and end as he list he that selleth his fauour vvith the Prince both abrode in forreine countries and at home and setteth the price therof vvhat him self vvil demaund he that hath doth al this besids Presentes this hath infinit presents dailie brought vnto him of great valevv both in Ievvels Plate al kinde of Furniture redie Coyne this man I say may easelie beare his ovvn expeÌ„ces yet lay vp sufficientlie also to vverie his Prince vvheÌ„ needes shal require LAVV. You haue said much Sir quoth the Lavvyer and such mater as toucheth neerlie both her Ma. the coÌ„mon vvealth and yet in my conscience if I vvere to plead at the barre for my Lord I could not tel vvhich of al these members to denie But for that Leycester home-gaine by her Ma. fauour vvhich you meÌ„tion in the last parte of his gaining by her Ma. fauour both at home abrode Tovvching his home gaine it is euident seing al that he hath is goteÌ„ onlie by the opinioÌ„ of her Ma. fauour tovvardes him and many meÌ„ do repaire vnto him vvith fatte presentes rather for that they suppose he may by his fauour do them hurt if he feele not their revvarde then for that they hope he vvil labour anie thing in their affaires You remeÌ„ber I doubt not the storie of him that A pretye story offred his Prince a great yearelie rent to haue but this fauour only that he myght come euerie day in open audience and say in his eare God saue your Ma. assuring him self that by the opinion of confidence and secret fauour vvhich hereby the people vvould coÌ„ceiue to be in the Prince tovvardes him he should easilie get vp his rent againe double told VVherfore my L. of Leycester receiuing dailie from her Ma. greater tokens of grace and fauour then this and him self being no euil marchaunt to make his ovvn bargain for the best of his commodities cannot but gaine excedinglie at home by his fauour And for his Lucre abroode vpon the same cause Leycester forraine gayne by her Ma. fauour I leaue to other men to conceiue vvhat it may be sithence the beginning of her Ma. raigne the times vvherof and condition of al Christendom hath bene such as al the Princes and Potentates round about vs haue bene constreyned at one tyme or other to sue to her highnesse for ayde grace or fauour in al vvhich sutes men vse not to forget as yovv knovve the parties moste able by their credit to furder or let the same In particular onlye this I caÌ„ say that I haue heard of sundrie frenche men that at such tyme as the treatie vvas betvvene Fraunce and England for the redeliuerie of Callis vnto vs againe in the first yeare of her Ma. raigne that novv is vvheÌ„ the freÌ„ch meÌ„ vvere in great distresse misery K. Philippe refused absolutelie to make peace vvith them except Callis vvere restored to England vvhether for that purpose he had novv deliuered the french hostages Leycester bribe for betrayiÌ„g of Callis the french men do reporte I say that my L. of Leycester stoode them in great steade at that necessitie for his revvard vvhich you may vvel imagine vvas not smal for a thing of such importaÌ„ce becaÌ„ a suter that peace might be coÌ„cluded vvith the release of Callis to the freÌ„che vvhich vvas one of the most impious factes to saye the trueth that euer could be deuised against his coÌ„mon vvealth GENTL A smal mater in him said the Gentleman for in this he did no more but as Christ said of the Ievves that they filled vp the measure of their fathers sinnes And so if you reade the storie of K. Edvvardes tyme you shal finde it moste euident that this maÌ„s father before him solde Bullogne to the french by Leycester father solde Bullogne like trecherie For it vvas deliuered vp vpon coÌ„position vvith out necessity or reason the. 25. of April in the fourth yeare of K. Edvvard the sixt vvheÌ„ he I mean duke Dudley had novv put in the Tovver the L. Protector thrust out of the Councel vvhoÌ„ Erles of Arundel and SouchamptoÌ„ put out of the Councell by D. Dudley he listed as namly the Erles of Arundel SouthaÌ„pton so inuaded the vvhole gouernmeÌ„t him self to sel spoile dispose at his pleasur VVherfore this is but natural to my L. of Leycester by discent to make marchandize of the state for his GraÌ„dfather Edmund also vvas such a kinde of Copesman LAVV. An euil rase of marchauntes for the common vvealth quoth the Lavvyer but yet Sir I pray you said he expouÌ„d vnto me somvvhat more at large the nature of these licences vvhiche you named as also the chaunging of landes vvyth her Ma. yf you can set it dovvn anie playner for they seeme to be thinges of excessiue gaine especialie his vvay of gayning by offending her Ma. or by her hyghenes offence tovvardes him for it seemeth to be a deuice aboue all skill or reason Not so Leycester gayne by fallinge out vvith her Ma. quoth the Gentleman for you knovv that euery falling out must haue an attonement againe vvherof he being sure by the many puisaunt meanes of his fryendes in Court as I haue shevved before vvho shall not gyue her Ma. rest vntil it be donne then for this attonement and in perfect reconciliation on her Ma. parte she must graunte my Lorde some sute or other vvhich he vvil haue alvvayes redie prouided for that purpose and this sute shal be vvell able to revvarde his friendes that laboured for his recoÌ„cilement and leaue also a good remaynder for him selfe And this is novv so ordinarie a practize vvith him as all the Realm obserueth the same and disdaigneth that her Ma. should be so vnvvorthelie abused For yf her hyghnesse fall not out vvith him as often as he desireth to gayne this vvaye then he picketh some quarrell or other to shevv him selfe discontended vvith her so that one vvaye or other this gaynful reconciliation must be made and that often for his commoditie The like arte he excerciseth in inuiting her Ma. to his baÌ„quettes and to his houses vvher if she come she must graunt him in sutes ten tymes so much as the charges of al amount vnto so that Robin plaieth the broker iÌ„ al his affaires maketh the vttermost peÌ„ny of her Ma. euery vvay GENTL Novv for his chaunge of landes I think I haue bene reasonable plaine before yet for your fuller satisfactioÌ„ you shal vnderstand his further dealing therin to be in this sorte Besides the good landes of auncient possession to the Crovvn procured at her Ma. hand and vsed as before vvas declared he vseth the same trick for his vvurst landes that he possesseth any vvaie vvhether they come to him by extort meanes plaine oppressioÌ„ or through maiÌ„tenaunce broken tiltes or by cosinage of simple Leycester frauduleÌ„t chaunge of landes vvith her Maieâ—tâ—e vvherby he
admitted to the Crovvn Yonge Arthure also Duke of Bretaigne by his mother Constance that matched vvith Geffray K. Henrie the secondes sonne vvas declared by K. Richard his Pol. lib. 15 Flor. hist 1208. vncle at his departure tovvardes Ierusalem and by the vvhole Realm for lavvfull heire apparent to the Crovvne of England though he vvere borne in Bretaigne out of English alleagiaunce and so he vvas taken and adiudged by all the vvorlde at that day albeit after king Richards death his Kinge Iohâ— a Tyraunt other vncle Iohn moste Tyrannouslie toke both his kingdome and his lyfe from him For vvhich notable iniustice he vvas detested of all men both abrode at home and most apparentlie scourged by God vvith grieuous and manifolde plagues both vppon him selfe and vppon the Realme vvhich yeelded to his vsurpation So that by this also it appeareth vvhat the practize of our countrie hath bene from tyme to tyme in this case of forreine birth vvhich practize is the best interpretor of our common English lavv vvhich dependeth especialie and moste of al vpon custome nor can the aduersarie aleage anie one example to the contrarie Their sixt is of the iudgement and sentence of K. The sixt reason The iudgement and sentence of K Henry the seuenth Henrie the seueÌ„th and of his Councell vvho being together in consulation at a certaine tyme about the mariage of Margaret his eldest daughter into Scotland some of his Councell moued this doubt vvhat should ensue if by chaunce the kinges issue male should faile and so the succession deuolue to the heires of the said Margaret as novv it doth VVherunto that vvise and moste prudent Prince made ansvvere that if anie such euent should be it could not be preiudicial to England being the bigger parte but rather beneficial for that it should dravve Scotland to EnglaÌ„d that is the lesser to the more euen as in tymes paste it hapened in Nor mandie Aquitane and some other Prouinces VVhich ansvvere apeased all doubtes and gaue singular contention to thes of his Councell as Polidore vvriteth that liued at that tyme and vvrote the special matters of that reigne by the kinges ovvn instruction So that hereby vve see no question made of K. Henrie or his Councellours tovvching forreine birth to let the succession of Ladie Margarets issue vvhich no doubt vvould neuer haue bene omitted in that learned assemblie if anie lavv at that tyme had bene estemed or imagined to barre the same And thes are sixe of their principalest reasons to proue that neither by the vvordes nor meaning of our common lavves nor yet by custom or practize of our Realm an Alien may be debarred froÌ„ claime of his interest to the Crovvn vvhen it falleth to him by rightful discent in blood and successioÌ„ But in the particular case of the Q. of Scottes and her The seuenth reason The Q of Scot. and her sonne no Aliens sonne they do ad another reason or tvvo therby to proue theÌ„ in verie deed to be no Aliens Not only in respect of their often coÌ„tinual mixture vvith English blood froÌ„ the beginning and especialie of late the Q GrauÌ„dmother husbaÌ„d being English so her sonne begoten of an English father but also for tvvo other causes reasoÌ„s vvhich seme in trueth of verie good importaunce The first is for that Scotland by al Englishe men hovv so euer the Scottes denie the same is taken holdeÌ„ as subiect to EnglaÌ„d by vvay of Homage vvhich manie of their kinges at diuers tymes haue acknovvledged coÌ„sequeÌ„tlie the Q. and her sonne being borne in Scotland are not borne out of the aleagiaunce of England and so no forreyners The second cause or reason is for that the forenamed statute of forreyners in the fyue and tvventie yeare of K. Edvvard the third is intituled of those that are borne beyond the seas And in the bodie of the same statute the doubt is moued of children borne out of English aleagiaunce beyond the seas vvherby cannot be vnderstood ScotlaÌ„d for that it is a peece of the coÌ„tinent land vvithin the seas And al our olde recordes in England that talke of seruice to be done vvithin thes tvvo countries haue vsualy thes latin vvordes infra quatuor Maria or in frensh deins lez quatre mers that is vvithin the foure seas vvherby must needes be vnderstood as vvel Scotland as England and that perhapes for the reason before mentioned of the subiectioÌ„ of Scotland by vvay of Homage to the Crovvn of England In respect vvherof it may be that it vvas accompted of olde but one dominion or aleagiaunce And consequently no man borne therin can be accompted an Alien to England And this shal suffice for the first point touching forreine Natiuitie For the secoÌ„d impedimeÌ„t obiected vvhich is the The second impediment against the Q. of Scot. and her sonne vvhich is K. HeÌ„rie the eight his Testament TestameÌ„t of K. HeÌ„rie the eight authorized by parliameÌ„t vvherby they affirme the successioÌ„ of Scotland to be excluded it is not precisely true that they are excluded but only that they are put back behiÌ„d the succession of the house of Suffolk For in that pretended TestameÌ„t vvhich after shal be proued to be none indeed king Henrie so disposeth that after his ovvn children if they should chaunce to die vvithout issue the Crovvn shal passe to the heirs of Fraunces and of Elenore his neipces by his yonger sister Marie Q. of Fraunce and after them deceasing also vvithout issue â—he succession to returne to the next heires againe VVherby it is euideÌ„t that the successioÌ„ of Margaret Q. of ScotlaÌ„d his eldest sister is not excluded but thrust back only froÌ„ their due place and order to expect the remainder vvhich may in tyme be left by the yonger VVherof in mine opinion do ensue some considerations Forreine birth no impediment in the iudgment of K. Henry the eight against the present pretenders them selues First that in K. Henries iudgement the former pretended rule of forreine birth vvas no sufficient impedimeÌ„t against ScotlaÌ„d for if it had bene no doubt but that he vvould haue named the same in his aleaged Testament and therby haue vtterlie excluded that succession But there is no such thing in the Testament Secondlie yf they admit this Testament vvhich The succession of Scotland nexte by the iudgment of the coÌ„petitours alloteth the Crovvn to ScotlaÌ„d next after Suffolk then seing that al the house of Suffolk by thes mens assertion is cexcluded by Bastardie it must needes folovv that Scotland by their ovvn iudgement is next and so this testament vvil make against them as indeed it doth in al pointes moste apparentlie but onelie that it preferreth the house of Suffolk before that of Scotland And therfore I think Sir that you mistake somvvhat about their opinion in aleaging this Testament For I suppose that no man of my Lord of Huntingtons faction vvil aleage or vrge the testimonie of
vvorld taketh this man to be should grovv to so absolute authoritie and commaundrie in the Court as to place about the Princesse person the head the Preocupation of her Ma. person hart the lyf of the land vvhat so euer people liketh him best that not vpon their desertes tovvardes the Prince but tovvardes him self vvhose fidelitie being more obliged to their aduauÌ„cer then to their soueraign do serue for vvatchmen about the same for the ê“fit of him by vvhos apointmeÌ„t they vvere placed VVho by their meanes casting indeed but Nettes Chaynes iÌ„uisible baÌ„des about that person vvhoÌ„ moste of al he preteÌ„deth to serue he shutteth vp his Prince in a prison moste sure though svveet and senselesse An ordinarie vvaye of aspiring by preocupation of the Princes person Neither is this arte of aspiring nevv or straunge vnto anie man that is experienced in affaires of former tyme for that it hath bene from the beginning of al gouernment a troden path of al aspirers In the stories both Sacred and Prophane forrein and domestical of al natioÌ„s kingdomes countries and states you shal reade that such as meant to mount aboue other and to gouern al at their ovvn discretion did laye this for the first grounde and principle of their purpose to possesse them selues A Comparison of al such as vvere in place about the principal eueÌ„ as he vvho intending to holde a great Citie at his ovvn disposition nor dareth make open vvarre against the same getteth secretlie into his handes or at his deuotion al the Tovvnes Villages Castles Fortresses Bulvvarkes Rampires vvaters vvayes Portes and passages about the same and so vvyth out dravving anie svvord against the said Citie he bringeth the same into bondage to abide his vvil pleasure This did all these in the Romane Empire vvho rose from subiectes to be great Princes and to put dovvne Emperours This did al those in Fraunce and other kingdomes vvho at sundrie tymes haue tyraÌ„nized their Princes And in our ovvn countrie the examples are manifest of Vortiger Harolde Henrye of Lancaster Rycharde of VVarvvyk Richard of Glocester Iohn of Nortumberland and diuers others vvho by this meane specialie haue pulled dovvn their Lavvful soueraignes And to speake onlie a vvord or tvvo of the last for that he vvas this mans father doth not al England knovv that he first ouerthrevv the good The vvay of aspiriÌ„g in Duke Dudley Duke of Sommerset by dravving to his deuotion the verie seruauntes and friendes of the said Duke And aftervvard did not he possesse him self of the kinges ovvn person and brought him to the end vvhich is knovveÌ„ before that to the moste shaÌ„ful disheriting of his ovvn Royal Sisters al this by possessing first the principall meÌ„ that vvere in authoritie about him VVherfore Sir yf my Lord of Leycester haue the same plot in his head as most men think and that he meaneth one daye to giue the same pushe at the Crovvn by the house of Huntington against al the race and line of king Henrie the seuenth in general vvhich his father gaue bef … him by pretence of the house of Suffolk against the children of king Henrie the eight in particular he vvanteth not reason to folovv the same meanes platform of planting special persoÌ„s for his purpose about the Prince for surelie his fathers plot lacked no vvittie deuice or preparation but onlie that God ouerthrevv it at the instant as happelie he may doe this mans also notvvithstanding any diligence that humane vvisdom can vse to the contrarie GENTL To this said the Gentleman that my Lord of Leicester hath a purpose to shoot one day at the Diademe by the title of Huntington is not a thing obscure in it self and it shal be more plainelie proued heerafter But novv vvâ—l I shâ—vv vâ—to you for your instruction hovv vvel â—his man hath folovved his fathers platform or rather passed the same in possessing him self of al her Ma. seruaunts friendes and forces to serue his turne at that tyme for execution and in the meane space for preparation First in the Priuie chamber next vnto her Ma. Leycester povver in the priâ—y chamber person the moste parte are his ovvn creatures as he calleth them that is such as acknovvledg their being in that place from him and the rest he so ouer-ruleth either by flatterie or feare as none may dare but to serue his turn And his reigne is so absolute in this place as also in al other partes of the Court as nothing can passe but by his admission nothiÌ„g can be said done or signified vvherof he is not particularly aduertised no bill no supplicatioÌ„ no complainte no sute no speach can passe from anie man to the Princesse except it be from one of the Councell but by his good lyking or if ther do he being admonished therof as presently he shal the partie delinqueÌ„t is sure after to abide the smart therof VVherby he holdeth as it vvere a lock vpoÌ„ the eares of his Prince and the tongues of al her Ma. seruauntes so surelie chained to his girdle as no man dareth to speake anie one thing that may offend him though it be neuer so true or behouefull for hir Ma. to knovve Leycester married at vvaensteade vvhen her Ma. vvas at M. Stoners hous Doctor Culpeper Phisitian Minister As vvel apeared in his late mariage vvith Dame Essex vvhich albeit it vvas celebrated tvvise first at Killingvvorth and secondlie at VVaensteade in the presence of the Erle of vvarvvick L. North Sir Fran. Knooles others and this exactly knovven to the vvhole Court vvith the verie daye the place the vvitnesses and the Minister that married them together yet no man durst open his mouth to make her Ma. priuiâ— therunto vntil Monsieur Simiers disclosed the same and therby incurred his high displeasure nor yet in manie dayes after for feare of Leycester VVhich is a subiection most dishonorable daungerous to anie Prince liuing to stand at the deuotion of his subiect vvhat to heare or not to heare of thinges that passe vvithin his ovvne Realme And hereof it folovveth that no sute can preuaile No suâ—e can passâ— but by Leycester Reade in Court be it neuer so meane except he first be made acquainted thervvith and receiue not onlie the thankes but also be admitted vnto a great part of the gaine commoditie therof VVhich as it is Polidore in the 7. yeare of K Rich â— and yovv shal finde this procedâ—ng of certaine abouâ—e that K to be put as a great cause of his oueâ—throvv a great iniurie to the suter so is it a far more greater to the bouÌ„tie honour security of the Prince by vvhose liberalitie this man feedeth onlie for tifieth him self depriuing his soueraign of al grace thanks good vvil for the same For vvhich cause also he giueth out oâ—dinarilie to euery suter that her Ma. is nigh parsimonious of her self very difficile to
it is a general and common The rule of thirds rule of lavv that the vvyfe after the decease of her husband shal enioy the thyrd of his landes but yet the Queene shal not enioye the third parte of the Crovvn after the kings death as vvel appeareth by experience and is to be seene by lavv Anno. 5. 21. of Edvvard the third and Tennant by courtisie Anno. 9. 28. of Henrie the sixte Also it is a common rule that the husband shal hold his vvyues lands after her death as tennaunt by courtisie duringe his life but yet it holdeth not in a kingdom In like maner it is a general and common rule Diuision among daughters that if a man die seased of lād in fee simple hauing daughters and no sonne his landes shal be deuided by equal portions among his daughters vvhich holdeth not in the Crovvn but rather the eldest daughter inheriteth the vvhole as if she vvere the issue male So also it is a common rule of our lavv Executours that the executour shal haue al the goodes and chattels of the testatour but yet not in the Crovvn And so in manie other cases vvhich might be recited it is euident that the Crovvn hath priuiledge aboue others and can be subiect to no rule be it neuer so general except expresse mention be made therof in the same lavv as it is not in the former place and a statute alleaged but rather to the contrarie as after shal be shevved ther is expresse exception for the prerogatiue of such as descend of Royal blood Their second reason is for that the demaund or The secōd reason title of a Crovvn cannot in true sense be comprehended vnder the vvordes of the former statute forbidding Aliens to demaund heritage vvithin The Crovvn no such inheritaunce as is meant in the statute the alegiaunce of England and that for tvvoe respectes The one for that the Crovvn it self cannot be called an heritage of alegiaunce or vvithin alegiaunce for that it is holden of no superior vpon earth but immediatelie from God him self the seconde for that this statute treateth onlie and meaneth of inheritaunce by discēt as heire to the same for I haue shevved before that Aliens may holde lādes by pourchase vvithin our dominion then say they the Crovvn is a thing incorporat descēdeth not according to the cōmon course of other priuate inheritaunces but goeth by succession as other incorporations do In signe vvherof it is euident The Crovvn a corporation that albeit the king be more fauoured in al his doinges then anie common person shal be yet cannot he auoide by lavv his grauntes and letters patentes by reason of his nonage as other infantes common heires vnder age may do but alvvayes be said to be of ful age in respecte of his Crovvn euen as a Prior Person Vicare Deane or other person incorporat shal be vvhiche cannot by anie meanes in lavv be said to be vvithin age in respect of their incorporations VVhich thing maketh an euident difference in our case frō the meaning of the former statute for that a Prior Deane or Person being aliens and no denizens might alvvayes in tyme of peace demaund landes in England in respect of their corporations notvvythstanding the sayd statute or common lavv against aliens as apeateth by manie boke cases yet extant as also by the statute made in the tyme of K. Richard the secōd vvhich vvas after the foresaid statute of king Edvvard the third The third reason is for that in the former statute The third reason it selfe of K. Edvvard ther are excepted expreslie frō this general rule INFANTES DV ROY that is the The Kīgs issue excepted by name kings ofspring or issue as the vvord INFANT doth signifie bothe in Fraunce Portugale Spaine and other countries as the latin vvord liberi vvhich ansvvereth the same is taken commonlie in the L. liberorum F. de verb sign Ciuil lavv Neither may vve restreine the french vvordes of that statute INFANTES DV ROY to the kings childrē onlie of the first degre as some do for that the barraynnes of our lāguage doth yeld vs no other vvorde for the same but rather that therby are vnderstood as vvel the nephevves and other discendantes of the king or blood Royal as his immediate children For it vvere both vnreasonable and ridiculous to imagine that K. Edvvar◠by this statute vvould goe about to disinherit hi◠ovvn nephevves yf he shoulde haue any borne ou◠of his ovvn aleagiaunce as easilie he myght a◠that tyme his sonnes being much abrode from England and the blacke Prince his eldest sonne hauing tvvoe children borne beyonde the seas and consequentlie it is apparent that this rule o◠Maxima set dovvn against Aliens is no vvay to be stretched against the descendantes of the king or of the blood Royal. Their fourth reason is that the meaning of king The fovvrth reason The kīgs meaning Edvvard and his children liuing at such tyme as this statute vvas made could not be that anie of their linage or issue might be excluded in lavv from inheritaunce of their right to the Crovvn by their forreine byrth vvhersoeuer For othervvise it is not credible that they vvould so much haue dispersed their ovvn bloode in other countries as they did by giuing their daughters to straungers and other meanes As Leonel the The matches of England vvyth forreyners kinges third sonne vvas married in Millan and Iohn of Gaunte the fourth sonne gaue his tvvoe daughters Phylippe and Katherine to Portugal Castile and his neipce Ioan to the king of Scottes as Thomas of VVoodstock also the yongest brother married his tvvoe davvghters the one to the king of Spain and the other to the Duke of Brytane VVhich no doubt they being vvyse Princes and so neere of the bloode Royal vvould neuer haue done yf they had imagined that herebie their issue should haue lost al clayme and title to the Crovvn of England and therfore it is moste euident that no such barre vvas then extante or imagined Their fift reasō is that diuers persons borne out The fifte reason Exāples of forreiners admitted of al English dominion and aleagiaunce both before the conquest and sithence haue bene admitted to the succession of oure Crovvne as lavvful inheritours vvythoute anie exception againste them for theyr forreyne byrthe As before the conquest is euident in yong Edgar Etheling borne in Hungarie and thence called home to inherit the Crovvn by his great vncle king Edvvard the Confessor vvith ful consent of the vvhole Realm the Bishop of VVorcester being sent as Ambassador to Flores hist An. 1066. fetch him home vvith his father named Edvvard the ovvtlavve And since the conquest it appeareth plainlie in kinge Stephen and kinge Henrie the seconde bothe of them borne out of English dominions and of Parentes that at their birth vvere not of the English alleagiaunce and yet vvere they both
this Testament but rather some friend of the house of Suffolk in vvhos fauour I take it that it vvas first of al forged GENTL It may be quoth the Gentleman nor vvil I stand obstinatlie in the coÌ„trarie for that it is hard sometyme to iudge of vvhat faction eche one is vvho discourseth of thes affaires But yet I maruail yf it vvere as you say vvhie Leycesters father after king Edvvardes death made no mention therof in the fauour of Suffolk in the other Testament vvhych then he proclaymed as made by K. Edvvard deceased for prefermeÌ„t of Suffolk before his ovvne sisters LAVV. The cause of this is euident quoth the Lavvyer The Duk of Northumbeâ—landes drift for that it made not sufficientlie for his purpose vvhich vvas to disinherit the tvvo daughters of K. Henrie him selfe aduaunce the house of Suffolk before them both GENTL A notable chaunge quoth the Gentleman that a title so much exalted of late by the father aboue al order right rank and degre should novv be so much debased by the sonne as though it vvere not vvorthie to hold anie degre but rather to be trodeÌ„ vnder foote for plaine bastardie And you see by this hovv true it is vvhich I tolde you before The mutable dealig of the house of Dudley that the race of Dudleys are moste cunning Marchantes to make their gaine of al thinges men tymes And as vve haue seene novv tvvo testameÌ„tes aleaged the one of the king father the other of the king sonne both of them in preiudice of the testators true successours so manie good subiectes begin greatlie to feare that vve may chaunce to see shortlie a third testament of her Ma. for the intituling of Huntington and extirpation of K. Henries blood that before her Ma. can think of sicknes vvherin I beseech the Lord I be no Prophet But novv Sir to the forsaid vvil testameÌ„t of K. HeÌ„ry I haue often heard in trueth that the thing vvas counterfeit or at the leaste not able to be proued and that it vvas discouered reiected and defaced in Q. Maries tyme but I vvould gladlie vnderstand vvhat you Lavvyers esteme or iudge therof LAVV. Touching this matter quoth the Lavvyer it cannot be denied but that in the tvventy and eight and thirtie and sixt yeares of king Henries reigne vpon consideration of some doubt irresolution The authoritie and occasion of K. Henries testameÌ„â— vvhych the king him selfe had shevved to haue about the order of succession in his ovvn children as also for taking avvay al occasions of controuersies in thos of the next blood the vvhole parliament gaue authoritie vnto the said king to debate determine thos matters him self together vvyth his learned councell vvho best knevv the lavves of the Realm and titles that anie man might haue therby and that vvhat soeuer succession his Ma. should declare as moste right and lavvful vnder his letters patentes sealed or by his last vvil and testament rightfullie made and signed vvyth his ovvn hand that the same should be receyued for good and lavvful Vppon pretence vvherof soone after K. Henries death ther vvas shevved a vvil vvyth the kings stamp at the same the names of diuers vvytnesses vvherin as hath bene bene said the succession of the Crovvn after the kings ovvn children is assigned to the heires of Fraunces and of Elenore neipces to the king by his yonger sister VVhich assignatioÌ„ of the Crovvn being as it vvere a mere guifte in preiudice of the elder sisters right as also of the right of Fraunces and Elenore them selues vvho vvere omitted in the same assignation their heires intituled onlie vvas esteemed to be against al reason lavv and nature consequentlie not thought to proceed from so vvise and sage a The kiÌ„gs TestameÌ„t forged Prince as K. Henrie vvas knovveÌ„ to be but rather ether the vvhole forged or at Leastvvyse that clause inserted by other and the kinges stampe set vnto it after his death or vvhen his Ma. lay novv past vnderstanding And hereof there vvanteth not diuers moste euident reasons and proofes For first it is not probable or credible that K. The first reason Henrie vvould euer go about against lavv and reason to disinherit the line of his eldest sister vvythout Iniustice improbabilitie anie profit or interest to him self and therby giue moste euident occasion of Ciuil vvarre and discorde vvyrhin the Realm seing that in such a case of manifest and apparent vvrong in so great a matter the authoritie of parliament taketh litle effect against the true lavvful inheritour as vvel apeared in the former tymes conteÌ„tions of Henrie the sixt Edvvard the fourth and Richard the third in vvhose reignes the diuers and contrarie parliamentes made and holden against the next inheritour held no longer vvyth anie man then vntil the other vvas able to make his ovvn partie good So Likevvise in the case of king Edvvard the The example of Fraunce third his succession to Fraunce in the right of his mother though he vvere excluded by the general assemblie and consent of their parliamentes yet he esteemed not his right extinguished therby as neither did other kinges of our countrie that ensued after him And for our present case yf nothing els shoulde haue restreyned king Henrie from such open iniustice tovvardes his eldest sister yet this cogitation atleast vvould haue stayed him that by geuing example of supplanting his elder Sisters Line by vertue of a testament or pretence of parliament some other might take occasion to displace his children by like pretence as vve see that Duke Dudley did soone after by a forged testament of K. Edvvard the sixt So redie Scholars ther are to be found vvhich easilie vvil learne such The secoÌ„d reason IncoÌ„gruities indignities Lessons of iniquitie Secondlye ther be to manye incongruyties and indignities in the sayd pretended VVyll to proceed from suche a Prince and learned Councell as king HeÌ„ries vvas For first vvhat can be more ridiculous then to giue the Crovvn vnto the heires of Fraunces and Elenore and not to anie of them selues or vvhat had they offended that their heires should enioye the Crovvn in their right and not they them selues VVhat yf king Henries children should haue died vvhiles Ladie Fraunces had bene yet a liue vvho should haue possessed the kingdoÌ„ before her seing her Line vvas next and yet by this testament she could not preteÌ„d her self to obteine Adrian Stokes it But rather hauing married Adrain Stokes her horskeper she must haue suffred her sonne by him yf she had anie to enioy the Crovvn and so AdriaÌ„ of a seruing-man and master of horses should haue become the Great Master Protector of EnglaÌ„d Of like absurditie is that other clause also vvherin the king bindeth his ovvn daughters to marrie by coÌ„sent directioÌ„ of his counsell or othervvise to leese the benefit of their succession but yet bindeth not his neipces
of Condie in the contrarie parte vvould King of Nauarre Prince of Condye think them selues greatlie iniuried by the state of Fraunce vvhich is different from them in religion at this day if after the death of the king that novv is his brother vvithout issue yf God so dispose they should be barred froÌ„ inheriting the Crovvn vnder pretence onlie of their religion My Lord of HuntingtoÌ„ him self also is he not knovveÌ„ to be of My L. of Huntingtons religion a different religioÌ„ from the present state of EnglaÌ„d and that yf he vvere king to morovve next he vvould alter the vvhole gouernment order condition state of religion novv vsed estblished vvythin the Realm But as I said in the beginning yf one of a vvhole familie or of diuers families be culpable or to be The title of thos vvhiche ensevve the Q. of Scottes touched herein vvhat haue the rest offeÌ„ded therby vvil you exclude al for the mislike of one And to descend in order yf the first in K. Henries line after her Ma. may be touched in this point yet vvhy should the rest be damnified therby The king of Scotland her sonne that next ensueth to speake in equitie vvhie should he be shut out for his religion And are not al the other in like maner protestantes vvhos discent is consequent by nature order and degre SCHOL For the yong king of Scotland quoth I the trueth is that alvvayes for mine ovvn parte I haue had great hope and expectation of him not onlie The yoÌ„g kâ—ng of Scotland for the conceipt vvhich commonlie men haue of such Orient youthes borne to kingdomes but especialie for that I vnderstod froÌ„ tyme to time that his educatioÌ„ vvas in allearning priÌ„celie exercises instruction of true religioÌ„ vnder rare and vertuous men for that purpose VVherby I conceyued hope that he might not onelie become in tyme an honorable and profitable neighbour vnto vs for assurance of the ghospel in thes partes of the vvorld but also yf God should depriue vs of her Maiesty vvhithout issue might be a meane by his sucâ—ssion to vnite in Concord and Gouernment the tvvoe Realmes together vvhich heretofore hath bene sought by the price of manie a thousand mens blood and not obteyned Marie yet novv of late I knovv not by vvhat meanes ther is begon in mens hartes a certaine mislike or grudge against him for that it is giuen ouâ— euerie vvhere that he is inclyned to be a Papist an enimie to her Ma. proceedinges VVhich argueth him verelie of singular ingratitude if it be true considering the great helpes and protection vvhich he hath receyued from her highnes euer sithence he vvas borne GENTL And are you so simple quoth the Genleman as to beleeue euerie report that you heare of this matter knovv you not that it is expedient for my L. of Leycester and his factioÌ„ that this youth aboue al other be held in perpetual disgrace vvyth her Ma. and vvyth this Realm You knovv that Richard The deuice to set out her Ma vvith the yong king of ScotlaÌ„d of Glocester had neuer bene able to haue vsurped as he did if he had not first persvvaded kiÌ„g Edvvard the fovverth to hate his ovvn brother the Duke of Clarence vvhich Duke stood in the vvaye betvvene Richard and the thing vvhich he moste of al thinges coueted That is the possibility to the Crovvn and so in this case is ther the lyke deuice to be obserued For truelie for the yong king of Scotlands religion it is euident to as manie as haue reason that it caÌ„ be no other of it self but inclined to the best both in respect of his education instruction coÌ„uersation vvith thos of true religion as also by hiâ— former Actions Edictes Gouernment and priuatâ— behauiour he hath declared Marie thes men vvhos profit is nothing lesse then that he or any other of that race should do vvel do not cease daylie by al secrete vvayes driftes and molestations possible to driue him either to mislke of our religion or els to incur the suspitioÌ„ therof vvith such of our Realm as othervvise vvould be his best friendes or if not this yet for verie need feare of his ovvn lyfe to make recourse to such other Princes abrode as may most offend or mislik this state And for this cause they suborne certaine busie felovves of their ovvn crevv and faction perteyning to the ministerie of Scotland but vnvvorthy of so vvorthie a caliÌ„g to vse such insoleÌ„cy tovvards The intolerable procedinges of certayne Ministers in ScotlaÌ„d agaiÌ„st theyâ— kig by sâ—bornation of â—ys â—â—ymyes in England their king and Prince as is not onlie vndecent but intollerable For he may do no thing but they vvil examin and discusse the same in pulpit If he go but on hunting vvhen it pleaseth them to cal him to their preaching if he make but a dinner or supper vvhen or vvhere or vvyth vvhom they like not if he receiue but a coople of horses or other preseÌ„t froÌ„ his friendes or kinsmen beyond the seas yf he salute or vse courteouslie anie maÌ„ or messiger vvhich coÌ„meth from them as you knovv Princes of their nobilitie courtesie are accustomed though they come froÌ„ their enimies as often hath bene seene highlie commended in her Ma. of England yf he deale familiarlie vvyth anie Ambassadour vvhich liketh not them or finalie if he do say or signifie any one thing vvhatsoeuer that pleaseth not their humour they vvil presentlie as seditious tribunes of the people exclame in publique and stepping to the pulpit vvher the vvord of the Lord only ought to be preached vvil excite the commonaltie to discontentation inveying against their souerain vvith such bitternes of speech vnreuerend tearmes and insoleÌ„t controlmentes as is not to be spokeÌ„ Novv imagine vvhat her Ma. her graue couÌ„cell vvould do in England if such procedinges should be vsed by the cleargie against them STHOL No doubt quoth I but that suche vnquiet spirites should be punished in our Realm And so I said of late to their moste Reuerend and vvorthie Prelat Primat the Archbisshop of S. Andrevves vvith vvhom it vvas my Luck to come acquainted Sir Patrik Adamson Archbishop of S. Andrevves in London vvhether he vvas come by his kings apointment as he said to treate certaine affaires vvith our Quene and Councell And talking vvith him of this disorder of his Ministerie he confessed the same vvith much greife of minde tolde me that he had preached therof before the king him self detesting and accusing diuers heades therof for vvhich cause he vvas become verie odious to them and other of their faction both in Scotland EnglaÌ„d But he said that as he had giuen the reasons of his doinges vnto our Quene so meaneth he shortlie to do the same vnto Monsieur Beza and to the vvhole church of Geneua by sending thither the articles of his and their doinges Protesting vnto me that the procedinges
and attemptes of thos factious and corrupt men vvas moste scandalous seditious and perilous both to the kinges person and to the Realm being sufficient indeed to alienate vvholie the yong Prince from al affection to our religion vvhen he shal see the chiefe professours therof to behaue them selues so vnduetifulie tovvards him GENTL That is the thing vvhich thes men his competitours moste desire quoth the Gentleman hoping therby to procure him moste euil vvil daunger Treasons Plotted Against the K. of Scottes both at home frō Englād For vvhich cause also they haue practized so manie plotes treacheries vvith his ovvn subiectes against him hoping by that meanes to bring the one in distrust and hatred of the other and consequentlie the king in daunger of destruction by his ovvn And in this machination they haue behaued them selues so dexterouslie so couertlie vsed the manage and cōtriuing herof and so cunninglye conueied the execution of many thinges as it might indeed seme aparent vnto the yong king that the vvhole plot of treasons against his Realm person doth come from England therby to driue him into ielousie of our state our state of him and al this for their ovvn profit Neither is this anie nevv deuice of my Lord of Leycester to dravv men for his ovvn gaine into daunger hatred vvith the state vnder other pretences For I could tel you diuers stories and stratagemes of his cunning in this kinde and the one far different from the other in deuice but yet al to one end I haue a friend yet liuing that vvas tovvardes the olde Earle of Arundel in good credit and by that meanes had occasion to deal vvith the late Duke of Norfolke in his chiefest affaires before his troubles This mā is vvount to report straunge thinges from the Dukes ovvn mouth of my Lord Leycester cunning deuice for ouerthrovvīg the Duke of Norforke of Leycesters moste treacherous dealing tovvardes him for gayning of his blood as after apeared albeit the Duke vvhen he reported the same mistrusted not so much my Lordes malice therin But the summe of al is this in effect that Leycester hauing a secret desire to pul dovvn the said Duke to the end that he might haue no man aboue him selfe to hinder him in that vvhich he moste desireth by a thovvsand cūning deuises drevv in the Duke to the cogitation of that mariage vvyth the Q. of Scotland vvhich aftervvard vvas the cause or occasion of his ruine And he behaued him self so dexterouslie in this drift by setting on the Duke on the The impudencie of Iudas one side and intrapping him on the other as Iudas him self neuer played his parte more cunninglie vvhen he supped vvyth his master and set him self so nere as he dipped his spoone in the same dishe durst before others aske vvho should betraye him meaning that night to do it him self as he shevved soone after supper vvhē he came as a Captaine vvyth a band of conspiratours and vvyth a courteous kisse deliuered his person into the hādes of thē vvhō he vvel knevv to thirst after his blood The very like did the Erle of Leycester vvyth the Duke of Norfolk for the arte of treason though in the parties betrayed ther vvere great difference of innocēcie Namely at one time vvhen her Ma. vvas at Basing in Hampshire the Duke attēded their lo haue audience vvyth great indifferencie in him self to folovv or leaue of his sute for mariage for The speaches of Leices to the D. of Norfolk that novv he began to suspect her Ma. liked not greatlie therof my Lord of Leicester came to him and counsayled him in anie case to perseuere not to relent assuring him vvyth manie othes and protestations that her Ma. must should be brought to alovv therof vvhether she vvould or no and that him self vvould scale that purpose vvyth his blood Neither vvas it to be suffred that her Ma. should haue her vvil herein vvyth manie other like speaches to this purpose vvhich the Duke repeated againe then presentlie to my said friend vvyth often laying his hand vpon his bosome and saing I haue here vvhich assureth me sufficientlie of the fidelitie of my L. of Leycester meaning not onlie the foresaid speeches but also diuers letters vvhich he had vvriten to the Duke of that effect Ley. cousynage of the Quene as likevvise he had done to some other person of more importaunce in the Realm vvhich matter comming aftervvard to light he cousyned most notablie her Ma. by shevving her a reformed copie of the said letter for the letter it self But novv hovv vvel he performed his promis in dealing vvyth her Ma. for the Duke or against the Duke in this matter her highnes can best tel and the euent it self shevved For the Duke being admitted soone after to her Ma. speech at an other place and receyuing a far other ansvvere then he had in hope conceyued vpon Leycester promisses retired him self to London vvhere the same night folovving he receyued letters both from Leycester The Duke of Norfolks flyīg into Norfolk and Syr Nicholas Throgmarton vpon Leycesters instigation for they vvere at that tyme both friēdes and of a faction that he should presentlie flee into Norfolk as he did vvhich vvas the last and final complement of al Leycesters former deuices vvherby to plunge his friende ouer the eares in suspition and disgrace in such sorte as he should neuer be able to dravv him self out of the ditch againe as indeed he vvas not but died in the same And herein you see also the same subbtile Machauilian Machauellian Sleyghtes sleight vvhich Imentioned before of driuing men to attēpt somevvhat vvherby they may incur daunger or remaine in perpetual suspition or disgrace And this practize he hath long vsed and doth daylie against such as he hath vvil to destroye As for example VVhat say you to the Leycester deuises for the overthrovv of Syr Christopher Hatton deuice he had of late to intrap his vvel deseruing friende Sir Christopher Hatton in the matter of Hall his Priest vvhom he vvould haue had Sir Christopher to send avvay hide being touched and detected in the case of Ardent therby to haue dravven in Sir Christopher him self as Sir Charles Candis he can vvel declare yf it please him being accessarie to this plot for the ouerthrovv of Sir Christopher To vvhich intent moste diuelishe drift perteyned I doubt not yf the matter vvere duelie examined the late interception of letters in Paris from one Aldred of Lyons then in Rome to Henrie Vmpton seruaunt to Sir Christopher in vvhich letters Sir Christopher is reported to be of such credit and special fauour in Rome as if he vvere the greatest Papist in England VVhat meaneth also thes pernitious late dealīges Leycester deuises against the Earle of Shrevvsburie against the Earle of Shrevvsburie a man of the moste auncient and vvorthiest nobilitie of our Realm vvhat
Lord of Leycester vsed the same Duke Dudley arte much more skilfulie vvhen he put al England in a maze and musing of the Protector and of his frieÌ„des as though nothing could be safe about the yong king vntil they vvere suppressed and consequentlie al brought into his ovvn authoritie vvythout obstacle I speak not this to excuse Papistes or to vvyshe them anie vvaye spared vvherin they offend but onlie to signifie that in a countrie A good rule of policie vvher so potent factions be it is not safe to suffer the one to make it selfe so puissant by pursute of the other as aftervvards the Prince must remaine at the deuotion of the stronger but rather as in a bodie molested and troubled vvyth contrarie humours yf al cannot be purged the best Phisick is vvythout al doubt to reduce and holde them at such an equalitie as destruction may not be feared of the predominante LAVV. To this sayd the Lavvyer laughing yea Marie Sir I vvould to God your opinion might preuaile in this matter for then should vve be in other tearmes then novv vve are I vvas not long since in companie of a certaine honorable Ladie of the Court vvho after some speech passed by Gentlemen that vvere present of some aprehended and some executed and such like affaires brak into a great complaint of the present tyme and thervvyth I assure you moued al the hearers to griefe as vvomen you knovv are poteÌ„t in styrring of affections and caused them al to vvyshe that her Maiestie had bene nigh to haue heard her vvordes I do vvel remember quoth she the first douzen The spech of a certayne Ladie of the Court. yeares of her highnes reign hovv happie pleasant and quiet they vvere vvith al maner of comfort and consolation Ther vvas no mention then of factions in religion neither vvas anie man much noted or reiected for that cause so other vvyse his conuersation vvere ciuile and courteous No suspition of treason no talke of bloodshed no coÌ„plaint of troubles miseries or vexations Al vvas peace al vvas loue al vvas ioye al vvas delight Her Ma. I am sure toke more recreation at that tyme in one day then she doth novv in a vvhole vveek and vve that serued her highnes enioyed more contentation in a vveek then vve can novv in diuers yeares For novv ther are so manie suspitions euery vvhere for this thing and for that as vve cannot tel vvhom to trust So manie melancholique in the Court that seme malcontented so manie complayning or sueing for their friendes that are in trouble other slip ouer the sea or retire them selues vpon the sudden so manie tales brought vs of this or that daunger of this man suspected of that man sent for vp and such like vnpleasant and vnsauerie stuffe as vve can neuer almoste be merry one vvhole day together VVherfore quoth this Ladie vve that are of her Ma. trayne and special seruice and do not onlie feel thes thinges in our selues but much more in the griefe of her moste excellent Ma. vvhom vve see daylie molested herevvith being one of the best natures I am sure that euer noble Princesse vvas indued vvith al vve cannot but mone to beholde More moderation vvisshed in matters of factioÌ„ contentions aduaunced so far foorth as they are and vve could vvish most hartilie that for the time to come thes matters might passe vvith such peace friendship tranquility as they do in other countries vvher difference in religion breaketh not the bande of good felovvship or fidelitie And vvith this in a similing maner she brake of asking pardon of the coÌ„panie if she had spoken her opinion ouer boldlie like a vvoman To vvhom ansvvered a Courtier that sat next The speache of a Courtier her Madame your Ladiship hath said nothing in this behalf that is not dailie debated among vs in our common speech in Court as you knovv Your desire also herein is a publique desire if it might be brought to passe for ther is no man so simple that seeth not hovv perilous thes coÌ„tentions and deuisions among vs may be in the end And I haue heard diuers GeÌ„tlemen that be learned discourse at large vpon this argument aleaging olde examples of the Athenians Lacedemonians Carthagenians and Romans vvho receyued notable dammages and destruction also in the end by their diuisions and factions among them selues and specialie froÌ„ theÌ„ of their ovvn Cities and Countries vvho vpoÌ„ The peril of diuisions factions in a common vvealth factioÌ„s liued abroode vvyth forreyners and therby vvere alvvayes as fire-brandes to carrie home the flambe of vvarre vpon their countrie The like they also shevved by the long experieÌ„ce of al the great Cities and states of Italie vvhich by their factious and foruscites vvere in coÌ„tinual garboile bloodshed and miserie VVherof our ovvn countrie hath tasted also her parte by the odious contention betvvene the houses of Lancaster and York vvherin it is merueilous to consider vvhat trouble a fevv men often tymes departing out of the Realm vvere able to vvork by the parte of their factioÌ„ remaining at home vvhich commoÌ„lie encreaseth tovvardes them that are absent by the redines of forreine Princes to receiue alvvaies and comfort such as are discontented in an other state to the ende that by their meanes they might holde an ore in their neighbours bote VVhich Princes that are nigh borderers do alvvayes aboue al other thinges most couet and desire This vvas that courtyers speech reasoÌ„ vvherby I perceyued that as vvel among them in Court as among vs in the Realm and countrie abrode the The dauÌ„gerous sequel of dissentioÌ„ in oure Realme present inconuenieÌ„ce daungerous sequel of this our home dissention is espyed and consequentlie most English hartes inclined to vvishe the remedy or preuention therof by some reasonable moderation or revnion among our selues For that the prosecution of thes differences to extremitie can not but after manie vvouÌ„des exulceratioÌ„s bring matters finalie to rage furie and most deadlie desperation VVheras on the other side if any svveet qualification or small tolleration among vs vvere admitted ther is no doubt but â—hat affayres vvould passe in our Realm vvyth more quietnes safitie publique vveale of the same then it is like it vvil do long and men vvould easilie be brought that haue English bovvells to ioyne in the preseruation of their countrie from ruing bloodshed and forreine oppression vvhich desperation of factions is vvouÌ„t to procure GENTL I am of your opinion quoth the Gentleman in that for I haue sene the experience therof and al the vvorld beholdeth the same at this day in al the ExaÌ„ples of tolleration in matters of Reliligion countries of Germanie Polonia Boemland and Hungarie vvher a litle bearing of th' one vvyth th' other hath vvrought them much ease continued them a peace vvherof al Europe besides hath admiration and enuie The first douzen yeares Germany also of her
and had borne him out in certaine of his vvickednes or at least not punished the same after it vvas detected and complained vpon the parties grieued accompting the crime more proper and hainous on the parte of him vvho by office should do iustice and protect other then of the perpetrator vvho folovveth but his ovvn passion and sensualitie let passe Attalus and made their reuenge vpon the blood and life of the king him self by one Pausanias Pausanias suborned for that purpose in the mariage day of the kings ovvn daughter Great store of like examples might be repeated out of the stories of other countries nothing being more vsual or frequēt amōg al nations then the afflictions of Realmes and kingedomes and the ouerthrovv of Princes and great potentates them selues by their to much affection tovvardes some vnvvorthie particular persons a thing inded so common and ordinarie as it may vvel seme to be the specialest rock of al other vvherat kinges and Princes do make their shipvvrackes For if vve loke into the states and Monarchies of al Christendom and consider the ruines that haue bene of anie Prince or ruler vvithin the same vve shal finde this point to haue bene a great and principal parte of the cause therof and in our ovvn state coūtry the matter is toto euidēt For vvheras Kinges of Englād ouer throvven by to much fauoring of some particular men since the conquest vve number principalie thre iust and lavvful kinges to haue come to cōfusion by alienation of their subiectes that is Edvvard the second Richard the second and Henry the sixt this onlie point of to much fauour tovvardes vvicked persons vvas the chiefest cause of destruction in al thre As in the first the excessiue fauour tovvardes Peter Gauesten and tvvo of the Spencers In the second the like extraordinarie and indiscrete affection K. Edvvard 2. tovvardes Robert Vere Earle of Oxeford and Marques of Dubline and Thomas Movvbray tvvo K. Richard 2. moste turbulent and vvicked men that set the kinge againste his ovvne vncles and the nobilitie In the third being a simple and holie man albeit no great exorbitant affection vvas sene tovvards K. Henrie 6. any yet his vvife Quene Margarets to much fauour and credit by him not controled tovvards the Marques of Suffolke that after vvas made Duke by vvhos instinct and vvicked Counsail she made avvay first the noble Duke of Glocester and aftervvard committed other thinges in great preiudice of the Realm and suffred the said moste impious sinful Duke to range make hauock of al sorte of subiectes at his pleasure much after the fashion of the Earle of Leycester novv though yet not in so high and extreme a degre this I say vvas the principal and original cause both before God and man as Polidore vvel noteth of al the Pol. lib. 23. hist Angl. calamitie and extreme desolation vvhich after ensued both to the kinge Queene and theyr onelie child vvith the vtter extirpation of theyr familie And so likevvyse novv to speak in our particular case if ther be anie grudge or griefe at this day anie mislike repining complaint or murmure against her Ma. gouernment in the hartes of her true and faithful subiectes vvho vvish amendmēt of that vvhich is amisse and not the ouerthrovv of that vvhich is vvel as I trovv it vvere no vvisdom to imagine ther vvere none at al I dare auouch vpon conscience that either al or the greatest parte therof procedeth from this man vvho by the fauour of her Ma. so afflicteth her people as neuer did before him either Gauestō or Spēcer or Vere or Movvbray or anie other mischieuous Tyraunt that abused moste his Princes fauour vvithin our Realm of England VVherby it is euident hovv profitable a thing it should be to the vvhole Realme hovv honorable to her Ma. and hovv grateful to al her subiectes if this man at length might be called to his accompt LAVV. Sir quoth the Lavvyer you aleage great reason and verilie I am of opinion that if her Ma. knevv but the tenth parte of this vvhich you haue here spoken as also her good subiectes desires and complaint in this behalfe she vvould vvel shevv that her highnes feareth not to permit iustice to passe vpon Leycester or anie other vvithin her Realm for satisfaction of her people vvhat soeuer some men may think and report to the contrarie or hovv soeuer othervvise of her ovvne mylde disposition or good affection tovvardes the person she haue borne vvith him hitherto For so vve see that vvise Princes can do at tymes conuenient for peace tranquilitie and publique vveale though contrarie to their ovvn particular and peculiar inclination As to goe no furder then to the last example named and aleaged by your self before though Queene Margaret the vvife of K. Henrie the sixt The punishemēt of VVilliā Duke of Suffolke had fauoured moste vnfortunatlie manie yeares together VVillm Duke of Suffolke as hath bene said vvherby he committed manifold outrages afflicted the Realm by sundrie meanes yet she being a vvoman of great prudence vvhen she savv the vvhole communaltie demaund iustice vppon him for his demerites albeit she liked and loued the man still yet for satisfaction of the people vpon so general a complaint she vvas content An. 30. of King◠Hērie 6. first to commit him to prison and aftervvard to banish him the Realm but the prouidence of God vvould not permit him so to escape for that he being incountred and taken vpon the sea in his passage he vvas beheaded in the ship and so receyued some parte of condigne punishment for his most vvicked loose and licentious life And to seeke no more examples in this case vve knovv into vvhat fauour and special grace Sir Edmond Dudley my Lord of Leycesters good Graundfather vvas crept vvith king Henrie the seuenth in the later end of his reigne and vvhat intollerable vvickednes mischiefe he vvrought againste the vvhole Realme and againste infinit particular persons of the same by the poolinges oppressions vvhich he practised vvherby though the king receyued great temporal commoditie at that tyme as her Ma. doth nothing at al by the present extorsions of his nephevv yet for iustice sake for meere compassion tovvardes The punishmēt of Edmond Dudley his afflicted subiectes that complained greuouslie of this iniquitie that moste vertuous and vvise Prince K. Henrie vvas content to put from him this levvde instrument and deuillishe suggestour of nevv exactions vvhom his sonne Henrie that insued in the Crovvn caused presentlie before al other busines to be called publiquelie to accompt and for his desertes to leese his head So as vvhere the interest of a vvhole Realm or cōmon cause of manie taketh place the priuate fauour of anie one cannot stay a vvise and godlie Prince such as al the vvorld knovveth her Ma. to be frō permitting iustice to haue her free passage GENTL Truelie it should not quoth the