Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
england_n french_a king_n richard_n 4,961 5 9.5158 5 true
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A06786 Consuetudo, vel lex mercatoria, or The ancient law-merchant Diuided into three parts: according to the essentiall parts of trafficke. Necessarie for all statesmen, iudges, magistrates, temporall and ciuile lawyers, mint-men, merchants, marriners, and all others negotiating in all places of the world. By Gerard Malynes merchant. Malynes, Gerard, fl. 1586-1641. 1622 (1622) STC 17222; ESTC S114044 480,269 516

There are 7 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

the Sea is adioyning and in proprietie to bee esteemed accordingly taking their names of the Countries and Kingdomes adiacent or of their scituation as Mare Britannicum Mare Germanicum Mare Hibernicum and for scituation Mare Mediterraneum obserued by Cosmographers Historiographers and Mathematicians this is performed with the helpe of the Compasse counting of courses soundings colour of the grauell or sands and other wayes to designe Finitum ab ' i●finito By the Ciuile Law so farre as is expedient for the certaine reach and bounds of Seas properly apppertaining to any Prince or people wherein the Doctors of the Ciuile Law haue recorded excellent obseruations By the Law of Nation and Customes Baldus saith Vidimus de iure gentium in Mare esse Regna distincta sicut in terra Auda Ad legem 1. de ter diuisione In §. nullius in tratt de i●sula Bartolas doth in his opinion allow for princes and people at the sea-side Centum mitliaria which is one hundreth leagues of sea from their coast if they extend their protection so farre called by them Districtus maris territorium which is most plaine in those seas where the Isles of Garnesey and Iarnesey are so sensible and visible to the realme of England Visible Markes of Dominion or where there are such rockes or eminent marks as the Washes at the West seas thereof to which purpose Paulus a renowmed Ciuilian saieth That it is not needfull for him who would possesse himselfe of any land to go about and tread ouer the same but it is sufficient to enter in vpon any part thereof with a mind to possesse all the rest thereof euen to the due marches to be made apparant by the instruments of Geometricians And the like may be designed vpon the seas notwithstanding the soliditie of the one and the continuall flowing too and fro of the other This distinction of dominion hauing continued so many hundreth yeares needeth not to be corroborated with other proofe and arguments yet let vs note obiter That if the same were not distinguished as aforesaid Cases of ciuile Law or Admiraltie one borne vpon the seas should haue no countrie or nation to appeale vnto and a man dying intestate vpon the seas should minister occasion of question to know who should administer his goods and making of a Will how the same should be proued and executed by law without approbation of some Court or Iurisdiction whereas we find many Admiralls of the seas and their seuerall iurisdictions vpon the seas as deputies to their Princes or States who are alwaies absolute Commanders in their precincts according to the treaties and contracts made betweene Princes which are in the nature of lawes and inseperable of the said Princes right on the land concerning the possession of their Kingdomes or Common-weales as the fundamentall cause of their dominion wherein discontinuance of any part of their right cannot be pleaded against them The Kings of England neuerthelesse haue beene prouident and carefull herein for Historiographers haue recorded That King Edgar one of the Saxon Kings long before the Conquest made a suruay yearely of the foure great seas Mathew of Westm. and stiled himselfe lord thereof euen vntill Norway Ranulph Cestriensis and his progresse was most towards the North. It is also affirmed Anno 973. That the said King Edgar caused an inscription to be made vpon his Tombe for a monument calling himselfe Dominus quatuor Marea and as Papinian the Iurisconsult saieth In finalibus questionibus vete ra monumenta sequenda sunt Mare Britanicum But this for the dominion of the Kings of England ouer their seas Mare Hibernicum is not needfull For afterwards William Duke of Normandie after he had subdu●d the realme of England by conquest Mare Germanicum caused himselfe not onely to be proclaimed King Mare Deucalidon but also that all the goods of the subiects were his and so caused the land to be diuided and yet was contented to change the title of a Monarchie by conquest into a Monarchie Royall and was also Lord of the said foure seas Io Bodinus de Resp. by the former assumpsit which had then continued 200 yeares and his progresse by sea was most Westward For when Princes or Kings do stile themselues by proclamation then the continuance thereof without opposition of other princes is holden and obserued as inuiolable and permanent Now King Henrie the second succeeding William the Conqueror Graftons Chronicle within one hundreth yeares did ioine Ireland to the crowne of England and did reduce Normandie and other places in France to the crowne taking as it were a new possession of the said seas and Henrie the first euerie yeare or within three yeares at the furthest crossed ouer into Normandie hauing taken Robert Duke of Normandie prisoner In the time of King Edward the third Chro. Malmesbu●e there was a disputation held with France concerning the fishing of the seas about Brittaine in which it was proued to belong to England Ioh. Hayward and thereupon Fraunce disclaimed therein By ancient records and Treaties c. as appeareth by the said King Edward the third his Proclamation yet extant Which arguments and contracts are as a law effectuall And here I must remember the singular care which the right reuerend father in God doctor Abbot now Archbishop of Canturburie A rare booke remoining with the Archbishop of Canturburie and Metropolitane of England hath had in procuring at his great charges for the good of our posteritie an excellent great Volume or Manuscript which was heretofore taken at Calice in France when the Spaniards tooke the same Anno 1596 and caried to Bruxels in the Low-countries whereof I haue had the perusall and made an Abstract of the Chapters of the same viz. The Treatie of Peace betweene Edward the third king of England and Iohn king of France for themselues and their eldest sonnes namely Edward the Blacke Prince of Wales and Charles Duke of Normandie Regent the French King his father being prisoner to the said King Edward which Treatie was made the eight of May 1360 in Britanie neere Chartres and confirmed at Calice whereupon sixteene Hostages were giuen to the King of England by the French King who was to come thither in person and to pay three millions of crownes for his ransome of two crownes to bee reckoned for an English noble called in King Henrie the eight his time Angell noble being some 750000 〈◊〉 sterling The ransome o' King Iohn of France The ship whereof vpon the one side did signifie the dominion of the seas whereunto old Chaucer the Poet did allude in Henrie the fifth his time This money was to be paied to weet six hundreth thousand crownes at Calice within 4 months after King Iohns arriuall there more foure hundreth thousand crownes within the yeare and so much yearely vntill the full paiment made
within the citie of London being the kings Chamber After this follow the particular Letters for the deliuerie of seuerall countries and townes as Caours Carsin Monstreull Calice Rochell Turaine Poitiers Poitou Xantes Xantogne Dagonois Perigot and diuers others besides many Letters concerning the French Kings libertie and his Hostages and of the homage to be made by the Earles and Barons to the King of England who remaineth with the title of Soueraignetie and Domayne besides many other memorable things so that all matters concerning the seas and land were established for those seas and King E●ward tooke sixe pence a tunne for fishing ships King Henrie the fifth who did conquere all France and had the possession of Mare Britanicum lost nothing of his right no more did Henrie the sixth and King Henrie the seuenth as may appeare by their Proclamations Treaties Chro Holl●ngshed and Contracts not onely with the French but with the Archdukes of Burgondie as by Guicchardins Chronicle Chr. Froiszart Guicc●ar●in and the said Treatise or Historicall description of the Low-countries appeareth And as Docter d ee in his booke of Nauigation affirmeth King Henrie the seuenth in consideration of the fishing trade properly belonging vnto England in his seas and dominions had resolued to settle a trade thereupon which he preferred aboue all voyages for in those daies there was no fishing trade established in the Low-countries By original antiquitie And it is not yet one hundreth yeares compleate that one Violet Stephens and other discontented Fishmongers departed the realme of England and went into Holland to the towne of Enckhusen where they procured the inhabitants to fish for them in his Maiesties of great Brittaine seas streames and dominions which inhabitants vpon the decease of the said Englishmen Fishmongers tooke the whole trade to themselues dispersing the same into many other townes whereby the same is admirably increased Queene Marie being maried with King Philip the second of Spaine vnder whom all the seuenteene Low Prouinces were vnited granted a lease vnto the said King for the fishing of his subiects in the North parts of Ireland for one and twentie yeares for a certaine fine and paying one thousand pound yearely into the Treasurie of Ireland and Edward Fitton knight then Treasurer And the Companie of the old Haunce in primo of the said Queene Marie had also libertie to sish within the said seas vpon certaine conditions as appeareth in the Chappell of the Rolls of the Chancerie And for England Northwards licences were giuen at Scarborough Castle To this distinction of dominion of the Seas Inuention of the Porteullis I call to memorie the proceedings of that victorious King Henry the eight who during the time that Calice was vnder the Crowne of England as it hath beene full 211 yeares vsed the inuention of the signe of the Portcullis signifying the power of locking vp of the narrow Seas betweene Douer and Calice which was thought conuenient to bee vsed vpon the coyne made for the East-Indies at the beginning of that trade being peeces of the value of eight Royalls of Spaine whereof there was coyned in the Tower of London for a triall in Ianuarie 1600 some six thousand pounds which could not be made currant there because the Spanish peeces of eight Royalls had beene before that time counterfeited by other nations which made the East-Indians to doubt of our coyne although without cause This noble King Henrie hauing procured the Emperor Charles the fifth to meet with the French King went ouer in person with a great power to besiege the towne of Bulloigne in France and when he saw that the Emperors Tent or Pauillion was made with the two pillars of Hercules and the inscription Plus vltra and likewise the French Kings Tent with the three Flower deluces and the title of Primus Christianorum Rex He caused an Archer to be made vpon his Pauillion with Bow and Arrowes and his inscription was Cui adherio praeest declaring thereby his present strength whereby hee did qualifie those warres and peace was made between the Emperor and the said French King it being true that the state of a Prince doth as much consist by reputation as by strength Our Soueraigne Lord King Iames hath also beene mindfull of his right of distinct dominion for the great blessings which almightie God hath allotted to the Kingdomes of Great Brittaine Ireland and the Isles adiacent vnder his Maiesties Dominions is so visible to all the world as that thereby they are rauished with admiration For albeit that the earthly blessings are produced in seasonable times yet the blessings of the Seas are directed and pointed at by the finger of God at infallible seasons causing those watrie creatures to offer themselues for our sustenance and for the generall good of all creatures in places certaine within his Maiesties Seas Streames and Dominions and not into the maine where fishing cannot bee effected Whereupon his Maiestie before his comming into England did let the fishing of Scotland to the Hollanders for fifteene yeares it being agreed by more ancient Treaties betweene them that the fishing then agreed vpon should be eightie miles from the Coast to the end the Scoles of Herrings should not bee interrupted His Maiestie in the fourth yeare of his Raigne of Great Brittaine made a Graunt to one Collyns of Couentrie for twentie one yeres for the fishing in some parts of Ireland Graunts made for fishing and the like Graunts haue beene made for the Isles of Garnesey and Iarnesey according to the Common Law of England By the Common Law which in this point concerning his Maiesties right of dominion is very copious the handling whereof I leaue to the learned and judicious of the said Law In the seuenth yeare of his Maiesties said raigne his Highnesse caused a Proclamation to be made concerning his Dominion of fishing which being compendious and substantiall I thought conuenient here to be inserted Verbatim IAMES By the Grace of God King of Great Brittaine France and Ireland Defendor of the Faith c. To all and singular persons to whom it may appert●ine greeting Although We doe sufficiently know by Our experience in the Office of Regall dignitie in which by the fauour of Almightie God Wee haue beene placed and exercised these many yeares as also by obseruation which Wee haue made of other Christian Princes exemplarie actions how far the absolutenesse of Our Soueraigne Power extendeth it selfe And that in regard thereof Wee need not to yeeld account to any person vnder God for any action of Ours which is lawfully grounded vpon that iust Prerogatiue Yet such hath euer beene and shall be Our care and desire to giue satisfaction to Our neighbour Princes and friends in any action which may haue the least relation to their Subiects and Estates as We haue thought good by way of friendly Praemonition to declare vnto them all and to whomsoeuer it may appertaine as followeth Whereas Wee
King Philip de Valois in the yere 1328 the French crown of the flowerdeluce as good in weight and finenesse as the French crowne of the Sunne now was then worth but twentie soulz tournois commonly accounted to be two shillings sterling In those daies saieth he the French elle or yard of Veluet was worth foure liuers which is foure crownes or eight shillings sterling the said elle of Veluet doth now cost ten liuers or twentie shillings and the French crowne which was then valued at two shillings is now valued at fiftie soulz or fiue shillings so that foure crownes do make the said twentie shillings yet the said French crownes doe not containe more gold in weight or finenesse than before and consequently the veluet is not now deerer than it was then The gentleman that hath now fiue hundreth liuers by the yere to spend hath no more than he that had one hundreth liuers to spend in those daies and in like manner he proceedeth for Corne Wine and other commodities and thereupon concluded That the dearth of all things is but imaginarie and a vaine opinion to conceiue that things should be deerer now than in those daies The second Paradox THere is much to be lost vpon a Crowne or any other money although the same be giuen in paiment at the price it was receiued This saieth Monsieur Malestroit is an old and common error rooted in the iudgement of most men that are far from the marke and without their reckoning as he will manifest in the former termes In the aforesaid time of King Philip de Valois the French crowne aforesaid was worth but twentie soulz which is now currant for fiftie soulz The gentleman that had fiftie soulz rent or income did receiue for it two crownes and ahalfe or so much in siluer accordingly for which two crownes and a halfe he had halfe a yard and halfe a quarter of veluet after the rate of foure liuers the yard which was the price of veluet then now for this fiftie soulz the gentleman doth receiue but one crowne or so much of siluer money and for that one crowne now he can buy but one quarter of a yard of veluet after the rate of ten liuers that veluet is now worth whereas before hee had halfe a yard and halfe a quarter although hee haue giuen the same in payment for fiftie Sols which is the price for which hee receiued the said Crowne and so proceedeth with other the like examples in the buying of commodities with siluer coyne or in the receiuing of rents or incomes adding further thereunto that if any man will obiect and say I care not what the crowne liuer or soulz is worth so as I hauing a hundreth liuers of rent paied mee and that I can pay out againe the said hundreth liuers This man saith hee must then make proofe that he can haue now as much ware for two soulz as he could haue had in times past for two soulz which were of fine siluer and now almost of copper and in doing so hee should make a third Paradox more strange than the former for hee should goe about to prooue euerie thing to bee become better cheape which cannot bee prooued The substance and intention of these two Paradoxes is saith hee to shew that the King and his subiects doe buy all things as deere as in times past for that they must giue as great a quantitie of gold and siluer as in times past but by the inhauncing of the price of the moneys of gold from whence of necessitie proceedeth the abating of the siluer moneys Inhauncing of gold abateth the siluer in regard of proportion betweene them the King doth not receiue in payment of his reuenues such a quantitie of gold and siluer as his predecessors In like manner Noblemen and Gentlemen that haue great reuenues and incombes doe not receiue such a quantitie of gold and siluer as in times past but are payed as the King is in copper in liew of gold and siluer For which copper according to the second Paradox they cannot haue so much wares as they might haue for the like quantitie of gold and siluer so that the losse which wee haue by the growing deere of all things commeth not by giuing more but by receiuing lesse quantitie of gold and siluer than before whereby wee see manifestly that the more wee doe inhaunce the price of money the more we lose Monsieur Bodine the famous and learned Politician The great French Politician tooke vpon him to make an answere vnto those two Paradoxes being of another opinion and setteth downe other causes of the dearth of things which are fiue in number namely 1 The principall and almost onely cause The aboundance of gold and siluer now extant in the Kingdome more than in times past 2 The Monopolies 3 The Want of things causeth by excessiue Trade and wast thereof 4 The Pleasure of Princes that aduance the price of things 5 The alteration of the Valuation of Moneys To proue the first case and principall he alleageth diuers examples Plutarch and Plinie doe witnesse Examples of great wealth that Paulus Aemilius after the conquest of Macedon against the Persians did bring such aboundance of gold and siluer to Rome that the people were freed of all Imposts and the price of lands aduanced vnto two third parts suddenly The Emperour Augustus brought such great treasure from Egypt that the price of vsurie did decrease and lands became much dearer and the like at Ierusalem by the comming of the Queene of Candace and in the West Indies by the Spaniards conquest there and heereunto hee maketh a comparison of the want of moneys in times past The French King Iohn in England c. for the paiment of the ransome of Princes taken prisoners in those dayes and the meanes of the increase of wealth by the discouerie of the West Indies the propagation of the people in France their trade for Turkie and Barbarie their Banke at Lyons and other accidents Concerning the second cause of Monopolies hee doth passe ouer the same as a matter not considerable and doth limit Monopolies onely to the combination of Merchants and Artificers in the setting of a price to commodities or their handie worke by augmenting their wages Touching the third cause of the dearth of things by the want or waste of them hee obserueth some especiall things that corne and wine are better cheape during the time of warre than peace because the Husbandman is driuen to sell and to make money of his wares and the Gentleman finding the same perishable when the Merchant dare not lade his ships doth abate the price of commodities and maketh the people to liue good cheape which according to the Prouerbe France can neuer be famished would alwaies continue The Fertilitie of France if by the meanes of the stranger their storehouses were not emptied Concerning the fourth cause of the pleasure of Princes imposing a price vpon commodities
coynes which is of late yeares established to preuent the inhancing of coyne and yet it cannot be sufficient to preuent the said incertaintie of the price of commodities If the standards of the said moneys were by allay of copper altered much lesse would the aduice giuen that Merchants accounts should no more be kept in liuers and soulz but in French crownes to hinder the inhauncing of moneys which in some countries is secretly practised to bee done of meere policie when by publicke authorie it is forbidden and might be effected as within the realmes of England Scotland and Ireland and other his Maiesties dominions where the moneys are not inhaunced betweene man and man and remaine currant according to their price vntill the kings authoritie doe alter the valuation by Proclamation albeit by exchange it is not so and therefore according to my third Paradox we shall find That the imaginarie moneys in exchaunge doe ouerrule the substantiall moneys in specie The third Paradox For the Merchants valuation of moneys in exchange doth ouerrule the Kings valuation of moneys within the realme For when the King hath valued the shilling peece at twelue pence Merchants vndervalue the same in exchange at 11 ½ d and 11 d not only in the price of exchange but also receiuing beyond the seas the inhanced moneys aboue their values and not valuing of them in exchange accordingly as before hath been obserued concerning the valuation of moneys and the imaginarie coines or rather moneys wherupon exchanges are made for so many seuerall places The late Earle of Donfermelling Lord Chancellor of Scotland did propound vnto the Kings maiestie in the yeare 1610 Proposition of the Earle of Donfermelling a certaine proposition touching the inhauncing of gold his lordship being of an excellent iudgement in mint affaires That the French crowne of the Sunne which went neuer in England to vse his owne phrase all Queene Elizabeths time aboue six shillings English money went now for seuen shillings and three pence and that the English double soueraign of twentie shillings went in France for eleuen francque or twentie two shillings and that both waies there had bin no alteration in the standard Whereupon he did demand in writing what was the cause of the said difference or alteration if this proceed said he from the goodnes of the gold that it is better in finenesse and allay or in weight or from the weakenes of the siluer that it be worse than it was either in finesse allay or in weight then is the cause intrinsick and substantiall and may be easily considered and resolued if it bee good or euill to be intertained maintained and set forward or reiected and stayed from all further course if there be any other cause or reason it must of force bee extrinsicke and accidentall let the same bee searched out if it bee good to the Prince and estates weale and commoditie it should be assisted and continued if it be tried euill proceeding from the policie and craft of trades-men tending onely to priuate gaine and commoditie preiudiciall to the Prince and State to be gainestood and expelled This proportion being sent vnto mee by a great personage then in high place was made plaine by demonstration to proceed of an accidentall cause by aduancing the Valuation of gold partly in England when Crowne gold was valued from fiftie fiue shillings the ounce to three pound and partly in France when they did aduance the French Crowne in specie fiue soulz aduising therewithall that to remedie the same it was not to bee done by inhauncing of our gold still more and more but in the price of exchange betweene France and vs otherwise wee should vnderualue too much the siluer of the Realme to our exceeding losse shewing withall how easily this might bee done without alteration of the proportion obserued betweene gold and siluer for most places But the contrarie was approued and Crowne gold was more inhaunced to sixtie six shillings the ounce by two seuerall Proclamations Nouember 1611. which hath proued the losse of our Siluer in bullion or weightie coyne daily breeding greater inconueniences by the want of our moneys which by reason of the vndervaluation in exchange and not by vndervaluation in specie are continually exported none imported but diuerted by gaine for other places as hath beene declared All which commeth to passe for want of true iudgement and experience in mint affaires with the consideration of the said Essentiall parts of trafficke so often mentioned whereof I hope that in generall meetings for the publicke more regard will be had to the end it bee not recorded of vs as it hath beene of some Parlements in Fraunce that in populi republica sententiae numerantur non ponderantur and then we shall be said to vnderstand the Par by right distinction betweene the actiue and passiue P●ys 3. lib. ca. 3. Aristotle saith that Action and Passion are meerely Relatiues and that they differ no more than the way from Thebes to Athens and from Athens to Thebes let vs discerne therefore the one from the other and we shall find that as the Liuer Money ministreth spirits to the Heart Commodities and the heart to the Braine Exchange so doth the Braine Exchange minister to the whole Microcosme or the whole Bodie of trafficke Let the Heart therefore by the Liuer receiue his tintured Chylus by his owne Mouth and Stomach and the Bloud full of Spirits shall fill all the Veines and supplie the want of moneys the easie course and recourse of whose Exchange shal bring all things in tune serue all mens turnes For euen as there are two courses obserued of the Sun Two courses of Exchange like the two courses of the Sunne the one annuall and the other by dailie declination rising and going vnder within the Aecliptique line euen so must we obserue in Exchange two courses the one according to par pro pari or value for value the other rising or falling from time to time as hath beene sufficiently declared whereof the said Aristotle Seneca nor Cicero nor any other Phylosopher or Orator could take notice in the infancie of trade Exchange not being then inuented neither do we find that any Temporall or Ciuile Lawyer hath entred into this important studie for the welfare of kingdomes and Common-weales by the rule of Equalitie and Equitie hitherto To conclude therfore this Paradoxicall discourse I cannot omit to doe the same with another Paradox by me obserued in the making of moneys of gold and siluer namely That a man may commixe Bullion to make a certaine standard of moneys either of gold and siluer A very strange Paradox and after the commixture made shall alter the standard and make the same better or worse without putting any allay or siluer and gold vnto it That is to say I will melt downe eleuen ounces and two pennie weight of fine siluer and eighteene pennie weight of copper both one pound Troy
of fishers nets to make browne paper of skins to make glew of beere leeze to make Aqua vitae and the like And here we may not omit how Almightie God by his diuine prouidence ruleth many times this negotiating commutation when the haruest of Corne faileth in one countrie and is prosperous in another countrie whereby this trade of barter by the rule of Mony doth verie much augment and the price of Corne becommeth to be much deerer Albeit the price be reasonable considering the Fermer may by the cheapnes thereof be made vnable to pay his rent And God who doth euerie thing for the best sheweth vnto vs how one nation may haue need and occasion to vse the help and meanes of other nations and which is more admirable to be noted God in the permitting of it may haue some other work in hand to manifest his glorie or to relieue his children by vnexpected meanes As the sending of the children of Iacob into Aegypt for the want of Corne to maintaine themselues doth demonstrate vnto vs. The like may be applyed for Wines Salt and other commodities for the sustenance of man which although they be corruptible commodities may contrarie to our former assertion by this accidentall or casuall extremitie be preferred in estimation of the Staple commodities which are durable and become valued only by Gold Siluer which is the cause that Spaine and Portugall being subiect to haue dearth of Corne do permit the exportation of Siluer and Gold in returne of the prouenue of it and other victuals Gold and Siluer bartered for Corne and Victuals whereby we find that those countries by reason of the West-Indian treasure being from time to time prouided with Siluer and Gold coine are neuerthelesse most destitute of the same bartring as it were in effect their Siluer and Gold for Corne and other prouisions and hauing their countries stored with meere copper Moneys This treasure passeth from them as if it were conueyed by a channel and because of the aboundance of their said Copper moneys is not so sensible vnto them as it is vnto other countries which haue not the vse of the like Copper moneys which is diuers waies to be considered especially in the time of wars when moneys are called to be the sinewes thereof or Nervi Bellorum which by meere Copper moneys can neuer be vnderstood howsoeuer necessarie in some measure for the commutation of pettie bargaines and contracts whereof more hereafter in handling the matter of Moneys To make application of this negotiating cōmutation in the price of Commodities it is to bee prooued by diuers ancient Merchants bookes that within the age of a man or seuentie yeares the price of forraine Commodities with vs is farre more risen than the price of our home Commodities which by way of Antithesis is worthy the obseruation Redding colour and other mingled colour Clothes did cost 9 ll the Cloth then when Blacke Veluets were sold at 10 shillings the yeard and now the said sort of Clothes are sold but for 11 ll and 12 ll the Cloth and Veluets at 26 shillings the yeard Packe Clothes white at fiftie pound the packe of tenne pieces Cramosin Veluets at 12 shillings the yeard And now Packe Clothes of the same marke at ninetie pound and a hundreth pound and Cramosin Veluets at thirtie shillings the yeard Wooll the Todd of 28 ll weight at 12 shillings Blacke Satine at 5 shillings the yeard Wooll now aboue 20 shillings or thereabouts and Satine 15 shillings Calfe skins the dozen 5 ss Fustians the Bale of 40 ½ pieces at 12 ll the Bale Calfe skins now at 10 ss and Fustians 36 pounds and Millaine Fustians at 18 and 20 shillings the piece now at 3 ll and aboue Sayes of Norwich at 20 ss the piece and vpwards Messina silke 8 ss the pound Sayes are about 40 ss Foraine ware● risen 3 to 1. and Messina and the like silke aboue twentie six shillings Northerne Carseyes then 18 ss Spanish Soape 20 ss now 50 ss and Carseyes 22 ss Seuill Oyle the Tunne 12 ll now 35 ll and many times aboue fortie pound French Wine at 5 ll the Tunne now 20 ll or thereabouts Long Proines 5 ss now 15 and 16 ss Sugar 6 pence the pound now 14 and 16 pence Malmeseyes 5 ll the Butt now 18 ll and 20 ll Cotton Wool 4 d. now 15 d. and diuers other commodities accordingly So that an angel would haue bought one yeard of Veluets now three Angels or pieces of gold can be exported for the same Ten Angels would haue bought a Tun of Claret Wine in England which is now sold for aboue twentie pound and twentie foure pound Besides that our Cloth is better made than in those dayes albeit not so good as it might be made victuall and wages are deerer and Woad Mather Oyle and colours are extreamely risen A Merchant might haue sent or carried with him one packe of Clothes white broad or narrow lists and brought in returne one Chest containing nine or tenne pieces of Veluets whereas now he cannot bring aboue three or foure pieces in returne thereof For a Redding Cloth sold beyond the Seas hee might haue returned one Bale of Fustians whereas now for the value of one Bale of Fustians sold in England a Merchant must buy and export three Clothes A London mingled colour cloth would haue bought at Lisborne two chests of Sugar now one chest of Sugar will draw two Clothes out of the Realme So a Kentish Cloth would haue bought at Seuill a Tunne of Oyle and more now one Tunne of Oyle doth counteruaile three Clothes and more and other commodities accordingly giuing as it were three to one in specie for foraine commodities Commutation is compared vnto monyes in kind Compare this commutation to the monyes inhaunced in the Low Countries Germany France and some other Countries which is the same money still in specie for weight and finenesse and onely the valuation is altered and you shall find that within the said time of seventie yeares an Angel worth ten s. then is now aboue twentie s●illings a French Crowne six shillings now twelue shillings six pence and all other coynes accordingly or thereabouts whereas in England there is no momentarie alteration of the monyes as heereafter shall be made more apparant And the like consideration will also bee had concerning the Exchanges of monyes by Billes of Exchanges Some men are of opinion that selling our home commodities good cheape maketh a liuely trade augmenteth commerce and maintaineth all the dependances thereupon by setting the people on worke imploying Ships and augmenting the Kings Customes and Impositions But they neuer consider two principall points whereby the wealth of Kingdomes and Common-weales increaseth or decreaseth namely Inconueniences to sell commodities good cheape If commodities imported vnto vs bee dearer than in times past as we haue noted and our home commodities are not sold proportionably in price but wee will
That is to conuert the inhabitants or neighbours to Christianitie and to the end such temporal blessings may be enioyed as the land and seas do affoord most requisit to be done in the Island of New found-land bordering vpon the coast of America from which it is diuided by the sea so far distant as England is from the neerest part of Fraunce and lyeth betweene 46 and 53 degrees North latitude as Captaine Richard Whitbourne hath verie well declared in his discouerie affirming the spaciousnesse thereof to be almost as Ireland and therein he hath noted many disorderly courses committed by some Traders and fishing Merchants in setting forth to the New-found-land which are worthie the obseruation and knowledge of Merchants because that the like errors may not be committed in other voyages which by this good aduice may be preuented or reformed It is well knowne saieth he Worthie considerations for plantation for the fishing trade That they which aduenture to New-found-land a fishing beginne to dresse and prouide their ships readie commonly in the moneths of December Ianuarie and Februarie and are readie to set forth at sea in those voyages neere the end of Februarie being commonly the fowlest time in the yeare and thus they do striuing to be there first in a Harbour to obtaine the name of Admirall that yeare and so to haue the chiefest place to make their fish on where they may do it with greatest ease and haue the choice of diuers necessaries in the Harbors And thus by their hasting thither oftentimes there comes not only dangers to themselues but also great mischiefe and losses to many others which arriue there after the first as it may by that which followes truely appeare For by the hasting forth as now they vse they greatly endanger themselues being many times beaten with rough and stormie windes and oftentimes they are thereby forced to returne backe with great losse both of mens liues and goods as it is well knowne so that to get the superioritie to arriue there first in an Harbour they will beare such an ouerprest saile and in so desperate a maner as there are no true vnderstanding sea-men that vse the like to any place of the world For albeit when the fogs are thicke and the nights darke that sometimes they cannot discerne the length of three ships in the way before them and the yee often threatning much perill vnto them yet on runnes the ship amaine so fast as po●sibly she may when commonly most part of the companie are fast a sleepe euen with extreame hazard of their liues Thus many times both ships and men haue beene cast away suddenly to the vtter vndoing of many aduenturers and families And also this vntimely setting forth consumeth a great quantitie of victualls that might be saued to better purpose and it forceth them to carrie and recarrie many more men in euerie ship euerie voyage than they need if they once take a fitter course Such Stages and Houses that the first arriuers find standing in any Harbors wherein men set diuers necessaries and also salt their fish some men haue vsed to pull downe or taken their pleasures of them by which vnfit disorders of some first arriuers there yearely those which arriue after them are sometimes twentie daies and more to prouide boords and timber to fit their boats for fishing and other necessarie roomes to salt and drie their fish on whereby much time is lost and victualls consumed to no purpose and thereby also the voyages of the after-commers are often greatly hindered and prolonged to the generall hurt of the common-wealth and the mariners themselues which commit those great abuses are thereby also much wronged as themselues may conceiue Wherefore if such as henceforth aduenture to that countrie take some better course in that trade of fishing than heretofore they haue vsed they shall find the greater safetie of their aduentures and much good thereby Penefits arising by reformation about fishing For whereas heretofore they haue vsed to make readie their ships to saile in those voyages in such vnseasonable time of the yeare whereby they often receiue such hinderances and losses they need not then to go in the said voyage vntill the fiue and twentieth day of March which is a fit time of the yeare to put forth to sea from our coast to that countrie the Winter stormes beginning then to cease and then any such ship which carries in her thirtie men in euerie voyage may well leaue six men there behind them or more all the Winter season vntill the ships returne to them againe and these six mens victuals will be saued and serue to better vse and thereby also cut off that moneths setting forth in those voyages so soone in the yeare as now men vse to do and then the victualls for that moneth which is so vainely and with such great danger consumed may well maintaine those men which are left in the countrie all the Winter season till the ships returne to them againe with a verie small addition to it Couenient priuiledges to be granted And it may be thought reasonable That men which will vndertake to settle people in New-found-land shall haue this priuiledge that in case he leaue there a fifth person of such as he carries thither in his fishing voyage to inhabite whereby those men so left might keepe a certaine place continually for their fishing and drying of it whensoeuer their Ship arriueth thither then would all such as leaue people there build strong and necessarie roomes for all purposes and then in some necessarie houses and roomes they may put their fish when it is dryed which fish now standeth after such time it is dryed vntill it is shipped which is commonly aboue two moneths in great heapes packt vp vncouered in all the heat and raine that falleth whereby great aboundance of good fish is spoiled yearely and cast away for want of such necessary rooms And for the want of such fit houses some mens voyages haue beene ouerthrowne and then a meane place to make fish on wil be made more commodious than the best place is now that men so dangerously and desperately runne for euerie yeare And thus euerie mans fishing Pinnaces may bee preserued in such perfect readinesse against his Ship shall yearely arriue there againe which Pinnaces are now often lost and sometimes torne in pieces by the first arriuers there very disorderly and if such Pinnaces Stages and Houses may bee maintained and kept in such readinesse yearely it would bee the most pleasant profitable and commodious trade of fishing that is at this time in any part of the world For then euerie Ships companie might fall to fishing the verie next or second day after their arriuall whereas now it is twentie dayes before they are fitted and then such Ships should not need so soone to hast away from England by one moneth at the least mens liues might be thereby much the better saued lesse victualls wasted
to one of gold In France the marke of gold valued at seuentie foure Crownes and the siluer at 6 ⅓ Crownes maketh the proportion 11 11 19 parts but valuing the French Crowne at three Frankes is eleuen to one In England the Angel at ten shillings and the siluer at sixtie shillings the pound Troy of 12 ounces being that six Angels did weigh an ounce made also eleuen to one In Germany one marke of Siluer at 8 ½ Gold guilders maketh 11 ⅔ for 1 but the valuation of moneys being altered hath also altered the same In Rome the pound of siluer at 108 Carlini and the Ducat of gold 99 ¼ is 12 to 1. So at Millaine the Ducat 112 and the Teaston 28 is but 9 ⅓ for 1. The siluer being so in request there for the making of gold and siluer threed that is to say siluer threed guilt and white Now for all places of momentarie trafficke it is 12 to 1 and in England 13 ½ to 1 as hath beene declared The valuation of forreine coyne of gold and siluer published in the vnited Low Prouinces on the 21 day of Iulie 1622 with the orders established by the Estates of the said Countries for the better obseruation of the said valuation which neuer the lesse are continually infringed from time to time And the like is done in other countries so that to obserue our owne rule according to Equalitie and Equitie will be found the best and safest course of Politicke gouernment   Guilders Stiuers Flemish The great golden Ryder of the vnited Prouinces 11 6 or 37 s● 8 d The halfe of the said Ryder 5 13 18 10 The double Ducat of the said Prouinces with the Letters 8 10 28 4 The French Crowne 3 18 13 0 The Pistolet of Spaine of foure Pistolets 15 8 51 4 The double Pistolet of Spaine 7 14 25 8 The single Pistolet after the rate 3 17 12 10 The Albertins or ducats of Albertus of Austria 5 13 18 10 The double Rose Noble of England 18 12 62 0 The Rose Noble of Henricus Edward and Queene Elizabeth 9 6 31 0 The Henricus Noble 8 6 27 8 The Flemish Noble old and new of the vnited Countries 8 0 26 8 The old Angell of England 6 4 20 8 The new Ryder of Guelders and Freeseland 3 13 12 2 The gold Guilder of those Mints 3 2 10 4 All which coynes are to bee weighed with their accustomed weight and the remedie of two graines and no more with some little aduantage ouer or at the least being within the rest of the ballance Prouided alwaies that the coynes of their due finenesse although they be lighter shall be currant paying for euerie graine wanting two stiuers Siluer Coynes   Guilders Stiuers Flemish       ss d. The Lyon Doller of the Low Prouinces 2 0 6 8 The Rickx Dollers in generall 2 10 8 4 The Crosse Doller of Albertus 2 7 7 10 The Spanish Ryalls of 8 2 8 8 0 The Doller of Zealand and Frise with the Eagle 1 10 5 0 The Floren or Guilder of Friseland 1 8 4 8 The English Shilling and of great Brittaine 0 10 ½ 1 9 The Marke peece or Thistle of Scotland 0 12 2 0 The Harpe of Scotland and Ireland 0 8 1 4 And if any of the said peeces be found to want of their weight and the appointed remedy within the rest of the ballance or some little aduantage ouer they shall be currant paying for euerie graine wanting two pence Hollandts whereof 16 make one stiuer and the English groats are made bullion or shall not be currant Small Moneys for ordinarie payments THe Shillings of all the seuerall Prouinces respectiuely and of the Mints of Nimogen Deuenter Campen and Swoll 6 Stiuers The halfe Shillings after the rate 3 Stiuers The peeces called Flabs of Groninghen 4 stiuers the double 8 Stiuers The twintigst part of the great siluer Royall 2 ½ Stiuers The double and single stiuers of all these countries 2 1 Stiuer The tenth to be receiued in copper monies 1 Of all which small moneys for the payments of rents interest or abatement of the same as also of all manner of Merchandise exceeding in one parcell the summe of one hundreth Guilders no man shall be bound to receiue more than the tenth pennie 2 The Duyts according to the order of the Prouinces made in the Prouinciall Mints and none other are as yet tollerated for a Duyt and all other copper moneys of the Prouinciall Mints are also tollerated to be paied out for one pennie the peece the 16 whereof make one Hollandts Stiuer and not aboue whereas we do intend hereafter to prohibit the same to be currant for any price because wee will prouide our selues forthwith with so much copper mony as the commodiousnesse shall require 3 We do also prohibit from henceforth no copper moneys to be brought into these countries aboue two stiuers vpon paine often stiuers for euerie peece to be forfeited and whosoeuer shall issue any copper moneys aboue the said price shall incur the like penaltie of ten stiuers for euerie peece 4 And all the said coynes shall be currant in these Prouinces for the prices aforesaid declaring all other peeces for bullion All other coynes made bullion to be molten which by this Our proclamation are not valued prohibiting any of the said peeces to be offered or receiued as also to presse any of those which are valued to be paied at a higher price than they are valued and likewise offer to put forth other coynes of gold and siluer valued which are clipped washed broken mended neiled or otherwise augmented in weight vpon forfeiture of all the said coynes so to be offered at higher rates than this proclamation doth permit and if the fact be not instantly discouered to forfeit the value thereof and moreouer the quadruple or the value thereof or 24 guilders in liew thereof if the said coynes did not amount to sixe guilders for the first time the second time double and for the third time quadruple and moreouer arbitrable correction according to the qualitie of the fact 5 Without that any distinction shall be made whether the said coynes were instantly paied from forreine parts or sent from some one Prouince or Towne into another in which case if the receiuer thereof will be freed of the said forfeiture he is to giue notice of it within twentie and foure houres after the receipt thereof vnto the Magistrates or other Officers to be thereunto appointed to the end they may proceed therein against the sender of the said coyne as it shall or may appertaine 6 Yet shal the said Receiuer keepe the said coyns wholly to himselfe if the said moneys be sent vnto him in paiment of a former debt and neuerthelesse haue his action against the partie for so much as they shall want of the said valuation and if the said coynes be sent for any debt as yet not due or to be made the said