there was written by one in the King's Interest a Paper called Honesty is the best Policy wherein the Author avers and that upon his own knowledge that that Declaration was contrary to the King 's own sence of things as he inferred from discourses that he had the honour to have personally had with the King at St. Germaines I believe was the Author known no body could justly accuse him for want either of Probity or Love to England After the Answers of these Letters came over the Iacobite Principles was written which contained notions which are plainly hinted at in this â—ast Declaration and before the Publication of this last Declaration came forth the French Conquest neither desireable nor Practicable and now it is evident by this Declaration that the good things asserted in those Pamplets in behalf of the King were not the private Suâ—mises of the Author but founded upon â—ood authorities from St. Germaines and since thâ—s Government has printed in Scotland some Letters that they have either intercepted or made I will venture so far to betray the Secrets of his Majesty as to transcribe some passages out of Letters that have been sent me from the Earl of Melfort and many others have had Letters of the same purport I have mine by me and if the Parliament will obtain a safe conâ—uct for us I will produce them and I don't question but many others of his Majesties Friends wiâ—â— produce such other Letters either written by the King or his command as would abundantly satisfie the Nation that the King is ready to do all things necessaâ—y to secure them from all those dismal Hobgoblins which some through Malice and others through Folly have bug-â—eared us withal The passages I shall transcribe out of my Letters are as follow 3 d. Iuly 1692. I had Yours of the last Month and the only one I have had this considerable time In it I find your objections to the Declaration and find that most of them are Just and what shall be help'd in the next There was not one Topick sent but was made use of and if we have failed it has been the fault of those that have not informed aright what would please and not ouâ—s and as for that draught you sent me I had it at the Sea-side when we were past thinking of Declarations As to our Intentions the King was resolved to Govern by the known Laws of the Kingdom to consult with his Parliament in all things relating to the establishment of Peace and quiet in his Kingdoms to maintain the Liberties and Properties of all his Subjects to protect the Protestant Religion and to obtain Liberty of Conscience for all Dissenters He designed to except none from his mercy excepting those who opposed his Restoration and to Govern so as that he might gain him the Love of his People and make them as fond of him as they had been violent against him and tho' he could not at this distance tell how this was to be attained to yet he was resolved if once upon the place to have persued the true methods of doing it Withal I must tell you that no Declaration was ever published by the King's authority for tho' it was printed it was not to have been dispersed till the King 's Landing and having met with some of his Friends and if they had disliked it even then it had not been Published 11 th Iuly 1692. No man in the world wishes more heartily then my self to see Bounds and Limits fairly cleared betwixt the People and Monarchy of England that so we may not oppose the Prerogative ignorantly nor unknowingly ruâ— into Arbitrary Notions against the Liberty of the Subjects if these Limits were once fixt one who meant well might tread sâ—cure which is now impossible for both Parties pretending to have right and it may be in some things without reason one may design well and yet displease both which could never occur if Prerogative and Property were once clearly defined and stated What all this may end in is hard to foretell and whether ever we shall be so happy to see things cleared on just and equal terms but of this I can assure you it is the King's desire that it should be so Aug. 29 th 1692. I am for large measures and having the Crown established upon the Love and Affections of the Subjects and that in our days we may see the King and People in mutual confidence of one another and all Jealousies and Fears and the grounds of them rooted out that the design of the Court may be the Happiness and Prosperity of the People and the design of the People to encrease the Glory of the Crown and the legal rightful Succession thereof that Liberty and Property might be secured and that Prerogative which justly belongs to the Crown Established for their protection All this might be now were England so happy to lay hâ—ld on the Conjuncture 22d Septem 1692. The French King did not so much as pretend the Forces he sent should have English Pay but his own which looks far from deâ—â—nding great Sums of the Nation and I can assure you he was as frank as any English man whatever for securing the people in the possession of their Religion Liberty and Property Let not England stand in its own way and oppose its own happiness and I 'le answer France shall not meddle nay if it were to meddle betwixt the King and his People it would be to gain the People more of their Will to humour them more not to complement the Crown AND ANY MAN OF GOOD SENCE WILL FIND REASONS OF STATE FOR THEIR SO DOING In another place of the same Letter he says that The King of France when the King was to come last Year to us said all he had to pretend to was to wish the King happy in the possession of his own and that in serving his Friend he had all he aimed at October 6 th 1692. Things shall be established upon the antient English bottom Religion Property and Liberty shall be as in the freest of times no man shall suffer for his Opinion in matters of Religion The King will have a free Parliament with whom he will consult the settling of all these upon the most lasting Foundations and differences once cleared he will govern according to Law he will have no different Interest from that of England and will make it his chief Study to gain the Love of his People and to be more Lord of their Affections then of their Persons he will avoid all Jealousies and the occasion of them and will look upon him as the worst of Traytors who would advise him to do aâ—y thing might give his People any Iealousie or Fear In short govern so as honest English men would have him mind the Interestâ—â—rade and Honour of the Nation and that against all its Rivals This is the Interest of the Nation and will be performed and being meant in the full
A Reply to the Answer Doctor Welwood has made to King Iames's Declaration which Declaration was dated at St. Germaines April 17th S. N. 1693. and Published also in the Paris Gazett Iune 20th 1693. Aetas parentum pejor avis tulit Nos nequiores Horat. People endure Oppression with more Patience from an Usurper then one ascending through a long Succession as esteeming it more Natural and no less then they look'd for or as acknowledging to have deserved it for not seeing when they were well Osborne's Advice to his Son Second Part. The PREFACE I am so far from triumphing over our Misfortunes that I call God to witness England can receive none that do not sensibly wound me but the Wise Man in the Scripture advising us To consider in the day of Adversity I think it not unseasonable at this time to recollect the present State of our Affairs and under a few short Heads expose the Calamitous Condition of our Country to the view and the consideration of all disinterested and honest People Some of those things I shall offer here have been already mentioned in Print and others in private Conversation amongst such whose Judgments tho' in some particulars differed from mine yet who I have the Charity to believe are guided by Principles of Integrity and in the pursuit of the ends they drive at prefer the publick Good before any private Advantage of their own But tho I have sometimes discoursed to the same purpose with men in Place and Power and such too as have the reputation of good Sence yet what I have delivered with all the Sincerity man is capable of has generally met with the Fortune incident to such meagre Doctrines as won't make the Pot boyl and I have been listened to as Sermons are more for decency than application I have therefore restrained my self hitherto from publishing my thoughts so freely unwilling to oppose the rapid Tydes of Passion and Interest which for these last five Years have born down all before them and overflowing the defences of Law and Reason have brought a deluge of Miseries upon tâ—is distracted Nation But now that the Fulness of time is at hand and our Ruin almost quite accomplish't I think I am obliged to contain my self no longer within Table talk but to do my Country all the Service I am capable of from the Shade I live in by endeavouring to dispel those Miâ—ts of Prejudice from before their Eyes and demonstrating thaâ— a Duâ—ch Government that never was founded in any Religion has been much more destructive to us then a Popish one could have been tho' seasoned with too mâ—ch For I don 't in the least doubt but that most of those who were the chief Incendiaries in the Late Revolution and who scattered the Fears and Jealousies of Popery most would now acknowledge if they duâ—st speak out that all the Provocations of the last Râ—ign were in themselves as Impotent as Unjust and that it was impossible for so inconsiderable a Party to contrive any Mischiefs that required such violent Remedies as were preâ—cribed For whoever heard that a Country govern'd by Laws was enslaved by a Prince whom his Subjects had entertained inveterate apprehensions of even before his accession to the Crown or would not laugh at the pretence of five or six thousand Papists endangering our Religion and Property when there was a Million of Protestants keepers of the Liberties of England It was therefore a vain Phantome to imagine that a King whose Subjects were suspitious and watchful over could surprise us with any material Innovatiâ—ns in Religion or undermine the Fundamentals of our Government for as no man can be dangerously betrayed but by a Friend so no Government can be subverted but by a Magistrate in whom a Trust and Confidence is reposed agreeable to which is a Maxim of our modern Polititians That the English Liberties were never so much endangered as under vertuous Princes the meaning of which is that our People charmed with an Opinion of their Justice have been too unwarily apt to submit to such extensions of the Prerogative that by the abuse of evil Successors have become Presidents for a too exorbitant exercise of their Power This consequence is much worse because nearer at hand if the Prince be vertuous only in the giddy conceit of the Populace deluded by the fallacies of artificial men for such an one carries the secret Venom about him and is impatient of opportunities to profit himself upon the dupes of his own Reign And this is just our case for by starting at a Shadow we have embraced the very Substance that we feared in deposing a Lawful home-born Monarch who could not nor had a thought to hurt us and exalting with a popular but blind Zeal a little Forreign Prince who has imbibed by his Education a dislike for English men and has so modell'd his Affairs as if the King truckled to the Statholder and inâ—ended these three Kingdoms should be Provinces subservient to the Seven from whence he comes This may be deduced from every Act since the first Scene of this so fatal and expensive Reign but it not being the subject of this place to launch into a thorow Comentary I will only hint at what is freshest in our Memories and put you in mind of the late admirable Caution in the Conduct of our Fleets and Army Was it from his Love to England that he broke his Promise to the King of Spain to send a Squadron of men of War into the Mediteranean which was to be there before the beginning of last Spring to act in Conjunction with the Spanish Admiral in case the French attempted any thing in Naples or in Catalonia Was it from his love to our Merchants that he detained our Ships that had been a Year loaden at Spithead and might safely have ventured last November out without a Convoy But were kept in under an Embargo because the Dutch were not ready and and neither Sir G. Rook nor they permitted to sail until our Holland Friends were pleased to joyn them at such a time that it was true a Convoy became necessary but such a Convoy as ought not to have been less than the whole Naâ—al strength of England By this breach of Word with an Ally his Catholick Majesty owed the safety of his whole Fleet at Naples only to the Storm that dissipated Mr. d' Estrees Squadron but by it has since actually lost Roze and by his tender care of our Smirna Fleet in keeping them safe so long in Harbour and hugging them as Monkeys do their young ones to death our Turkey Trade nay and the whole Exchange of London were all at once upon the utmost precipice and brink of ruin I cannot but admire the Courage of our Sanguine Citizens that still bears up against so many repeated Losses for tho' the richest of their Tuâ—ky Ships were sunk at Gibâ—altar and Malaga and those that escaped have lost a whole years Trade and
King's Words and it rails so very courâ—ly that it can scarce imâ—ose upon the most unlettered men and tho' I have resolved to give it a Reply since it would be a tedious drudgery to follow the Author from page to page I shall chuse to reduce under Heads what is most material in that authorized â—ibel and after I have handled them at large I will more briefly take notice of what they don't comprise that deserves any Answer First The Doctor makes much use of the Declaration that was last Year published in King Iames's Name Secondly He flourishes with the male-administrations during his Majesties abode amongst us Thirdly He tells us no King is to be trusted who has once broke his Word And Lastly He acquaints us after all the pains he has taken to Answer it that he knows not whether it is King Iames's Declaration or no. As for the Declaration that was printed last year besides that I can assure you Doctor I never yet saw it Signed with the King 's own Hand I can also assure you that it was as much misliked by many almost all of the King's Friends as it can be exposed by his Enemies If you won't take my Word for this be pleased to peruse the Letters Mr. Secretary Iohnson ordered to be printed in Scotland and in one of those charged upon Nevill Payneâ— you will find I am in the right If I would take the Liberty you make use of I might falsify and utterly deny that ever King Iames so much as saw it but I think my self obliged in Honour and Conscience to deal ingeniously in every thing I publish to the World and with all Doctor I tâ—ink the faithful relation of matter of fact which I shall now make will vindicate both the King and the â—ober part of those in his Interest from those drâ—adful Iâ—putaâ—ions wherewith upon the account of that Declaration you are pleased to charge them The matter of Fact then is thus King Iames designing last Year to come over sent to several of his Friends to give him an account of what they thoâ—ght pâ—â—pâ—r for him to do and how he ought to express his Intentions in a Declaration that he might thereby make his reaccession more easie but thinking it proper to keep his coming over as much and as long a secret as he could he so very darkly intimated for what Reasons he desired his Friends to consider of such a draught that the most solid and considerate of them did not believe there was any necessity to hâ—sten over their Notions but some who are not so well able to give materials for things of that nature yet were very glad the King had been pleased to ask their Opinions were more forward so that the King not having heard from others upon whose Judgmenâ—s he could have depended was forced to order a Declaration to be drawn up according to the accounts that these men had sent but thoâ— he had been so long from England which might excuse his mistakes he was himself so little satisfied with that Declaration that he ordered him who had the custody of all the Printed Copies that were at La Hogue not to give out one there and he sent express Commands with the draught that he sent over to be printed hâ—re that not one of them should be dispersed amongst us till he was actually Landed and had advised with his Friends upon the place what was fit for him to resolve and particularly whether that Declaration was agreeable to the sence of these Kingdoms and he had designed to have brought with him a Press and Printers that if his Friends disapproved of that Declaration he might put forth another and wholly suppress that Had he come over he would have been before his Landing convinced that it was not agreeable for just about that time the French Fleet was beaten and which was before the King could have come hither there arrived at La Hogue Declarations drawn in Form with universal Mercy and such as did engage the King to give us â—ull Securities both for our Reliâ—ion and for our Liberties and there were sent likewise by the Penners of those Declarations more severe Animadversions upon that Declaration which was indeed printed by but published both on this and the other side contrary to the King 's express Order then any that were here authorized by my Lord Nottingham's Imprimatur The King indeed ordered that Declaration to be drawn but neither was the King nor the Penner of it to blame that they were not furnished with more suitable â—otions since they sent for Instructions Nor can I so much blame those Persons tâ—at sent those materials because that altho' their thoughts hâ—d not been conversant with things of that soâ—t yet men must have vast degrees of Modesty in their oâ—n â—empers who would not â—eâ—â—mpted to wade out of their dâ—pth by such a Complement as the King justly enough thought was then even necessary for his Affaiâ—s to make them Nor were those others who upon Captain Sâ—ow's Landing immediately â—ate themselves to collect the sâ—nce of the Naâ—ion uâ—paâ—â—onably to blame that they did not upon first noâ—ice transmit their Scâ—emes â—or the more solid men are the more diffident they will be of themselves especially where tâ—e Advice is to be propâ—rtioned to such a variâ—ty of Seâ—ts and Interests as are upon this Island â—ince the extream goodnâ—ss of the King has pâ—rdoned their having been too dilaâ—ory which they must and do acknowledge as a fault it is hoped their follow Subjects will not too severely censure such who would hazard their Lives and Fortunes for the good of England That they would risk even the good opinion of the King I think may be made evident by an account of 〈◊〉 that were sent from hence They not only wrote very frankly against that Declaration but upon their seeiâ—gâ—iâ— they also probed the inclinations of the King and his then sole Secretary there the Earl of Melfort and that by exacting their fence of many particulars which are not proper to be mentioned in this Paper but fitter to be referr'd to the debates of a Parliament and the Answers they had were so satisfactory tâ—at they were thereby encouraged to pursue their duty with all imaginable and renewed diligence Some of those things inâ—illed uâ—on by them have been published in â—ormer Pamphlets by the advice of the King's friends here and since that you have had some of them published in the King 's own Declaration When these Pamphlets came out you thought the good things they mentioned were but the Wishes of the Writers and not the Inclinations either of the King or his Party â—ut now you see by his own Declaration that they were agreeable to the King 's own Sentiments and the advice of his Friends Those things were not then said without Book When the first Declaration first came out and before there were returns to those Letters which were sent against it
extent comprehends Liberty Property and Religion In the same Letter ' â—is said Parliaments shall be free so free that the Court shall not brâ—guâ— so the People may rest assured of a free Parliament and 〈◊〉 inclinations to compose all Differences and heal all Breaches in Church and State October 24 th 1692. I assure you that I fall most naturally in with such measures measures that if embraced would secure the Church of England entirely give reasonable ease to all Dissenters secure fully Liberty and Property and make every English man happy in the free and full possession of his Birthright sâ—cure Elections to Parliaments against tricks and frauds and do all things for the People which they with Iustice can expect December 12 th 1692. A Letter of that date speaking of our House of Commons here says that by restoring the King they might have Conduiâ—ns to secure all that ever they were afraid of they 〈…〉 â—â—ace be free from Taxes have Trade and all sorts of Plenty and may shew themselves the true Ballance of Europe since on that occasion there is no reasonable Peace the French King would not subscribe to You see I have sate down some passages out of the Earl of Melfort's Letters to my self which I believe give another Idea of the King than we have been generally possessed with There are in the same Letters many particulars in which as I said it would not be decent to anticipate the debates of an House of Commons tho' they are such as infinitly confirm me that the King was then and is now ready to make it next to impossible that the boundaries of our Rights should be again broken down There are many other Iacobites that are as Zealous as I can be for the good of their Country and who have by them very explanatory Accounts which may well justifie the King 's saying That he has been and still is willing to condescend to such things as are most likely to give the fullest Satisfaction and clearest prospect of the greatest Security to all ranks and degrees of his People And we may be satisfied the King will continue in that temper since every thing has been laâ—ely so faâ—thfully and impartially laid before him by an excellent Person who I believe Dr. you suppose to be the continuer of this last Declaration 〈◊〉 for whose parts you your self say you have a just esteem I mean the Earl of MIDDLETON who I esteem as much for his parts as Doctor Welwood or any body else can and yet more for his Integrity then for his Parâ—s I don 't at all doubt but that â—his last Declaâ—ation was grouâ—dâ—d upon the true relation that that noble Earl gave of the State and Interests of theâ—e Kingdoms but I am sure he will think it no disreputation to him no dimunition of his Merit to say that he found in â—he King a pâ—eparation to close with every thing he laid beâ—ore him as his own Interest the Interest of his Royal Issue and â—hese his affliâ—â—â—â— Kingdoms Since I have mentioned the Earl of Middleton I think my self obliged in thâ—s place to do him a piece of Justice I had the honour to be with him several times when that Declaration whiâ—h is so much exclaimed against first came abroad and I positively aver that I know no one man in England thought it worse calculated for the Service of his Master and our Interest then he did and I perceived him to have those wise those honest and honourable resentments upon that and many other occasions that I must loose all sence of Virtue and English Liberty before I cease acknowledging that he is a true Patriot as well as a most faithful and able Minister I shall neither trouble my self nor the Reader with remarks upon the foregoing Letters but leave them to speak for themselves after I have said that they were written with that careless freedom of Style which men make use of when they have no manner of design that their Letters should be made publick This I say to obviate the 〈◊〉 of shallow and superficial Criticks who always and in every thing expect Essays of Rhetorick which iâ— not the language of business whilst it passes through private hands I think I have said enough to the first topick You may if you please occasionally refer to the Letters themselves but I will now hasten to consider Male-administrations I will not go about to extenuate much less to justifie any ill thing done in the Reign of the King I was not concerned in any one of those ill things when he was here I always called a Spade a Spade I censured and spoke against those ill things then and I never excuse them now and yet if the Law-Boâ—ks of England are to be credited let our Government be as much an Original Contract as you will they are not to be charged upon the King nor is he to be punished for them and for our future Security we have the Age of the King and the Infancy of his Son besides both which he has been taught in the School of Affliction never more to be so seduced by his Ministers that the Nation will not bear such measures and farther the concessions of this Declaration and all the promises of it are not only big with Provisions but also are a Royal wayâ— of owning that he was formerly misled And what ever were the faults of the last Reign there are several Reasons for which a man would think that the authorized Writers for this Government should not so eternally recite them First was not the Prince of Orange himself so well informed that by the Laâ—s and Constitution of England the King of it is unaccâ—uâ—table can do no Wrong can be answerabâ—e for no Male-administration that al â—o ' in his own Declaration nothing was left unsaid that Malice could think of and whereâ—n every thing was aâ—gravated with all the Spightful Câ—lours that a fruitful invention and Libellous Pen câ—uld give them yet even in that he levelled no accusation agaiâ—st the King but against his evil Câ—unsâ—llors Again tho' the reâ—son of that Maxim is to preserve the Head of the Government safe â—hâ—st tâ—e Peoples safety coâ—sists in having Justice and Râ—paration upon the Ministers have those â—inisters neverthelesâ— been fâ—und out Have any of those who were in your hands been punished Oâ— have they not rather been employed It was a sign that Ie ffâ—ries was naturally pusillanimâ—us that he despaired of remâ—ining Câ—ancâ—lâ—â—uâ— when he saw that Pâ—otestant Merciful Major General Kirk so well with our Reformer Had he lived till now in despite of Tâ—unton Dean he as well as Sir Iohn Trevor had had his Place I am serious Doctor and that you may not believe what I say to be chimerical I will bring you acquainted with some of those men that are now in Play Will you give me leave to introduce you to that good old Treasurer the Earl of D -- by If you please we
first yet the present Conservators of our Liberâ—y have transmitted to after Ages a president for Parliameâ—taâ—ily taking away that Liberty whensoever the caprice of a fearful or foolâ—sh Minister seâ—s up pretences of State for doing it Certainly Paâ—liaments â— begin to â—orget the design of their first Instituâ—â—on begin to forget they wâ—re to assist us against Arbitrary Ministers to secure our Rights and not to sacrifice them I believe had the old Custom oâ— instructing tâ—em been revived few Flectors would have given a power to their Râ—presentativesâ—â—o Imprison their peaceable Neighbours without proof for nothing â— no' â—t can admit of no good excuse yet something more like one might have â—een offered if that Act had been suspended only whilst they could examine the cause of their pannick fear but to repeat it to reiterate such a prostitution of what wiâ—h all due Reverence to that Assembâ—y â—e it spoken tâ—ey have so liâ—tle to do withal unless to secure it by more express Laws is of â—â—â—amous example and I would almost as soon have been oâ—e of the Regicides of King Charles the first as such a murderer such a staâ—er oâ— our â—uâ—dâ—menâ—al Rights Was any of the men that were by vertue I mean by the Villany of that Suspentiâ—n committed ever tryed to this day Nâ—y did the Gâ—vernmeâ—t eâ—er pretend to try any one man for Crimes committed before oâ— during that Suspâ—ntion The Nation remembers how many the Mâ—ssâ—â—gers then locked up how many were then Imprisoned in lâ—athsome Goals how many were sent to the expensive Tower 〈◊〉 a Member of that Parlâ—amâ—nâ— I would not think a private Repentance would obliterate my â—aâ—lt I would print my Recantation of so destructive a Vote I call it dâ—stâ—ucâ—iâ—e because it has given an Inlet to Prerogative that our Forefathers never knew that no King ever once imagined that a Parliament of England would countenance tho' it were but for the least point of time But let us come to the Articles of Limerick does not King William plainly act by that devouring Monster as Doctor Welwood calls it the Dispensing Pâ—â—eâ— Does he not grant them Indulgence for their Religion allow them Arms and a freedom from Oaths and Securiâ—y against prosecutions for â—â—eir Plundering and does not he do all this by his own single authoriâ—y tho' it was contrary to the Laws of the Land the Rights and Privileâ—gâ—s and the very Safety too of the Protestant Subjects of Ireland Did ouâ— Parliament take any notice of the Illegality of this Act nay did they not ratifie it I suppose the Parliament of Ireland was not so cram'd with men in Places nor had the Members of it been so much softned by Pentions as the Members of our House of Commons are for when an Act for confirming those Articles was proposed to them they could find that the first Article of that Treaty if confirmed would make an Established Religion and the sixth would deprive all Protestants of their Actions against the Papists by wâ—om they were plâ—ndered even whilst they lived in Peace with them This you may find in a little Pamphlet called an Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland 1692. Which Pamphlet was put forth by some Members of that Parliament who are very fond of this Government tho' they are willing that the Settlement in Ireland may be Religiously observed and that the Proâ—estant and Brittâ—sh Interest there may be secured as the Prince of Orange worded it and promised in the last paragraph of his own Declaration Did we pay so many men to make War in Ireland and make at last such Conditions Could the Prince of Orange to Reduce one Town when hâ— had all the rest of these three Kingdoms assisting him to Reduce it promisâ— to enervate the Act of Settlement and yet must King Iames when he waâ— in the hands of the Irish when very few others of his Subjects appeared foâ— him when the greatest part of the Protestants in Ireland were actually in Arms against him or combining with his Enemies forever stand confounded because he was prevailed upon contrary to his own Inclinations and by a sort of fatal necessity to Repeal that Act of Settlement I believe if the Doctor will read Great Brittain's Iust Complaint and the Answer to Doctor King's Book he will not have Forehead enough to assert any more as he does page the 36 th that the King was Master and without controul when he passed that Act of Repeal and the King promises to consent to every thing that an English Parliament shall think necessary to reâ—establish that Act now he is really and properâ—y Master of his own Actions and tho' the King has good reason and is obliged in honour to recommend to the Parliament of England those Irish that have followed him to the last yet the rascally Irish as this mannerly Pupill of Titus Oates Doctor Welwâ—od calls them do not appear dearer to King Iames then to the Prince of Orange for King Iames will leave the method of recompensing those that have been Loyal to him to an English Parliament But King William falls out with the Parliament of Ireland because they are not willing those Irish Papists who plundered even while they lived in Peace with them should go unpunished which in plain English shews that King VVilliam to endear himself to the Natiâ—e Irish is willing to give an Instance that he thinks Robbery is no Crime but perhaps he remembred what the Pyrate said to Alexander may think that 〈◊〉 an Irish Popish Rapparee has no more natural conviction of the hainiousness of such a transgression then his Protestant Dutch Highness has shewn to his own Actions I am past Wondering at any thing King William does but Posterity will be astonished that a Parliament of England could ratifie such Articles To proceed to another Head it is notoriously known that several men were Executed by Martial Law before it was Enacted When an Army is no better paid then ours has been either in England Ireland or Flanders to empower a Commander to Shoot a man to Death because he demands the Money he has earned for himself and his Family with his Sweat and with his Blood is a Law that requires great subtilty and argumentation to prove it equal or just but to give this power to imperious and cholerick Officers without examining how many men had been before the settling of it murdered in their rage and to gratifie their own violence I say to enact this Law without such a retrospection and without guarding 〈◊〉 against a too vigorous execution of it for the future is what little becomes an English House of Commons who ought to have a tender regard to the Life of the meanest Subject Let us come to consider of the numerous Parliamentary Pardons bestowed upon Ministers who have falen foul upon our Laws have not the Subjects even the Peers of England been hunted by Proclamations clapt into Prisons for High Treason and refused the
benefit of their Habeas Corpus and this when there was no Information upon Oath as the Law appoints to justifie such a proceedure And have not the Ministers had all this pardon'd by a Parliament Doctor Welwood does make so many Repetitions himself that I hope he will not redicule me if I now and then repeat the same thoughts and set down here that Parliaments heretofore thought fit to punish and not to skreen such Arbitrary Ministers to make the reparation of the Subject more easie more certain but now they take part with the Ministers to oppress the Subject Another Parliamentary Errour under this Government is that our Legislators don't at the beginning of every Sessions read the Prince of Orange's own Declaration for there are in it some things that deserve their Reflections These are the Words of one Paragraph And we for our part will concur in every thing that may procure the Peace and Happiness of the Nation which a Free and Lawful Parliament shall determine Since we have nothing before our Eyes in this our undertaking but the preservation of the Protestant Religion the covering of all men from Persecution for their Consciences and the Securing to the whole Nation the FREE ENJOYMENT of all their Laws Rights and Liberties under a Iust and Legal Government I don't know whether the present Gentlemen that meet at VVestminster take themselves to be a free Parliament but if they do here is a very fair Invitation which is also in other places expressed by declaring that the design of his coming should be to rescue the English Government from the Violencies and Disorders which had overturned the whole Constitution Really if this was true our Civil Fabrick wants a great deal of Reparation and if he was in earnest you are to blame that you don't propose solid Securities against Arbitrary Government and to prevent the possibility of Slavery for the future as the Declaration has it in another place But in troth after all I know not whether the Prince of Orange takes the present for a free Parliament because that I can name his Highness some Bills that they have determined very unanimously to be for the happiness of the Nation to which nevertheless King VVilliam has not thought fit to give his assent no he did not think fit to concur tho' some men absolutely attached to his Interest have honestly according to their Principles told him that a Prince who comes in for the sake and upon the Foot of Reformation can never stand long unless he really perform the business and design of his exaltation He has been so far from concurring that it has been observed that every Session he has taken all our Money but followed none of the Advice either of a Parliament or of such whose avowed Principles make them capable to go in heartily with his Government nay he has rejected one Bill that the whole House of Commons passed Nemine Contradicente Mr. Finch excepted â—nd which was not opposed by any body but my Lord Nottingham in th e â—ouse of Lords He hath been pleased to refuse some â—ther Bills that were notwithstanding all the pains â—e and my Lord Portland took to hinder them Voted â—y a great majority of both Houses Methinks the preâ—ent Parliament should enquire what are his thoughts concerning them since 〈◊〉 seems it is not to them that he refers the accomplishments of the ends of â—is Declaration I believe there are some that sit now in Saint Stephen's Chappel that have thought no King of England no Hereditary King of Engâ—and ought to have a Negative Voice and I wonder that no Person of â—hat perswasion disputes the Title that their Elective King has to it but inâ—tead of this now these men are in Places they can as well as other throw â—ut the Judges Bill as soon as the Prince of Orange lets them know his Will â—nd Pleasure They let him carry Absolute Monarchy to a higher pitch then â—hat in which the imagination of Xenophon placed his Cyrus for Cyrus had â—bout him many great men whom he consulted who were called his Eyes â—nd Ears and who were in a sort the Representatives of his Subjects but â—ur present House of Commons are content that our All-sufficient Monarch should â—o every thing by the advice only of that Stranger that Gaveston his Monâ—â—eur Bentinck who has the reputation of too good a Courtier to expostulate â—is Masters Will. Will you give me leave Dr. to repeat another Paragraph of the Prince â—f Orange's Declaration But to Crown all there are Great and Violent Presumptions inducing us to believe that those evil Counsellours in order to the carrying on of their ill designs and the gaining to themselves the more time for the effecting of them for the encouraging their Complices and for the discouraging of all good Subjects have published that the Queen hath brought forth a Son tho' there have appeared both during the Queen's PRETENDED Bigness and in the manner in which the Birth was managed so many just and visible grounds of suspition that not only WE OUR SELVES but all the good Subjects of those Kingdoms do vehemently suspect that the pretended Prince of Wales was not born by the Queen And it is notoriously known to all the World that many both doubted of the Queen's bigness and of the Birth of the Child and yet there was not any one thing done to satisfie them or to put an end to their doubts Doctor Welwood you must forgive me if I think that it has been at least a great oversight in our Legislators that they have not charged this Crowning Male-administration home upon King Iames. This was a Male-administraâ—ion that was not only to confirm at present but to Crown and perpetuate â—ll the Male-administrations of King Iames's Reign The proof of it would â—ave effectually silenced almost all mankind in the behalf of that King It â—s such an unnatural Male-administration that I should have thought him worse then an Iâ—fidel that had so destroyed the Provisions our Law 〈◊〉 made for his Family for his Daughters I would not only have alloweâ— him insane but a Monster if this had been proved upon him The not proâ—ving this upon King Iames has laid a Foundation for Lancastrian 〈◊〉 on s and for eternal Standing Armies which must remain for a Guard tâ— our Elective Crown Had the Prince of Orange intended to have requiteâ— that most particular Affection and esteem which he says we had formerly testified to him and his dearest Consort the Princess he should not have been willing we should have been left in the dark in this matter Had the Parliament tooâ— any care for our future Security they would have cleared this point Thâ— Prince of Orange was very particularly concerned to clâ—ar it since it was thâ— most Justifiable part of hiâ— Errand hither the Parliament can never have 〈◊〉 better opportunity to be satisfied of the truth of this matter since now they and
whom the King was displeased did not only oppose the manner but the Liberty and yet King Iames contiâ—ued them in places of the greatest Trust and was at last Sacrificed by his too great Confidence in their Fidelity Besides this how came you to reproach King Iames with ingratitude since your Master has so signalized himself for it towards those that have served him in Holland England Scotland and Ireland Why should I name the Alâ—rins c. in the Vnited Provinces Halifax Shrewsbury Delamere Wildman Manleâ— c here One of those very men that brought him the Crowâ— of Scotland The Officers of Loâ—donâ—â—rry and Iniskiâ—ling c I say why should I name these when the whole Whigg-Party every day in every Coffee-House charge him with an Ignorance of his own Interest becausâ— he scarse rewards any body but those that have opposed him He seemâ— to have a Green-sickness Palate in that matter and to love Ingratitude aâ— young Wenâ—hes do Dirt and Charcoal because it is destructive to the Constituâ—ion of his Government King William has interwoven with his Pâ—lâ— ticks all the Faults that we complained of in the time of King Iames with out immixing that Oecâ—nomie that good Husbanery that application which must be allowed even by his worst Enemies to be King Iames's Talents and It 's oâ—d not to say Râ—diculous to see the Prince of Orange every where fiâ— the Commissions of the â—eacâ— and the Militia and almost all the Places oâ— Trust with men whose Principles aâ—e diâ—ectly opposite to his own Title anâ— who opposed his Election to the Crown This is as has been formerly saâ— by a Jacobite Pamphletâ—er a Sin against the Holy Ghost of this Revolutioâ— and I am sure is a monstrous and undeniable Instance of the Prince of Orangâ— Ingratitude to those that put the Crown on his Head There remains two or three things still to which I suppose you will eâ—pect an Answer Page the seventeenth you repeat the Words of a Speeâ— the King made to the Parliament 1685. where he told them that he pleasâ— himself with the Hopes that by Gods blessing their assistance he might carry the Râ—putation of this Nation higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any â— his Ancestors These Words of this Speech you think are Synonymous 〈◊〉 this clause He has set it before his Eyes as his noblest aim to do yet more for â— Constitution than the most renowned of his Ancestors Had you taken notice â— the word Câ—â—stitution and not overâ—â—â—ked the next clause of his Declaratioâ— which is and as our chiefest Interest to leave no umbrage in relation to Religioâ— Liberty and Property I say if you had observed the word Constitution as that clause you could not fallen into such a mistake It is plain the Kiâ— designed to make himself glorious and to secure his own Interest by giviâ— us good Laws and did not in his Declaration talk of Campaigning anâ— let me assure you the less a King of England loves Wars abroad the 〈◊〉 it is for his People at home But if it will not take up too much of your time I will give you my Seâ— of that very Expression in the King's Speech 1685. and be not surpriseâ— Doctor if I declare that I firmly believe that all the King said might haâ— been brought to pass if the People of England and particularly the Stâ— Wâ—ïggs had done their part Will you not grant that the Wealth the oâ— fluence of People the greatness of their Trade the number and strength their Shipping together with the plentiful Magazines of Naval and Maâ—tial Stores raise the highest Reputation to Islanders Did not our Conquests â—pon the Continent always cost us very deaâ— in Blood and Treasure And did they not end in loss and disgrace Whilst Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth were making a noise with their Victories poor England was lamenting that vast consumption of its People and Coyn which had very near destroyed this Nation whereas the Reputation which iâ— acquired by an increase of Trade and Riches is much more durable much more extensive and will upon an Island resist with greater vigour the rude and cross shocks of Fortune I shaâ—l make this more evident by compâ—ring the Reigns of three of our â—wn Princes Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth gained many 〈◊〉 glorious Vâ—ctories and conquered several Provinces in France by which they rendred their Names dreadful to France tho' their Influences were scarse felt or feared any where else but what Fruit did England nay even themselves reap from all this The disgraces of the latter part of Edward's Reign almost withered all his former Laurels and England was so drained of Money that its Treasure with that of the Conquered Provinces was not sufficient to pay that Army upon its return which under the conduct of the Black Prince had restored Don Pedro to his Kingdom of Castile neither can we discover any better fruits of the Conquest of Henry the Fifth his Reign was short and upon ballancing of Accounts nothing fell to our share but our loss of our bravest Officers and Souldiers and an immence mass of Money thrown away in that unfortunate War Upon the other hand Queen Elizabeth by applying her Councils and Thoughts to the Shipping and Trade of this Nation did so encrease the Wealth and Strength of it as enabled her to support the whole Protestant Interest to secure Scotland from the French Clutches to recover France out of the very Jaws of the Spaniard to defend and establish the Common-wealth of Holland against all the Power of Spain and at last to break the strength of and to humble that great Monarch to whose aspiring Thoughts all Europe seemed too mean a Quarry and whose Ambition could not be satisfied with less then the Empire of the Universe By these methods she out-did all the bravest Actions of our former Kings and extended the dread and reputation of the English Name hither to confined to our bordering States to the utmost corners of the Earth and hath withal thereby Established such a solid Foundation for our future greatness as hath already withstood without any sensible decay a greater effusion of Blood and Treasure in our last Civil Wars then was spent in France in the Reigns of Edward the third and Henry the fifth which Reigns nevertheless had alalmost anihilated this Nation From all this it doth evidently appear that whensoever a King of England applys his whole thoughts to the encrease of the Shipping and Trade of this Nation he must raise our Reputation Strength and influences proportionable to the advances he makes in them That this was and must be King Iames's design and what he meant in that Speech quoted by you is pretty plain to every body that has any knowledge of King Iames his Genius who is truly a Trading and Navall King and it is as plain to any man that reads Mr Pepy's Memoires which are
submitted to the scrutiny of the Books and challenge the men that are now in the Navy and Admiralâ—y Offices as to the truth of every thing he asserts that King Iames proceeded â—uiâ—aâ—ly to it No Prince was ever more careful to encrease and encourage Trade which he understands better than any Prince in Euâ—ope None more diligent to appoint Convoys or the Security of it and none ever took juster measures in order to those â—nds None ever was more indefatigable in the encreasing of the Navy Royal None ever more industrious in filling the Magazines with Naval and Mâ—litary Stores But above all by his project of Liberty of Conscience our Trade Wealâ—h and People and consequently our Shipping would have been encreased to the envy and terrour of all our Neighbours It was an early discâ—very of those designs and measures of his which would have pâ—oved so fatal to their Common-Wealth that induced the Dâ—tch to forward the Prince's undertaking and did I think the Prince of Oâ—ange had any reâ—ard to any thing besides his own unmeaning Will could I believe he was touched with any love of his Native Soil I should believe that love upon thesâ— Considerations made him also the rather attempt the Revolution he effected I can more easily believe he did it upon that account then upon any of those Motives which were plausibly expressed in some parts of his Declaration Upon the whole those Hopes of King Iames might have been accomplished if â—hey had not been frustrated by the restiness of some the giddiness of others and the artful Treachery of too many with whom he trusted his most inward thoughts They might have been accomplished if the implacable aversion of some men to his Person of others to the Family of the Stuarts joyned with the Flatteries first of the pretended Church of England men and then of Fanaticks had not made him uncertain which way to turn and so given an easier oppertunity to his corrupted Ministers to betray him into such Councils as brought forth this Revolution Which Revolution has fatally diverted the application of our Councils Strength and Treasure into a Channel which will never turn to anaccount and into a sort of War wherein our Trade and Shipping are neglected whereby certain and inevitable Ruin is overtaking us unless we suddainly come to an end of it And notwithstanding Doctor what you say page 13 th time will inform all true English men and lovers of their Country that they ought for the sake oâ— it to set their Hands and Hearts to the Accomplishing the King's Restoration as the only means to secure to us lasting Peace and Happiâ—ess our Religion and our Liberties nor will all the bantering Stuff wherewith you declaim page 19 th and 20 th frighten us from 〈◊〉 Restoring him I have dwelt a little too long upon this Head but before I conclude I must go as far back as Page the third wherein you challenge all the Kinâ—'s Declaratiâ—n-makers to give but one single Instance from History that ever a People who nom a just and recent sence of an invasion made by a limitâ—d Monarch upon their Laws and Funâ—amental Constitution had thereupon withdrawn their Allegiance from him and conterr'd it upon another did ever afterwards willingly and tamely submâ—t to his Government again By this bold Challenge Doctor I find you have not read much History for such instances so frequently occur in the Records of all Countries that I will undertake that if you will be at the pains to search you may find for one instance where a Monarch was excluded for ever six instances where a limited Monarch dethroned by his People for Male-administrations has by the same People either himself been called back if alive or his Children if he was dead neither does the last any thing alter the case for since all these viâ—lent Hurricanes of State occasioned by popular Reformations require it may be sometime to wear oâ—â— the present Fit in that interval the expellâ—d Prince maâ— dye but if the People come again so far to themselves aâ— to restore the Children by the same Revolution of their Inclinations they would unquestionably have done the same thing to the Father if he had been alive But to produce some Instances I shall omit many that might be given from the Emperouâ—s and Princes of Germany the Antient Kings of Macedon and the several Kingdoms of Greece all which were limited Soveraignties I will not menâ—ion Feâ—dinand of Naples Charles the fourth Leuis the fourth and Charles the seventh of France nor will I speak of Sueno and Christopher the second of Denmark or Alphonso the third of Castile I will not insist upon Lasius King of Poland any more then upon those Revolutions that were not long since in Flanders Brabant c. where those People transfâ—rr'd their Allegiance to the Duke of Alanson and being so many distinct and limited Principalities make so many several Instances I say I will noâ— must upon any of these Examples tho' they are all pretty apposite and are still upon the Records of Time as you phrase it unlâ—ss you Doctor have lately razed them But to come to your own Country were not Reuther Donald Bâ—nâ— and Atherick Kings of Scotland expâ—lled by their People for their Irregularities Did not their People transfer their Allegiance to others And were not they afterwards restored by the same People the two first in their own Persons and the last in his Posterity Will you look over what we have done in England Does not Iohn Milion in his History of it tell you that Ethelred when he was expelled and the Allegiance of his People transfered was sent to by his People who declared they preferred none before their own lawful Soveraign if he would promise to Goâ—ern better than he had done I set down the Words of the Historian and if you will look into him you will find his People repâ—ssessed Ethelred upon promise to do so In the same Historian you may find no lâ—ss than two others of the same Name that were expelled and râ—called in Person by their People I will conclude this Head with the Restoration of King Charles the Second was not King Câ—aâ—les the First not only deposed but put to Death by his Subjects and that upon the Allegation of more numerous Crimes and some of them more hainous too than those charged upon King Iames Was not his Son Charles the Second after his Father's Death expelled the Kingdom and the Allegiance of the People of England transferred first to many and then to a single Person under the Name of Pâ—otector tho' in effect a King And yeâ— was not the very same despised calumniated and abjuâ—ed Charles Stuart as they then called him afterwards peaceably and willingly called home by the uniâ—ed desires of the People of England Had the Father King Charles the First been then aâ—ive would not he as cerâ—ainâ—y have been calleâ— home since the revulse of the People was
so strong as to Canonize him a Martyr and to appoint upon the account of his usage a Day of Humiliaâ—ion and Repentance to all after Ages Nay since the Injury done to him has left still such an impression that many men who have had a Hand in this Revolâ—tion yet remember his Blood shed with Horrour and since however contradictory it was to the Principles of this change the Convention it self caused Ludlow to be sent away with a Proclamation at his heels and farther since multitudes of People in all parts of England attribute almost all our Misfortunes to that Vâ—ngâ—ance wherewith God retaliates the Injustice of his Death I say all this considered can it be doubted that King Charles the First would have been bâ— this change of the Peoples temper re-possessed of his Throne had he had the good luck to have gone into Exile From all these Instances and many more that may be met with in Story I think we may infer that nothing is more certain than that the love which People have to the rightful Descendant and Successor of a Family that has a long time held the Reins of Government and which has been submitted to by them will at last prove too hard for any Fascination with which the People may for a while be inveigled by the arts of an Usurper and his Emissaries together with the Billinsgate of such Scriblers as your self That the King will be Restored I don't at all question The Follies the Faults the Unsuccessfulness and Ingratitude of the Prince of Orange make way for his Restoration Our Injustice and his Right enter a strong Claim for him in the Courts of Providence and our own Consciences His own repentance 〈◊〉 the Male-administrations that were committed during his Reign and the â—ecurities he offâ—rs against such Errours for the fuâ—ure corroborate his Title â—â—d will infallibly dispose all mankind to receive him But afâ—er all I must â—onfess that how much soever I have all along been convinced that he will â—ome home and that the Monarchy of England is Hereditary and conseâ—uently that he is our Rightful and Lawful and only King of all which I â—m absalutely convinced I say as much as I am satisfied of all these particulars yet I should have had leâ—s Heart to serve him had I not been well â—atisfied also that Common Proâ—estancy the Church of England as it is Established by Law and our Civil Rights would be all Safe if impartial Liberty of Coâ—science wâ—ich does not imply sharing Ecclesiastical Preferments but freedom to all sorts of People be their perswasion what it will to worship God according to the â—ictates of their own mind withouâ— any Penalty I saâ— Common Protestancy will be safe if such a Liberty is settled The Church of England may make her self now safe by drawing at present proper Civil Securities within the Walls of our Hâ—use of Commons and tendering them in the first Parliament after the Restoration The same promise of raâ—ifying Laws now made might give us uâ—questionable Securities for our Civil Rights if the present House of Commons would think it their duty to provide any Securities for the Nation But farther if these Gentlemen don't think that their business yet we have another paragraph in the Declaration that will if it is not our own fault effectually secure us and I think we need not be afraid of a Revolutionary Parliament under a Popish King In the paragraph I mean the King promises with all speed to call together our Representative Body and therein to inform himself whâ—t are our united Interests and Inclination and with their concurrence to redress all our Grievances and to give all those Securities of which we shall stand in need And in another place he particularly promises they shall chain up your devâ—â—ing Monster explain and limit the Dispensing Power and most effectually secure the Church of England more effectually than that Promise you recite page the twenty ninth could be supposed to secure it before this Dispensing Power was either circumscâ—iâ—ed or defined and before the Power of the Judges to interperet away our Laws was provided against We have not only his Promises the King 's being Sixty and his Son not Six our advantages against him by reason of the King 's being of a Religion that is not popular amongst us but also our own Tenures and tempers and his experience that English men nay that the generality of the Members of the Church of England will not live up to all the stretches of Prerogative and Passive Obedience to proâ—ect us against future Iâ—regularities It will not be the King's fault if any umbrage for Jealousies is left in relation either to Religion Liberty or Property It is not He sees it is not his Interest to leave any and therefore ever since he first heard of the Prince of Orange's intended design of conâ—â—â— and likewise what Jealousies whether well or ill grounded his Peoâ— have had he has been always willing to condescend to ample Securitiâ—â— and in this last Declaration he very plainly invites us to secure our selves 〈◊〉 the future encourages us for the future to Word our Acts of Parliament mâ—â—â— cautiously What Despotick Doctrines may be found in our English Statâ—â— Books And when the Duke of Queensborough one of King William's pâ—â—sent Privy Counsellours was Commissioners in Scoâ—land was not that foâ— of speaking Absolute Power without reserve introduced into their Laws 〈◊〉 was the King the safer for these extravagâ—nt Complements of these Parâ—â—â—ments Did these Flatteries of those Houses subjugate the minds of 〈◊〉 People of these Kingdoms I am glad to see by the wording of the King Declaration that hiâ— Majesty is sensible that soothing exprâ—ssions giveâ— real Power don't establish the Interest of the Câ—own I said some tiâ—â— since that I wouâ—d make no Apology for the Male-administrations of Kiâ—â— Iames's Reign but yet if we would Saddle the righâ— Horsâ—s I think Parlâ—â—ments and Pulpits come in for their share of reproof as well even as tâ—â— King's Ministers and I am sure are more blameable by our Constitutioâ— than the Kâ—ng For was not that Parliament of Scotland more faulty â—oâ— introducing such a luscious Expression into the Laws of their Country thaâ— King Iames or his Minister for using the very Words of an Act of Paâ—liament in the Declaration of Indulgence that was sent â—hitheâ— As I saiâ— in another case Extravagant Acts of Parliament never have the validity 〈◊〉 Laws but yet they may mislead Kings It is happy for Kings when the keep exactly to the Fundamental Constitutions of their respective Kingdoms but sure they are pardonable if not excusable when Representatiâ—â— Bodies tempt them inâ—o Errours unless by sâ—me Declaration of their own they seem to have a thorow knowledge of the Constitution Indeed thâ— Prince of Orange seemed in his Declaration to uâ—derstand our Constitutioâ— so well that he understood even the Chicaneriâ— of our Beautifâ—ux and fâ—â— this