from Westminster whither shortly after came also many of the Lords that were upon the King's party As fast likewise the Lords and Knights on the Earl of Leicester's side drew towards London so that on either part was much People assembled In the mean time some well disposed Mediators endeavouring a Concord between the King and his Lords it was finally agreed by both parties that all matters concerning the foresaid Articles of the Statutes and Ordinances made at Oxford and afterwards by the 12 Peers should be referred to the French King to judge which should be held and which not Upon this Agreement were Copies made of the said Statutes with Letters shewing the â—ffect of the former Agreement and sent unto Lewis the French King Over sails the King with his Sâ—n Edward and others of his Council on one side On the other were sent Sir Peter de Mountford and others as so many Sollicitors for their mutual Parties So that the Statutes were strongly argued before the French King by both sides In the end the French King Lewis calling before him both Parties on January the 24th and sitting in Judgment gave express Sentence that all and every of the said Statutes and Ordinances should be from that day forward utterly void and set at nought and all such Bonds and Promises that the King or any other had made for the maintenance of the same should be annulled and cancelled and the King and all others for any matter concerning those Statutes set at Liberty After this Sentence thus given the King returned into England and so to London February the 15th This King Lewis is named a Saint for that he was not I suppose so bad as other Princes too too commonly are or more probably for some deeds of his pleasing to the Popish Clergy as his sending to destroy the then accounted Heretical Albigenses his taking a Voyage once into the Holy Land and undertaking a second towards the same place at the Popes request For at that time the Holy War as 't is generally called was cried up in these Western parts of the World as a high piece of Devotion But whatever esteem Lewis had got in the World the Barons it seems continued not to have the same Veneration for him but were contrary wise much moved with his Sentence noting great Partiality in him thus to disannul all the foresaid Acts which were at first made in Parliament the King agreeing to them and had been variously confirmed by the Kings Grant his Oath and manifold Promises together with a solemn Curse denounced against such as would attempt in word and deed to break them It may be 't was the Fame of this King Lewis's Goodness that made the Barons consent to have him the Umpire as one concerned on neither party But what could be expected in the Case Could it be supposed that he a King would not favour his Brother King what he might rather than by confirming these Acts pretended so prejudicial to all Royal Prerogative give Example to his own Subjects to require the like at his hands or attempt to compel him thereto by force Had the Lords gotten an Umpire from among some disinterested Subjects of some other Land he perhaps would have adjusted the business wholly in their favour So hard had it been to have met with a just Arbitrator in the case who would not have declined to one or the other Party for fear nor favour King Henry having thus got a Verdict on his side and the Barons noting Partiality and therefore refusing to stand to the Judgment though the Chronicle intimates to us that they had promised assuredly to abide the French Kings Arbitration For King Lewis expresly excepting King John's Charter before granted the Barons persisted in defence of the Oxford Statutes as founded on that Charter What then remains but to commit all to the last Decision of the Sword and so the whole Arbitrement shall be cast more immediately into the hands of Providence Away from London go the Lords Westward into the Marches of Wales where drawing to them great Power they war upon the Lands and Castles of Sir Roger Mortimer to whose aid Edward the King's Son coming his People were distressed and he himself almost taken To redress these grievances a new Parliament was appointed at Oxford which Fabian says never came to effect Yet he mentions another Chronicle which affirms this Parliament
in choosing their representatives Then were the Judges consulted Men as my Author writes learned chiefly in one point that is without considâ—ring Truth or Falshood to please those in high places who gave several extrajudicial opinions in favour of the Prerogative upon some Queries propounded to them by one of which viz. Whether the King might not at his pleasure dissolve the Parliament and command the Lords and Commons to depart we may guess what Exceptions and Resentments were taken against the Commons Request in the Second of this King before mentioned that the Parliament should not be dismist before a reasonable Answer was given to all their Petitions After this was my Lord Mayor of London required to give an account how many able men he could raise in the City who answered that he thought they could make fifty thousand men at an hours warning But when he went about it in good earnest the Citizens cried out they would never fight against the Kings Friends and the Defenders of the Realm Then were there endeavours privily to apprehend the opposing Lords singly by themselves but this design was disappointed and the Lords were quickly up in Arms to defend themselves When these devices would not hold water by the interposition of Mediators it was ordered that the Lords should come to Westminster to the King upon a day appointed them some Persons of Quality and Credit taking Oaths on the Kings part that no fraud or deceit should be used whereupon the Lords prepared themselves to come up according to agreement but soon stopt their Journy upon notice given them of an Ambusment laid for them in the Mews which made the King ready almost to tax them of breach of Covenant till he was told the reason viz. the Ambusment laid for them and then to clear himself as Stow relates it sware he knew of no such thing He might possibly be as innocent as the Child unborn as to any particular knowledge of this matter but certainly his Courtiers were much to blame and very bold thus to act in direct opposition to the former Agreement for that there was such a treacherous piece oâ— Service intended the Annalist assures us but that any of the prime Engineers and designing Actors were punished for acting thus without the Kings more especial Warrant Knowledge or Commission I do not find When these tricks would not do then fair words and promises were come in fashion again to sooth up the angry Lords who at last were come to Westminster with a sufficient Guard of Attendants and in the upshot the speedy calling of a Parliament was concluded on where the Accusers and Accused might meet face to face But the favourite Lords durst not attend the consequence of such a Meeting and therefore the Duke of Ireland and the rest of the Faction left the Court to be out of the way and an Army was after raised to conduct the Duke up to Court with which he hasted as fast as he could towards London but was miserably overthrown at Radcoat Bridge in Oxfordshire by the contesting Lords and so eâ—ded all his glory and a few years after his life Upon this defeat the Lords thought they had matter enough to justifie their Arms with forty thousand men up come they to London and were there received the King then keeping his Christmas in the Tower to whom they shew the Letter he had sent to the aforesaid Duke to raise an Army for their destruction and the Letters the French King had written to him to come into France there to do acts to his own dishonour and the Kingdoms These things we may well conclude bred a great deal of ill blood between the King and his Lords and that their Pulses beat extraordinary high is plain from the peremptory message they sent the King when they understood his mind was alter'd as to keeping his promise before made to them That if he came not according to his word they would chuse another King who should hearken to the faithful Counsel of his Lords This 't is easie to be thought toucht the King to the quick but being not then strong enough to oppose he esteem'd it his safest and securest course to condescend to the Lords desires and order the calling of a Parliament A Parliament comes and then it wrought wonders In Stow we meet with a Story coincident with these times concerning the Londoners how that they understanding that the French King had got together a great Navy assembled an Army and set his purpose firmly to come into England trembling like Leverets fearful as Mice they sought starting holes to hide themselves in even as if the City had been ready to be taken and they that in times past brag'd they would blow all the French men out of England hearing a vain Rumour of the Enemies coming ran to the Walls brake down the houses adjoyning destroyed and laid them flat and did all things in great fear not one Frenchman having then set foot on Shipboard But there 's not one word of the Author whence this was extracted which we commonly find in the Margin in other Relations What ground now there was for this pannick fear I cannot devise or rather reason for the relating of such a heedless story looking more like a conjectural report than an historical relation as if the Writer himself had been frenchified or imposed upon by some French Translator who was desirous to render his Country mâ—n terrible to the English by the Pen of an English Historian since they have been so ill able to do it by their own Swords For that the English neither overmuch lov'd nor fear'd the French Nation is evident from the Histories of ancient times and thâ— occurrences of later days and from the Commons Address to the Purbâ—ck Alarum How then the Londoners should come to be affraid of them so all of a sudden is a Riddle to me 'T is certain enough of late years that when they were burnt out of house and home and had little more perhaps to lose besides their lives upon an Alarum of the French coming and Papists rising they were like inraged Bears robb'd of their young Ones much more ready to fall on than the others to set upon them so far were they from standing in fear of the whole power of France though it should have been united with all their Popish Friends Favourers and Pensioners in England And that they had little or no grounds for such fear in those elderly times the long train of Victories gain'd heretofore in France puts us out of doubt Besides methinks the Instances in this Story which the Writer sets down as Arguments of fear are rather proofs of a provident care and foresight For what else can the running to the Walls and breaking down the Houses adjoyning import but a design and resolution to stand upon their own Guard which is the property of Courage not of Cowardise That there were intentions suitable to men of valour
of England wherein we read at the latter end of the Life and Reign of King Richard the Second That after the Duke was come from Coventry to St. Albans about five or six Miles before his coming to London the Mayor and the Companies in the Liveries with great Noise of Trumpets met the Duke doing more Reverence to him than to the King Rejoycing that GOD had sent them such a Prince that had Conquer'd the Realm i. e. the Court-party within one Months space Whereupon when the Duke was come within two Miles of the City he stopt his Army as if out of Reverence and Acknowledgment and in Submission thereto and ask't Advice of the Commons thereof what they would do with the King who Answered they would He should be led to Westminster upon which to them He was delivered and they led him accordingly to Westminster and from thence by Water to the Tower Nay some of the Londoners publickly shew'd themselves so much His Enemies as to Assemble together with an intent to have met Him without the City and there to have Slain him for his former Severities But the Mayor and Rulers and best of the Commonalty upon Information hereof with some difficulty reclaim'd them therefrom After the Citizens had thus receiv'd the King into their Custody and in effect thereby made a publick Declaration of their Minds and Opinions as to the great Change succeeding the Duke we are told entred London by the chief Gate and Rode through Cheapside to St. Pauls and there Lodg'd for some time so secure was he of the Citys good Will and Affection to him and afterward in October held a Parliament in Westmimster-Hall where the old King's Deposition and the new King's Election were compleated I shall not stay to make a long Paraphrase upon the Cityes proceedings in this Affair it being Matter of Fact and undeniable that the City consented hereto from the aforesaid passages which may be likewise thought very much to have influenc'd the Nation in their Elections to that Parliament if from the Annalists Computation we may safely and truly aver that the Parliament-Men were chosen after these Transactions at London because Forty dayes at least interven'd between this time and the first Wednesday in October whereon he sayes the Parliament began If any be desirous of another Observation I leave them to their own Liberty to infer from History and the Premises that it much conduc't to facilitate the King's Deposition that he had no known and generally acknowledg'd Heir of his own Body lawfully begotten boldly to stand up for Him and strongly plead his Cause in Armour for his own particular Interest as well as out of a due sence of his Duty Neither indeed do I well see how he could have any since that he had none by his first Wife that I read of his second Queen was too young another Heir was publickly pointed out to the Nation and he himself was also loosely addicted as seems plain beyond dispute His Lascivious living being hinted to us in Burton's Historical Remarks of London among the Articles drawn up against him and we have great reason to think it was an imputation too true when we read of several Ladyes expell'd the Court in the Eleventh of his Reign by the Procurement of the contesting Lords and a little before the sitting of the Wonder-Working-Parliament and take Notice out of Cotton's Abridgment of the House of Commons Request in the Twentieth Year for the avoiding the outragious Expences of the King's house and namely of Bishops and Ladyes and the King's Answer thereto made That he would be free therein and that the Commons thereby had offended against him his Dignity and Liberty Such was his Indignation against them for desiring to controul him in this Point and so highly incens'd was he thereat that to Appease him the Exhibiter of the Bill was adjudg'd to dye as a Traytor though upon some great Ones importunity his Life was for that time spared and he himself at length restor'd in Blood and to the recovery of his Goods Livings Lands and Tennements at the next King 's comming to the Crown But how I trow come the Bishops to be complain'd of by the Commons among the Misses Were they such Courters of Ladyes as instead of rebuking to follow or rather give bad Examples to the King and Country Yet now I think on 't these were Popish not Protestant Bishops Though I scarce believe every one of them that to the view of the World gives himself a Protestant Title is able well and truly to plead not Guilty If Noli-fet-ole-chery be a Motto rightly father'd upon one of our Western Diocesans How all things in a manner concur'd to further King Richard's Deposition and that he was actually depos'd hath already been spoken of which nevertheless barely did not content the Party but they would needs have it done in a formal and solemn way First the King must make a publick Renunciation of all Right Title and Claim to the Crown then Commissioners are by the States appointed in their Names to pronounce the Stentence of his Deposition from the Throne and make to him a Resignation of their homage and fealty for their Loyalty seems plainly enough to have been gone before Neither did they think this enough but were resolv'd over and above to leave Articles against him upon Record wherein are expressed the ill things done by others in his Reign and as they say by his Authority whereby they designed to justifie what they had done towards the unhappy Kings Deposition which visibly pav'd the way to his Grave So pernicious is it for Princes to suffer their Authority to be abus'd to shelter other mens Crimes or their Names to be made use of without a Present Resentment to carry on Designs hateful to the People though they never consent thereto themselves as their own Act and Deed. For I hope we may charitably Conclude what the worshipful Knights Sir Mayor and Sir Haughty the other-ill belov'd wight did in laying a trap to catch the Contesting Lords in the 11th year of this King was without the Kings privity because he swore it as in page 〈◊〉 though possibly they shrouded themselves under the shelter of his Authority and pretended his Warrant and Command for what they design'd and endeavoured And perhaps they had as Sir Richard Bakâ—r words it a warrant Dormant to prosecute the Kings Ends without the Kings Knowledge The Articles and Objections laid against the King are to be found in Cotton's Abridgment 1. H. 4. whence I trust I may securely transcribe them without hazarding the Courteous Readers Displeasure to shew him the grievances of the age as they are there exprest in this form of words Besides the Kings Oath made at his Coronation First for wasting and bestowing of the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and over-charging the Commons with Exactions For that the King by undue means procur'd divers Justices to speak against the
in England and under the auspicious influence of her Reign the City flourish'd to such an height of Grandeur whether we respect the concourse of Forreign Merchants from abroad or the stateliness of her publick buildings at home the freedom and security of Traffick and the flowing in of Riches and Wealth thereby the famous exploits perform'd by her Citizens in other Countries and Climates and the foundation in those times laid for much greater atchievements by the necessary preparatives of skill and knowledge in Military affairs gain'd by the more frequent Musters and Warlike exâ—rcises of her Inhabitants than in former times or learn't at that Grand Nursery of Souldiers the Artillery Garden that 't is easie to conjecture how secure her Majesty was in the Ctiizens love and loyalty and how happy they thought themselves in the favour and protection of so good great and gracious a Princess 'T is not therefore to be expected that such turns and changes should occur in her days wherein the City might have occasion to interpose her Authority to settle and secure the Nation against the furious attempts of arbitrary Pretenders or lye under any unavoidable necessity of shewing her Power and Influence over it in contradiction to other mens aspiring and ambitious Designs However I am not destitute of an Instance to demonstrate the consequence of her Example and how much all England was influenced thereby to the manifestation of their zeal love and duty to their Soveraign In 88. a year so famous for the Spanish Invasion the Queens Counsel had demanded what the City would do for her Majesty and their Country and the Lord Mayor and Aldermen had referr'd it to their Honours to make their Proposals whereupon fifteen Ships and five thousand Men being required and two days respite at the Cities desire granted for Answer they returned in convenient time and season and entreated their Lordships in sign of their perfect love and loyalty to their Prince and Country they are Stows words kindly to accept ten thousand Men and thirty Ships amply furnished double the number of what was asked and even as London saith my Author gave President the whole Nation kept ranck and equipage so ready were the other Cities Counties Towns and Villages to follow where London went before A plain instance of her powerful influence deny it who can As to what concerns the frequency of the visits the Queen made to London and the great splendor wherewith they commonly welcom'd her home at the end of her Country progresses I pass them all over though undeniable demonstrations of the present content and satisfaction they took in Queen Elizabeths good Government Neither shall I take notice of the many Companies of Soldiers she several times rais'd at her own charges for her Soveraigns Assistance it having been commonly done before under Princes in whom she took delight because I would hasten to King James the first Monarch of great Britain in whose Person England and Scotland were first united though his present Majesty King James's Grand-son was the first born Heir of that happy Union that was Crowned King of both Realms and the first English King by Birth of the Scottish race that ever sate upon the English Throne that we read of To tell how this City flourish'd under this Prince in wealth and riches in a general encrease of trade by forreign Merchandizes and home-made Manufactures The great ornament she received from her publick and private buildings the strength that accrued to her by the numerousness of her Inhabitants and the enlarging her borders the conveniences procur'd her for water by Midleton's River for Recreations by Morefields and pleasantness by paâ—'d Streets and the various expressions she made of her glory in the many noble Entertainments of King James and other great personages Forreigners and Natives and the rich presents she frequently gave besides the renown she got abroad by sending greater Numbers of her Ships than formerly into all trading Parts of the World and planting Colonies of her own people in Ireland and Virginia would be tiresome perhaps to the Reader and needless for the Writer since that in Stows Chronicle continued by How these particulars have been so largely treated of whether the curious and inquisitive may apply themselves for further satisfaction Neither shall I trouble my self with making large remarks upon the great honour and dignity for the City's sake belonging to the Lord Mayor thereof of which we seem to have an Instance in the beginning of this Kings reign when Sir Robert Lee then Lord Mayor of London subscrib'd in the first place to the invitation sent the King to come into England before all the great Officers of the Crown and all the Nobility This great Magistrate upon the Kings death being said to be the prime person of England than which what greater honour can there be appertaining to a Subject I have indeed read in Cotton that upon a Poll Bill the Lord Mayor paid four pound as an Earl many years ago in King Richard the second days when but few of the Nobility if any besides the blood Royal bore any higher title And find since at our Kings Coronations that he hath had a principal place and part assigned him particularly at his present Majesties April 23d 61. and in the honourable Cavalcade made from the Tower to Westminster the day before in order thereunto where the Suppliment to Baker's Chronicle out of Elias Ashmole the Windsor Heralds Copy hath placed him between the principal Officers of the Crown and the Duke of York a place doubtless designed him as most suitable to his Dignity and the high Office he bore and yet I count none of these Honours comparable to that before mentioned which seems paramount to all others To be the highest by place in the Kingdom of course for a season sounds greater than to be a Second a Third or a Fourth and is more doubtless to the Honour Credit and Reputation of the City that conferrs this place as she pleases But the chiefest point I intend here to insist on with all convenient brevity and perspicuity is the Declaration of the Cities love and affection to King James and the requital made her by him in return The first I know not how it could be better expressed than by the wonderful readiness and hearty gladness as the Annalist words it of the great City of London where the Magistrates and all other inferior Citizens shewed all possible signs of perfect joy and contentment amidst the general applause of the whole English Nation when he was first proclaimed King of the Realm and we have further demonstrations thereof from the Kings honourable Reception when he came near to London by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen in Scarlet Robes and five hundred grave Citizens in Velvet Coats and Chains of Gold all very well mounted like the Sheriffs and their train one of which had threescore men attending him in fair livery Cloaks Another instance