expended by Parliament and little of the Credit come to K. James Whereas in Sir Peter Petts Speech n. 10. Apendix and other Vouchers you will see That K. James expended Millâ—ons out of his own Pocket upon the Navy Then you say in the Latter End of K. James's Regin Innuendo as if he had not minded the Navy from the Beginning of his Reign The contrary to which you will see in the short Abstract of Mr. Pepys's Account of the Navy n. 11. Appendix And no doubt your Informer could have told you this as well as the rest if you had had a mind to be inform'd But the Reason you give of your former Mistake is beyond all this You say You were led into this Inference viz. Of K. James's letting the English Fleet Decay on purpose to Rume the Trade of England that the French might grow Great at Sea by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea when he came for England Could there be no other Reason why the Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea but K. James's purposely letting the Ships of England Decay c What if the Prince of Orange missed the English Fleet which was the Case He found no Opposition at Salisbury neither Our Author might hence as well infer that K. James purposely let all the Pikes and Guns in England Rot and Rust c Are these Inferences fit for a Bishop upon his serious Repentance for his publick Breach of the Ninth Command and Slandering the Foot-steps of GOD's Ancinted And yet in the same Breath continuing to do it still again in Malice that grows Ridiculous with its Rage For in the next words after his Confessing his Mistake he would have you believe that K. James did own this Lye against himself But the preceding Discourses of K. James sayes the Author are exactly Related What were these Discourses You have it told in his Book in the same place where his Recantation is viz. c. 3. § 6. n. 1. Where he tells How many Roman Catholicks who pretended to know his K. James's mind confidently affirmed That he purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Râ—t that the French might grow Great at Sea and Destroy the Trade of the English And sayes the Author the King himself could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose Now this the Author even in Penitentials Affirms to be Exactly Related And no doubt he must think his stock of Credit very great that upon his bare Word we should believe so very improbable a Story as that K. James should himself tell so great a Lye against himself to render himself the most Odious to England that could possibly be Contrived All the Aspertions which his Enemies cast upon Him put together would not Blacken him so much in the Eyes of English-men as such a Design to Ruin their Trade on purpose to let the French get it And indeed it must raise a very strange Idea of him to all People in the World that a King could have so much ill Nature so much Treachery as to Ruin and Betray his own People who were then very kind to him on purpose to bring them into the Power of their Enemies and that he should be transported with such an implacable Malice against them as to be content to Ruin himself to be Revenged on them to make himself a Vassal to France that they might become French Slaves Which our Author sayes is Evident as I have before Quoted him And that a King should be so fond of this Character as to Invent Lyes against himself on purpose to have it believed And to harden the Hearts of all English-men against Him at the same time that He was Courting them and as Dr. Gorges's Letter tells us spoke the kindest Things of them upon all Occasions and as this Author in several places of this Book that He Reckoned much upon His Friends in England And c. 3. near the end of § 13. that the Irish Papists Refrained from Massacring the Protestants in Ireland lest It should shock many of their Friends in England and Scotland from whom they expected Great Matters And that K. James depended on some Protestants in England for Succour and Assistance rather more than on the Roman Catholicks c. Judge then how probable it is that K. James should Report such things of himself as He knew must Disgust all these and indeed all Honest Men But the Author finds a Reason for it It was sayes he in his loose Recantation to incourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England And was there no other way to do it but for King James to tell so Scandalous a Lye of himself And which my Lord Tyrconnel and many others of the Irish Nobility and Gentry besides all the English knew to be false The chief Encouragement they had to come to England was what our Author tells the Friends they supposed they had especially the Protestants in England and Scotland To whom this Account of King James especially from his own Mouth would have been a strange sort of a Recommendation But if that thing in which K. James was most to be admired and took greatest Pains and which was most Visible viz. his care of the Navy can by this Author's Art be thus turn'd into the Greatest and most Invidious Objection against him what fair Representation of K. James can be expected from such an Observator as as this Or what Credit to any thing he has said Who would have you believe him because he takes God to Witness of his Sincere Representing K. James and his Party in this Book And even where he must Cenfess his Error Repents as you have seen But we have been too long upon this Pray God this Author's Repentance for this pretended Repentance and all other his Sins may be more sincere and hearty before he Dye And particularly that God may give him Grace to Repent Sincerely and Confess Honestly all the Errors Willful or Malicious Representations in this Book of his with which I now proceed C. 3. § 12. p. 148. n. 6. He Reflects upon K. Jame's Sincerity who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England presented 17. Nov. 88. gave it as one Reason why he could not Comply because it was Impossible whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands to have a Free Parliament Thus he and to make you believe him very exact he qutoes the Kings Answer in the Margent But on purpose leaves out those Words which would shew the Inference he makes from it to be very Inconsequential his Inference is That the same Impossibility lay on him K. James against holding a Parliament in Ireland The Kings Words quoted in his Margent are these How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom There are but a very few Words more in that Answer which are these And can
Though King James had truly the Argument of the Inclinations of the People i. e. of the major Part in Ireland which was but a Pretence and falsly Collected in Scotland from the Fanatick Rabble being let loose and encouraged to act all outrage upon the Episcopal Clergy That the Argument is carry'd in Dr. King's Book and many Pamphlets grafted upon it that the Church of England ought to expect from K. J. the like Treatment which they pretend the Church of Ireland met with from him and his Popish Parliament But yet have no apprehensions from what K. William has done to the Church of Scotland which he and a Presbyterian Convention have pluckt up by the Roots tho' living peaceably and offending no Man while K. James and the Popish Parliament left the Church of Ireland Established by Law when all her Members to a very small Number were actually in Arms against him in as Universal a Rebellion they say as ever was heard of in any Nation wherein there are fewer Exceptions than of Loyal Irish in 41. Many other things the Jacobites do plead with which I will not detain the Reader they have made large Apologies for themselves and Dr. King's Book will afford them Mâ—tter for more I know not if it will be needful to advertise the Reader That he will meet with several Expressions and Arguments which I use only ad hominem following Dr. King's Phrase and Logick and not to mistake them for my own Sense or Approbation of his Principles or Characters which he gives As pag 33. paragr 5. and elsewhere And p. 191. where I take notice of his Comparison betwixt King James and the French King and according to his Representation of them I ask Whether any would have King James to be worse than the French King That is than that Character with which some take Pains to blacken the French Monarch But we know now what stress is to be laid upon their Representations by the many false and malicious Slanders which they have spread abroad and vouch'd with as much Confidence of their own King and of Matters done within our own Country It is not just to frame an Idea of any Man by that Represantation of him which is given by his Enemy And yet no King that ever was in the World has had his Praises sung to a greater pitch by the most flattering Poet than the French King 's most bitter Enemies have extalled him even while they were spitting Venom at him A Prince says the Mighty Cant. in his last Thanksgiving-Sermon before K. W. and Q. M. 27 Octob. 92. who governs his Affairs by the deepest and the steadiest Councils and the most refin'd Wisdom of this World A Prince Mighty and Powerful in his Preparations for War Formidable for his vast and well-disciplin'd Armies and for his great Naval Force and who hath brought the Art of War almost to that Perfection as to be able to Conquer and do his Business without Fighting A Mystery hardly known to former Ages and Generations And lastly that he has an almost-inexhaustible Treasure and Revenue Perhaps he said all this with a Prospect of standing him in stead another day What Roman Caesar's Greatness or God-like Power and Wisdom was ever set out in a higher strain than this Nay he makes the French Caesar exceed in the Art of War all former Ages and Generations And for his Civil Government within his own Kingdom suppressing and effectually curing Duels Robberies and other publick Vices which were most rooted in France for immemorial Generations it is the Amazement and envy'd Pattern of his Neighbor-Nations and really the greatest and most noble of all his Victories How does every one that comes over tell us That Travellers may carry Gold open through all France without danger of any Robbers But as soon as you set your foot upon Spanish Flanders you must prepare to fight your way to be Robb'd or Murder'd And in England we all too well know that none now are secure neither on the High-way nor in their Houses from Thieves and Robbers There is one Objection against this Great King which makes it an Offence to many to hear any thing though Truth spoken to his Advantage and that is Banishing the Hugonot Ministers and Dragooning others to work them into another Religion which does and justly eclipse his Glory with those who know not the true Grounds and Motives which induc'd him to Methods so rigid and severe But his very Enemies who know the Reasons he had for it do even in this Excuse him and turn it into an Argument of his wise Foresight and Prudence They tell you that he was under an invincible Necessity of being rid of these Men or hazarding such a Revolution as befel King James That he knew they would endanger him by a Revolt if he were Invaded by a Protestant Prince Which are the very Words of the Answer to Great Britain's Just Complaint pag. 47. That their Refugees here do generally all own the Principle of Resistance And that their Ministers march'd last Campaign before the Army into Dauphine Preaching to the People as they went the lawfulness of taking Arms against their King This is a plain Demonstration what the Answer to Britain's Complaint has told us The French King being thus vindicated by his Enemies in that which was most colourably Objected against him and which if not done upon the abovesaid Motives would leave him inexcusable The Jacobites think themselves for ever oblig'd to acknowlege with all Gratefulness the Noble and Generous Reception he has given to King James in his Distress which as no King in Europe was able to have done but Himself so none but he could have done it in such a manner with that Greatness and every Punctilio of Honor which if all the particulars were repeated would fill a Volume and is such an Original as is not to be found in former Ages and will be Recorded in History as the most glorious Scene of his Life And that if he perfect what he has so Heroically undertaken the Jacobites say he will not find readier Trumpeters of his Glory than the present Complying Divines late of the Church of England They would in that Day resume their old Theams with which their Pulpits us'd to ring but are now forgotten of the Persecutions of the Protestants by those Popish Princes who are now in Confederacy with England against France They would then tell us of the declar'd Principle of the House of Austria not to suffer any Protestants whom they call Hereticks to live within their Dominions And pursuant to that have Erected the Spanish Inquisition which occasioned the great Revolution in the Netherlands They wouâ—d set out likewise in their Colours the many Persecutions of the Protestants in Bohemia Hungary and Transilvania and the long Persecutions in Piedmont by the Dukes of Sarvoy and that by this preâ—ent Duke They would then inform us That all these Perfecutors were more Popish and
Diligence can secure him We know how Absalom stole the Hearts of the People from David his Father And they follow'd him in the simplicity of their Hearts says the Text as many did at first in the Rebellion against Charles the Martyr But I cannot tell if our Author will allow that for an Instance I know not how far his new Principles have carried him It is hard to stop in such a Course Their Repentance is Rare especially of those who are Converted to it from contrary Principles And if there be a visible Motive of Interest it makes their Return still more difficult But to conclude this Point in our Author's Phrase I dare appeal to all the World whether it be more dangerous to exempt the King from the Judgment of the People or to put it in the Power of any Discontented or Ambitious Men to endeavour to disgust the People against the Government and lead them into a Civil War at their Pleasure For that is the true state of the Question We know how many Mahomet has perswaded And by what means False Religions and Seditious Principles have spread through the World No doubt this Author intended his Book should take among the People He knew People could be Impos'd upon and never so much as when they are cajol'd and told fine Stories of their Power Paramount to all Kings and Governors That it is in their hands to pull down one and set up another to bind their Kings in Chains and root up all Governments at their Pleasure for this Argument of our Author's militates equally against all Sorts of Government And he may appeal again to all the World The Question Who shall be Judge apply'd to Parliaments and States Whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgments and Consciences of a whole Nation to determine concerning the Designs of their Governors whether Parliaments or States or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the Parliaments or States whether they will destroy them And one of these is unavoidable If you say It is not likely that a Parliament or States should design to destroy the People That is another Question Compar'd with Kings But pray tell me Would any Member of the Parliament of States loose so much by the Destruction of the Kingdom as the King Therefore it is less probable that he should Design its Destruction than any of them There may be an Equivalent given to any of them to Betray and Ruin his Country and there are Examples of it in all Ages Jugurtha Brib'd the whole Senate of Rome even when he was at War with them About 20 Years ago the French Faction among the Burghers of Amsterdam were able to Out-vote the other And some believe it is so still How has the allarm of French Pentioners disturb'd our Parliaments But more that of Court Pentioners Who are Free to give our Money the sooner we shall have done but Deaf to Grievances and Miscarriages Was there ever a Parliament Convention or Senate where the major Number was Un bribable Or was there ever a Bribe offer'd to a King to Betray or Sell his Country Deceiv'd he may be or take wrong Measures but it is inconceavable he shou'd Design the Ruin of his Country Therefore whoever you make Judg of the King's Designs must from a stronger Reason be Judg of the Designs of Parliaments and States And this will unhinge all Governments in the World But our Author endeavours to smooth all this by saying in the beginning of this Section Of Fears and Jealousies n. 1. p. 12. That Fears and Jealousies in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments or be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governors design to destroy them ought to be so plain and evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of their Truth especially the Generality of the Subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied and acquiesce in them But all these fine Words leave us just where we were For every Man is Judge still and he is Judge when he himself is satisfied and will acquiesce in the Arguments brought against his Governor And Men that are Deceived do think themselves in the Right else they were not Deceived So that the Rule of Government is still left Loose and Precarious as Uncertain as the Giddy Motions of the Mob And laid open to all the Attempts of Ambitious and Designing Men. Our Author says That Jealousies and Fears in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments This needs some Explanation For what more can there be of a Governor's Design to destroy us which is the Case in hand besides a Jealousy and Fear of it Till the Action be done we cannot be sure of it not so sure as our Author requires viz. we can have no such Security that ought to be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors There is hardly an Action in the World but may be done out of several Designs and none so much as the Actions of Governors and Matters of State And therefore there is nothing so easy as to be Mistaken in these Designs Especially if these Designs be kept as Secrets of State among Princes themselves French League Such was the suppos'd League which K. James was said to have made with K. Lewis of France to Root out all the Protestants not only of England Scotland France and Ireland but all the World over This was so Industriously spread abroad and vouched with such Confidence that it was given out the P. of Orange had procur'd the Original sign'd by both Kings and would produce it in Parliament This was believ'd and clamour'd about by Multitudes of silly People But neither the Prince in his Declaration nor the Convention in their List of Male-administrations against K. James did mention the least tittle of this which would have served more to their purpose than all the rest they had to allege And the might have added that Lord Sunderland in his Letter n. 15. Append. quoted in this Author's Book p 145. protests he never knew of any and that French Ships were offer'd to join with our Fleet and they were refused Nor has it been heard of since from the mouth of any who pretend to common sense or the least knowledg of Affairs till we were Rattl'd with it out of the Pulpit in this Authors Thanksgiving Sermon before the Lords Justices of Ireland Nov. 16. 1690. A League says he Notorious and Remarkable for its Folly and Falshood so contrary to all Sense as well as Faith that the Great Princes concern'd in it are yet asham'd to own it But he knows better Things he understands all their Cabals He tells page 5. 9. 16. of the Sermon How England Holland the Pope and the Emperor might be cully'd and wheedled
for the publick use those Supplies that were so freely afforded you in Parliament and without such strict Clauses of appropriating them to particular uses as were in the last Reign and with joy to look on the glorious Super-structure that your Reign hath hereby built on that great Foundation of the happiness of any Kingdom namely an entire mutual Confidence between Prince and People There is another thing occurs to my Observation namely That since your Parliament your Majesty hath allowed for the yearly Charge of the Navy about 400000 l. which is much more than was allowed for that use in his late Majesty's Reign These are great things Sir and your Seamen cannot but be sensible of the Honour and Happiness you have taken care of for them and how by your rebuilding your Capital Ships you have prepared floating Pallaces for them to inhabit and serve you in Sir The Hearts of your Seamen having in them so great a constant stock of the natural heat of Loyalty it is not to be wondered at that this Noble Lord could by his Breath so easily occasion that flame of Zeal for your Majesty's Service that has appeared in their Address his Lordship having likewise acquainted them with the tender regard your Majesty had to their wellfare and preservation and to their being eased from all Grievances To conclude Sir The things that I have before referred to are such as must naturally make great impressions not only on your Seamen but on all English Patriots and incline your Subjects of all Religionary Persuasions when they shall consider how Indulgent and Provident a Father of their Countrey God hath set over them to think of those words That he hath not dealt so with every Nation And when they shall consider those great Effects of your Royal Care for the securing the Being of the Kingdom and England's being a Kingdom for ever to apply to your Self and to England the great Landatory Expression addrest to King Solomon namely Because God loved Israel for ever therefore made he you King His Majesty was then Graciously pleased to say Gentlemen I Thank you for your Address and I doubt not but when I shall think fit to call a Parliament you will make it your business to choose such good Men as shall correspond with the effect of your Address I assure you I never questioned the Loyalty of my Seamen I have my Self been an Eye Witness of both your Courage and your Loyalty when I was your Admiral And Gentlemen I am your Admiral still and my Seamen may depend upon it that they shall always be well provided for and duly paid and be carefully protected and encouraged by me as much as the Seamen ever were by any of My Predecessors Though some of My Neighbours give out and would have it believed that I have not the Hearts of My Seamen yet I have found the contrary for when I have occasion to fit out any Ships I do not find that I am in the least want of Men and whenever my Affairs may require the fitting out My whole Fleet I do not in the least doubt but that I shall find My Seamen ready to serve Me. Numb 11. An Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Memoirs of the Royal Navy IN April 1679 the Ships of War actually in Pay were 76. whereof one First Rate three Second Rates P. 6. fifteen Third Rates thirty Fourth Rates twelve Fifth Rates seven Sixth Rates eight Fire-Ships Thirty Capital Ships more were then in building P. 8. whereof eleven then Launch'd In May 1679. the Admiralty was put into the Hands of Commissioners which Commission expired in May 1684. P. 10. when the Navy was found to be in a most lamentable condition as is demonstrated p. 16. Little was or could be done in the remainder of that year in the latter end of which King Charles the Second died P. 22. upon whose death King James applied himself to the redress of the Navy P. 30. and deputed 400000 l. a year to that purpose choosing new Commissioners to manage the whole P. 116. Forbidding the Commanders of his Ships to carry Passengers or transport Bullion to the neglect of his service and impairing his Ships and for that reason giving them an allowance extraordinary for their Tables P. 120. In October 1688. The Fleet at Sea consisted of twelve Third Rates P. 132. twenty eight Fourth Rates two Fifth Rates five Sixth Rates and twenty Fire-Ships all the other Ships of War except three being either actually repaired or under repair Eight Months Sea-stores were left with them in Magazine for every Ship repaired P. 139. with the like in Materials and money for the whole remainder Stores left for the Ships at Sea to the value of 280000 l. in Hemp P. 142. Pitch Tar Rosin Canvas Oyl and Wood 100000 l. more When the King took the care of the Navy into His Own Hands P. 157. the gross of the Ships were out of repair and the best of them ready to sink in the Harbour The Conclusion P. 214. That it was a strenuous Conjunction of Integrity Knowledge and Experience Vigour of Application and Assiduity Strictness and Discipline and Method and that Conjunction alone that within half the time and less than half the Charge that it cost the Crown in the exposing the Navy had at the very Instant of its unfortunate Lord's withdrawing himself from it raised the Navy of England from its lowest State of Impotence to the most advanc'd step towards a lasting and solid Prosperity that all circumstances considered this Nation had ever seen it at Novemb. 13. 1691. Numb 12. A LIST of SHIPS That have been Lost or Damaged since the Year 1688. Rate Ships Names Tuns Captains Time when Place where Manner how lost taken 2 Coronation 1427 Charles Skelton 3 Sept. 1691 Ramhead Overset 2 Victory 1029 27 Feb. 90 Woolwich Cast on Survey not fit to be repair'd 3 Ann 1039 John Tyrell 6 July 90 3 Miles W. of Rye Burnt in Fight 3 Bredah 1018 Matth. Tennant 12 Oct. 90 Cork Blown up 3 Dreadnought 735 Rob. Wilmott 16 Oct. 90 6 Leag SSW N. Forlds Foundred 3 Henrietta 763 John Nevill 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 3 Harwich 993 Hen. Robinson 4 Sept. 91 Plymouth Cast away 3 Exeter 1070 George Meese 12 Sept. 91 Plymouth Blown up 3 Pendâ—nnes 1036 Geo. Churchill 28 Oct. 89 Kentesknock Cast away 4 Centurion 531 Bar. Beaumont 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 4 St. David 638 John Greydon 11 Nov. 89 Portsmouth Sunk weighed and made a Hulk 4 Portsmouth 466 George St. Lo 9 Aug. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 4 Mary Rose 556 John Bounty 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French 4 Sedgmore 663 David Lloyd 3 Jan. 88 S. Marg. Bayn Cast away 5 Constant Warwick 379 James Moody 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French 5 Dartmouth 265 Edw. Pottinger 8 Nov. 90 Isle of Mull Cast away 5 Heldenburgh
shewn For being by a particular Clause in that Act enabled by themselves or whom they should appoint to try and purge out all insufficient negligent scandalous and erroneous Ministers they erected Tribunals in every Presbytery as arbitrary but more senseless than the Inquisition and did but one good Act to purge out those Episcopal Presbyters who complied with their Schism and Usurpation for which they could never want a pretence because Ordination or Collation from Prelates was always made one Article in their Visitations and thought erroneous enough to spew any out of their Churches But as to these Deprived Clergy I must here take notice of a distinction much used in England to mollifie Lay-Deprivations viz. That the Bishops and Clergy Deprived by Act of Parliament lose not their Character only are barr'd by the Secular Power to exercise it in such Districts But Act 35. of Sess 2. of the first Parliament of William and Mary in Scotland those Ministers who did not Pray for King William and Queen Mary and were therefore Depriv'd were afterwards prohibited to preach or exercise any part of the Ministerial Function either in Churches or elsewhere upon any pretext whatsoever And in the 38th Act of the same Session they do as much confound our State-distinction of de Facto and de Jure which they say is cunningly of late spread abroad to weaken and invalidate the Allegiance sworn to their Majesties And therefore they order a Certificate to be subscrib'd by all who take the Oath declaring K. W. and Q. M. to be King and Queen as well de Jure as de Facto And they say That in all these things they have dealt more frankly and plainly if not more honestly and sincerely than we have done in England They think it more fair and open Dealing plainly to Foresault the King for Male-administration than to Abdicate him for flying to save his Life And when he is gone that he should not take the Right to the Crown along with him and leave K. W. nothing but a de Facto Possession which they think a Betraying K. W. to the last Degree and making him no better than an Usurper They think it the same thing to debar Clergy-men from the Exercise of the Ministerial Function as to leave them no Place to exercise it in And as Charitable to allow nothing to the Depriv'd as to name something for them and put it into Hands where they are sure never to come by it But I know not so well how they 'll solve that Contradiction which seems to be betwixt their Claim of Right 11 Ap. 89. and their Confession of Faith Ratified and Established Act 5. of 2 Sess 1 Parl. William and Mary Read over in their Presence and inserted Verbatim in the Body of the Act. The Claim of Right begins in these Words Whereas King James being a profest Papist did assume the Regal Power c. And the first of their Claims is in these Words That by the Law of this Kingdom no Papist can be King or Queen of this Realm And yet in the abovesaid Confession of Faith Chap. 23. It is Decreed and Established as the true Christian Doctrine in these Words viz. Infidelity or Difference in Religion doth not make void the Magistrates just and legal Authority nor free the People from their due Obedience to him But I must not exceed the bounds of a Preface For if I should only Name all the Hardships and Oppressions the illegal and arbitrary Proceedings of which the Jacobites complain of in Scotland say they are ready to make good by undeniable Vouchers I should swell this beyond the Bulk of Dr. King's Book and that the Truths of the Proceedings in Scotland would if possible out-number the Falstoods he relates of Ireland But for a fuller Account of these Scots Affairs I refer you to a small Tract called A Letter to a Friend giving an Account of all the Treatises that have been Publish'd with Relation to the present Persecution against the Church of Scotland Printed for Jo. Hindmarsh Among these as to the State Affairs be pleased to consult that Tract called The late Proceedings and Votes of the Parliament of Scotland contained in an Address delivered to the King And for the Affairs of the Church An Account of the present Persecution of the Church of Scotland in several Letters The Case of the present Afflicted Clergy of Scotland The Historical Relation of the late General Assembly held at Edinburgh And the Presbyterian Inquisition And there you will find such Cruelties used towards the Loyal and Episcopal Party in Scotland as were unheard of in Ireland and by Dr. King's Principles would justifie any Foreign Prince to interpâ—se on their behalf And if it be true which he lays down as the Foundation upon which he builds all that he says in his Book viz. That if a King design to destroy one main Part of his People in favour if anâ—ther whom he loves better he does Abdicate the Government of those whom he designs to destroy contrary to Justice and the Laws If this be true the Episcopal Party in Scotland think it would free them from all Obligation to K. William's Government But how far it is Applicable to the Protestants in Ireland to justifie their Carriage towards King James will be seen in what follows Suppose say they it were true which Dr. King asserts as it is most false That K. James while he was in Ireland did endeavour totally to overthrow the Church Established by Law there and set up that which was most agreeable to the Inclinations of the major Number of the People in that Kingdom who are Roman Catholicks The Jacobites ask if this were so Whether it be not fully vindicated in the 4th Instruction of those which King William sent to his Commissioner in Scotland dated at Copt-Hall 31. May 89. in these Words You are to pass an Act Establishing that Church Government which is most agreeable to the Inclinations of the People By which Rule they say That it was as just to set uâ— Popery in Ireland as Presbytery in Scotland And that the Law was not more against the one in Ireland than against the other in Scotland That the Parliament in Ireland was liable to less Exception than that in Scotlandâ— The one called in the usual Form by Writs from their Natural King to whom they had Sworn the other by Circular Letters from a Foreign Prince to whom they ow'd no Obedience who could not nor did pretend any other Authority over them or Right to the Crown besides The Inclinations of the People Which therefore they say in return for their Kindness he has made the Standard for Church Government as well as the Government of the State That it is only alleged that King James intended to do in Ireland what he did not do when it was in his Power and what King William actually did in Scotland viz. To overturn the Church then by Law Established
Bigâ—t than the French King and their Persecutions were more causeless not having such pressing Reason of State as ruâ—t which is above told for the French King 's dealing with the Hugonots and yet that their Persecutions were much more grievous The French King only Banished the Hugonot Ministers the present Emperor sent to the Gallies all the Protestant Mâ—nisters of Hungary whom he could seize They would then too preach it aloud who they were who occasioned the Mutyrdom of 400000 Christians in Japan and now engross that Trade by denying their own Christianity All this and more we should hear if such a turn came from these Versatile Trimming-Court-Divines Or wherever they judg'd it to comply with their Interest Their Carriage in this Revolution has given greater occasion to the Enemies of the Lord to blaspheme and turn'd more Men from the Church of England to the Church of Rome and even to Atheism has overturned ruined divided and dishonored our Church more than if that Persecution which some feard or pretended had fallen upon ' em How did the very apprehension of it unite the Protestants all over the three Kingdoms and fill their Hearts with greater aversion to Popery And none believe it would have Eradicated the established Episcopacy in Scotland not shaken it in England so much as is now done by the present Schism No say the Jacobites it would have Rooted and Confirmed it the more the Jesuit Councils should endeavour to destroy it for as Dr. King used to say Persecution never hurts Religion but Rebellion destroys it And he once thought it would be a glorious Sight to use his own Phrase to see a Cart full of Clergy men going to the Stake for asserting the Principles of their Religion How much more glorious indeed than to see them Recanting and Preaching down their former Principles and Proclaming it out of their own Mouths that they have been false Teachers all their Days before this Turn or otherwise that they are so now to serve a Turn Thus have they fulfilled upon themselves what Dr. B t told us in Print Father Peters threatned but was not able to effect viz. to make them eat their own Duâ—g It is in the Power of none to ruin the Church of England While it remains true to its self I have done when I have desired the Reader not to think that I am insensible of several ill Steps which were made in the Administration of Affairs under the Government of K. J. Nor do I design to lessen them or make other Apology for them than by doing him this Justice to tell what the Jacobites offer to prove and make it Notorious viz. That the greatest Blots in his Government were hit by those who made them with design to ruin him and now boast it as their Merit and are Rewarded for it And though Dr King represents him to be of so Tyrannical and Implacable a Temper towards the Protestants yet that it is now publickly known that the fatal Measures he took were advised and often pressed beyond and against his Majesty's inclinations and Opinion by those Protestants whom his unexampled and even faulty Clemency had not only Pardoned for all their bitter Virulency in opposing his Succession but brought them into his most secret Councils and acted by their Advice This was the Burden of the Charge laid against him in the P. of O's Declaration viz Employing such Ministers and acting by their Advice And though our Law says That the King can do no wrong and therefore that his Ministers only are accountable yet as Mr. Sam. Johnson has laid it open that we have liv'd to see the King only Punish'd and those Ministers Rewarded and still employ'd and the many Grievances complain'd of in their Administration under K. J. are by the present Discontented said to be continu'd and doubl'd upon us now FIAT JUSTICIA Memorandum That the Scots Acts of Convention and Parliament above-quoted are collected and extracted from the Registers and Records of the Meeting of Estates and Parliament there by the Commissioners then exercising the Office of Clerk-Register and printed Cum Privilegio at Edinburgh Anno 1690. And the Instructions above mentioned sent from K. W. to Duke Hamiltâ—n then his Commissioner there were printed at London by K. W's Order Anno 1689. I have but one thing more Upon reading over these Sheets after they were Printed I find an Omission as it may perhaps seem to some p. 139. where shewing Dr. K's familiar way of treating K. J. giving him the Lye c. I quote p. 15. of his Book where he says that the Representation made by K. J. was false c. and p. 211. that K. J's Answer was a piece of deceit and meer collusion c. Now lest any might apprehend that the abovesaid Representation and Answer of K. J. were so gross as to provoke the Doctor to this 〈◊〉 Language I will here tâ—ll you what they were which when I wrote it I did not think necessary because if they were never so bad they could not justifie such Billingsgate Treatment of a Crownâ—d Head especially of his Natural Sovereign to whom he had sworn Allegiance and from whom he had receiv'd particular Marks of Favour which I have shewn But the matter was no more than this The Representation Dr K mentions p 15. was a Declaration he names of K. J's dated 8 May 89. at Dublin and sent into England wherein the Doctor quotes these words viz. That his Protestant Subjects their Religion Privileges and Properties were his especial Care since be came into Ireland Which was so far from false as the Doctor decently and gratefully words it that nothing was more true and apparent as I think is fully made out in the following Answer to which I refer the Reader The other passage p. 211. where he says That K. J's Answer was a piece of Deceit c is thus Upon a Contest betwixt the Roman Cathâ—lick and the Protestant Clergy concerning their Title to some Churches and Chappels K. J. referr'd them to the Law And in the same place Dr. K. tells how violent and positive K. J. was where he saw any forcible Infraction made by the Roman Catholick Clergy as at Wexford which is told above c. Now whether referring Men to the Law was such a provoking Answer as to raise the Doctor 's Spleen to bestow the Lye Deceit Collusion and such civil Complements upon King JAMES I leave to the Reader and release him from this Preface desiring him before he begin the Book to correct with his Pen the under-written Errors of the Press because some of them do disturb the Sense ERRATA PAg. 2. lin 34 read Oxoniense P. 15. l. 17. r. do pretend to prove P. 16. l. 1. r. ours P. 21. l. 32. dele he might have added that P 22. l. 9. r. Pupillage P. 25. l. 20 dele And. P. 29. L. 37. r. greater P. 32. l. 22. r. kill d. P. 33. l. 4. r. greatest
Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
Government yet disarming such of these as the Government could come at this Author proves by his usual Climax to be a Design even of Massacre For had they not reason says he p. 115. to believe that they were disarm'd purposely that they might be the more easily Robb'd or Massacred And p. 112. he calls that Disarming perfect Dragooning terrible Dragooning Now consider what a Scheme of Government this Author has given us viz. That if the Government have a Design against our Lives the Government is dissolv'd And if they take a Peny from us or so much as dispute the Charter of any Town or presume but to Disarm any of their Subjects though they be actually in Arms against them this shall be improv'd into a Design of Massacre and then we owe no more Obedience to the Government It is dissolv'd c. The Author's Rule of Abdication consider'd I come now to the Third Point that is of Abdication and the only true Notion of it by all Civilians is A King 's Voluntary Resignation of the Crown to the next Heir But take it in that Sense which by some of late has been put upon it and it will by no means help this Author's Cause For I suppose none even of them will allow that it is left to every private Person to determine what sort of Withdrawing himself shall be judged an Abdication in the King so as to Dissolve the Government and Absolve the Subjects from their Allegiance King Charles the First fled to Scotland to save his Life from those who pretended to make him A GLORIOUS KING King Charles the Second withdrew himself into foreign Countries for several Years yet neither of them was ever said to have Abdicated And it was debated strongly in the Convention Whether King James the Second's Withdrawing was an Abdication or not This shews that they thought the Decision of some Regular Assembly necessary to settle that Point and that it was not lest to every Man to decide so great a Matter whereon the Safety of the Nation does depend Therefore this Author 's justifying what his Protestants of Ireland did upon the Account of King James's Abdication will do them no Service upon that Notion of Abdication set up by the Convention in England because they were up in Arms against King James before the Convention in England declared him to have Abdicated and even before his Withdrawing himself upon which they pretended to ground their Sentence of Abdication But this Author must not stay for that He gives every Man Authority to pass Sentence of Deprivation against his Sovereign when he pleases C. 1. n. 8. p 10. he says By endeavouring to destroy us he the King in that very Act abdicated the Government and therefore in all Equity we are absolved from Oaths made to him as Governor In that very Act Nay even his Design as you have heard to take a Peny from us or to bring a Quo Warranto against a Charter that is to take the Benefit of the Law against any of his Subjects in a Legal manner shall be a Dissolution of the Government and Absolution from our Oaths c. Fifth Reason as to the dissolving Oaths of Allegianee Here is very good Learning as to the Nature of Oaths and Arguments most convincing He goes on in the same Section n. 10. p. 11. That King James consenting to Repeal the Oath of Supremacy in Ireland proved either that be designed to Release us from the Peculiar Obligation arising from them our Oaths of Allegiance as too strict or else that he did not design to depend on our Oaths for our Loyalty whoever does will be mistaken you have given demonstration and therefore laid them aside as of no force to oblige us either of which must proceed from an Intention to destroy the Ancient Government with which he was entrusted Now let us suppose with this Author That King James having seen and experimented the little Security Oaths were to Government against the Byass of Interest or Inclination were willing to remove such a Stumbling-block for the future and that Men should Swear no more would this absolve the Oaths that were taken before Again most know the Objection which the Papists have against our Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy viz. That it depresses the Pope's Power in Spirituals Now because K. James Repeals this our Author would infer That he meant to Release the Protestants from their Allegiance to himself in Temporals Does this Author think That K. James Repeal'd this Oath because it was too full of Loyalty or because there was something else in it which K. James thought was against the Tenets of the Church of Rome I am asham'd to ask the Question none are ignorant of the Reason of it Our Author will find this Argument of his Verbatim almost in the Writings of the Cameronian Presbyterians I know not if he had it from them but at least he sees how near he is come to them for when Men jump in the same Principles it is likely they will find out the same Arguments These Cameronians do prove That K. Charles II. consenting to Repeal the Covenant did thereby Remit the Subjects Allegiance by annulling the Bond of it Vid. The Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence Printed at London 1692. p. 49. This Covenant was Established by Act of their Parliament as well as General Assembly and K. Charles II. consented to it and took it and swore by his Coronation Oath in Scotland to maintain it and it swore Faith and Allegiance to him and therefore this Author would do well to think of a Disparity 'twixt his Argument and that of the Cameronians 'twixt K. Charles II. consenting to Repeal the Covenant and K. James II. consenting to Repeal the Oath of Supremacy Each Oath was to Establish a Supremacy over the Church the one a Lay-Regal the other a Lay-Elder and Presbyterial Supremacy And the one King might think the one as faulty as the other thought the other But that either of these Kings meant to weaken the Allegiance of his Subjects by taking away these Oaths the one is as true as the other Our Author has one Argument more why this Allegiance to K. James did cease He K. James having left none no Oath of Allegiance that we know of in this Kingdom which any Law obliges us to take And what then Is there no Allegiance due where there is no Oath Our Allegiance is due by the Law of England prior to the King's Oath to us or ourâ—s to him Oaths in that Case do not create the Duty they are only in Confirmation of what was our Duty before In the Eastern Monarchies they do not use Coronation Oaths nor Oaths of Allegiance And Augustus was so wise says the Unreasonableness of a new Separation on account of the Oaths p. 40. as when they offered him their Oaths he refused them for this Reason Dio. l. 54. He consider'd well saith Dio that if they gave
their free Consent they would do what they promised without Swearing and if they did not all the Oaths in the World would not make them Did Augustus for this expect no Allegiance from his Subjects Or are not the Eastern Monarchs pretty Absolute because the Law in those Nations does not require Oaths But after all by the Common Law in England and Ireland all above 16 are to swear Allegiance to the King and it may be exacted from them in their Leets And this is the Reason they gave for imposing the new Oaths in Ireland to King William and Queen Mary before there was an Act of Parliament for it And therefore there was as much Law of the Land for swearing of Allegiance to K. James in Ireland after his Repeal of the Oath of Supremacy as our Author can pretend there was for swearing to K. William in Ireland before the new Act imposing the Oaths there So that our Author is out too in matter of Law Sixth Reason in answer to the Question Who shall be Judge But the main of the Difficulty is yet behind and that is That upon our Author's Scheme of dissolving Oaths and Government for such Reasons as he thinks fit he has not told us who shall be Judge of these Forfeitures or Abdications This I have urg'd already but you have not heard our Author's answer He says c. 2. s 1. n. 2. p. 12. it is commonly Objected Who shall be Judge and he resolves it thus That either the People must be left to judge of the Designs of their Governors Or else they must be oblig'd to a blind and absolute Submission without imploying their Understanding in the Case Thus our Author like a mighty Man Yet this Sophism is as poor a one as the last about the Oaths For in the Case we are upon of determining a Cause 'twixt the Government and the Subjects when we say who shall be Judge The meaning is not who shall have Power to think in his own Mind We say Thoughts are free And this sort of passing Judgment or of being a Judge can no more be taken from any Man than his Power of Thinking But when there is a Contest 'twixt King and People which is the Case we are upon the Question who shall be Judge is who has Authority to determine the Cause betwixt them as a Judge does between two contending Parties In which Sense none can be a Judge but he that has a Commission from some who has Power to invest him with that Authority viz. to judge 'twixt King and People which none can have but God alone And to say that every Man who is not such a Judge as this has not leave to imploy his Understanding in the Case because he has not Power Authoritatively to determine the Case so as to oblige and tye up the contending Parties is what this Author would slily pass upon you undiscover'd but it is too plain to bear an Argument Well then The Question is concerning an Authoritative Judge and our Author proceeds I dare appeal says he to all the World whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgment and Consciences of a whole Kingdom to determine concerning the Designs of their Governor or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the King whether he will destroy them One of these is unavoidable and I am assured it is less probable that the Generality of a Kingdom will concur in a Mistake of this Nature and less mischievous if they should mistake than that a King by Weakness wicked Councellors or false Principles should design to make his People Slaves subvert the Antient Government or destroy one part of his People whom he hates in favour of another Thus our Author And the Case is plausibly laid down and no doubt would gain the Cry at an Election But there is another Prospect of this Case which our Author takes care to conceal and that is What if a Cunning and Designing Incendiary makes a Party and prevails Universally among the People and perswades them to their own Destruction Misrepresent their Governor and Impose upon them That a Civil War is better and by this means get them to Destroy and Consume one another Thus did Absalom thus did Sheba thus Oliver and all the prosperons Rebels There is no other way of moving the People unless you could bring them all to a fair Vote which is only Impossible at least it was never done and therefore we justly may suppose it never will be Let us leave these Disputings in the Clouds and bring this Author to matter of Fact Are not all Revolutions carried on by making Parties Combinations of Leading-men Aspersing your Opposites using all Arts to Byass the Mob to your side Did ever any in such Cases speak nothing but the honest Truth of the Governour against whom they took Arms Did they leave it freely and impartially to the Judgment of the People without any Misrepresentations or invidious Insinuations And was it Equal to them whether the People upon a fair Hearing determin'd against them as Rebels or for them as Patriots Can there be a Method for the People to have such a fair Hearing of the Cause and to determine it Judicially If our Author cannot say that any of these Things has been or are ever likely to be done he must acknowledge That there is infinitely more hazzard of Giddy Peoples being debauch'd by Insinuating Crafty Men who seek their own Advantage in it to entertain Jealousies and Fears of their Governor's Designs and to over-rate every Hardship and ill Usage they receive from him than that a King should design to destroy his People which would be to destroy himself And if one of these is Unavoidable as our Author says It is easy to see where the most danger lyes The one has been our own Case and is almost every day The other is Imaginary without an Instance in the World in the Extremity our Author puts it and at the worst many degrees preferable to a Civil War as will be shewn Nor will the Number of the People or Greatness of their Leaders excuse any thing It makes their Rebellion more Fatal Numb 16.12 In the Rebellion of Korah there were 250 Princes of the Assembly famous in the Congregation Men of Renown And All the Children of Israel The whole Congregation c. 14. v. 24. mutiny'd against Moses and Aaron and were chusing another Captain and returning into Egypt And Korah gather'd all the Congregation against them c. 16. v. 19 41 49. and on the morrow all the Congregation murmured against ' em For which God destroy'd 14700 by a new Plague Now judge with your self if such a Governor as Moses could not secure himself from the Power which Ten Leading Men had with the People for they were no more who caus'd this Mutiny of the whole Congregation Num. 14.2 viz. Ten of the Twelve Searchers of the Land what Governor 's Virtue Sufficiency or
People were allarm'd with the Report of it which was designedly spread abroad And what Reason can this Author give why King James should not disown it since there was no such Thing And that his Principle of trusting entirely to the English and letting them know so much should oblige him to disown an Alliance which he had Rejected meerly out of his Confidence in them This Bishop Maloony says And that This fair Politick as he calls it hindered him King James from making up a Catholick Army that would stick to him instead of a Protestant one that betray'd him hindered him also from having any Succor from France offered him There is none here but knows that Succor was offer'd him from France against the Prince of Orange and that he Rejected it Now who would ever Guess that the abovesaid French League could be prov'd from hence From these Words of Bishop Maloony's Letter which speak the direct contrary Yet this is all our Author's Proof and he boasts in it and crys out This is the very Source and Fountain of all the present Calamities of Europe but more particularly of ours Is not this Magnificent This is a Hardiness of no common Hero To bring without a Blush the strongest Objection against him as an Argument for him What better Proof could have been brought to shew there was no such League than the Confession of a Popish Bishop one of their Managers in a Letter from Paris to his Correspondent another Popish Bishop who was Secretary of State in Ireland and which neither of them Design'd should ever be seen by Protestants Would they dissemble and not speak their Thoughts freely to one another Would they tell one another that King James had Rejected the French Alliance if it were not so Yet these very Words of this Bishop our Author brings to prove that there was such an Alliance If you say there is still a Jealcusy of these Things Our Author has barr'd that from being any Pretence against the plain and certain Duty of Obedience to Lawful Governors Yet these our Author names among the Pretences for throwing off our Lawful Governors as well in this Book as in his said Thanksgiving Sermon which I shall have more occasion to mention hereafter I only name this to shew you his way of Arguing and withal to tell you that they are such Things of which he at that Distance from Affairs and his Correspondence consider'd could have no other Account than from the common News Letters and Observators and such small Intelligencers And yet he would put this upon us who live nearer the Helm and know the value of these Coffee-house Papers as such infallible Proofs that it is not in our Power not to see and be convinc'd of their Truth But this is no new Matter It is the constant and never-failing Method in all Rebellions and Commotions of State They all say their Grievances are apparent and undoubted And generally the greater the Calumny the Asseverations are the more positive to make it be believ'd Matchiavil prescribes fortiter Calumniare Bespatter confidently Throw much Dirt some will stick Of King Ch. 1. and Archbishop Laud's being Papists c. How many in England were made believe that Charles the First and Bishop Laud were Papists How many believe it still I refer this Author to a Pamphlet printed this Year called A Letter from Major General Ludlow to Sir E. S. comparing the Tyranny of the first Four years of King Charles the Martyr with the Tyranny of the Four years Reign of the late Abdicated King And there he will find King Charles made much the greater Tyrant of the two the greater Invader of our Laws and Liberties our Properties our Lives and that the Case is full as plain and apparent as that against King James And he has printed two or three Vindications of it since There are many very many in England of that Opinion and so positive in it that they think all Men mad or obstinately prejudic'd who offer to deny it or in our Author's Words they think that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see it and be convinc'd of the Truth of it Yet there are many who will not confess it but think King Charles to have been a good Man and a Martyr and that he stood up more for the Laws and Liberty of the Subject than his illegal Murtherers or Deposers who offended more against the Law and much more apparently by their Rebelling against him than he did if all they charg'd him with had been true Our Author himself was once of this Opinion Dathan and Abiram their Charge against Moses Never any Charge against a Government was averr'd to be more apparent and undeniable than that of Dathan and Abiram against Moses Num. 16.13 14 where he was accus'd of Arbitrary Government and Breach of Promise It was as plain as the Nose on ones Face as we use to say as any Thing we see with our Eyes that he might as well perswade them to disbelieve their Eye-sight as not think him Guilty Is it a small Thing that thou hast brought us up out of a Land that floweth with Milk and Honey to kill us in the Wilderness except thou make thy self altogether a Prince over us Moreover thou hast not brought us into a Land flowing with Milk and Honey or given us Inheritance of Fields and Vineyards wilt thou put cut the Eyes of these Men And besides this positive Assurance which they had they likewise as our Author had the Faculty of improving a Breach of Promise or an Arbitrary Design into a Design against their very Lives Because he disappointed them as they were very sure in their Inheritance in their Fields and Vineyards and had a mind to make himself more Arbitrary altogether a Prince over them therefore they charg'd him with a Design to kill them in the Wilderness Now if People could be so impos'd upon by the Cunning of designing Men as to believe the falsest and most notorious Untruths against the best Governor as ever was in the World what Government can subsist upon our Author's Principles which give a Latitude to every Man to try his hand upon the soft part of the People And if he can perswade them into an ill Opinion of their Governors and cry it is certain and notorious absolves them ipso facto from all Obedience to their Governors from their Oaths and all tyes of Humane or Divine Law and so frees their Conscience which is the chief hold Government has upon Men. And what Evils that can be suffered from Government can be of such destructive Consequence to the People as these loose Principles which unsettles them every Minute and puts it in the Power of every Boutefeu to set the Nation in a Flame at his Pleasure The Author's Distinction of Evil. N. 3. of his Introduction was design'd to obviate this its Title in the Heads of Discourse is in these Words The Arguments of
as deeply imprinted in that Country as of their unbridl'd Violence Plunder Burning and Destruction of Protestants and Friends as well as Enemies This War has taught those People Wickedness they never knew before in comparison they never knew what Wickedness was before Now let us compute how Religion is serv'd by all this The Spirit of Atheism is let loose and has overspread all the Land It is the Common-place of all our Men of Wit to run down and ridicule the Holy Scriptures and all Reveal'd Religion and this Publickly in Coffee-houses every where without any Restraint or Shame So far from that that they Laugh at and Despise all those who pretend to believe the Revelations in the Bible or that God ever spoke to any Man or gave them any Law by Moses or any body else other than by giving Men Wisdom to invent good Laws as Solon Licurgus or the like And no other Account do they make of Moses or the Prophets or of Christ I am sorry to say it that I am a Witness to the truth of this if it needed any Witness for it is notorious and universal but more within these Four years and more Publickly own'd than since we knew the World In short we have lost Christianity both as to Faith and Practise This is the Advantage Religion has gain'd by our Wars But all is no matter so we beat down Popery And yet Popery was never more Tolerated in Ireland than since the Conclusion of our War against Popery even by the Articles and Agreements of the War And how freely it is Tolerated in England we all know Nay it is taken ill if any call this a Religious War Are we not Confederate with the most Bigot Popish Princes in Christendom But we will keep Popery out of England for the time to come If it be by letting in Atheism or Socinianism it were better keep the old Popery still This is the Method to reconcile Men to Popery when they see you advance in its place Principles more Antichristian than it self and introduce them by all the Wicked and Prophane Practises in the World To my knowledge several have turn'd Papists and more are in danger from the Scandal of this Revolution the Lewdness of the Army and base Apostacy of the Clergy as they call it have turn'd their hearts against us they think we have no Religion It may seem a Paradox but it is true That there have been more Converts to Popery in England these last Four years than in the Four years before Indeed all that King James was a doing did prove to the Ruin of Popery in England And if he had been suffer'd to go on he had turn'd all English hearts for ever against it So far were we from the Danger of Popory in his Reign But now Men's Rage at Popery is abated by seeing the very wicked Artifices have been used against it I wish our Methods to keep it out do not bring it in It is a Rule that seldom fails but never almost in Religion That Civil War and Rebellion prove in the end to be the Destruction and Undoing of those good Things which are made the Pretences and for the Preservation of which Men are perswaded to Rebel That is commonly the end of Reformations made by the Sword especially of Subjects against their Sovereign And it is for such a Reformation as this that our Author can give up the half of the Nation to the Slaughter And all the Care he takes is An Age or two will repair the Loss of Subjects Murther will be a small Sin upon this Account It was counted a Tyrannical Expression in the Prince of Conde when one told him That he expos'd his Men too much in the Storm of a Town he replied There are as many Bastards gotten in Paris last Night as I shall loose Men to Day But this was modest by many Degrees to the fierce Sentence of this Author He had not time in his Fury to consider the Reason God gives Gen. 9.6 why shedding of Man's Blood is so Grievous a Sin in his Sight that he will require it from the Beasts of the Field much more from his Guilty Brother This Author makes nothing of destroying the Image of God What is the Matter Another Age will get more Images This was spoke like a Divine But good Sir there is something else which if you would give me leave I would presume to mind you of in your own Profession which is The care of Souls Sir in this Slaughter you make of Bodies there will some Souls be lost And an Age or two will not Repair that I am sorry this did not come into your Consideration For in this Revolution which you suppose and in which you are content to Sacrifice half the Nation you reckon about the Number it cost in your Country as themselves compute it In this Quarrel Sir you cannot suppose both Parties to be in the Right There must be Rebels on one side or other And you used to tell us That Rebellion was a damning Sin And is it nothing in your Account to send half the Souls of the Nation to Hell Are these the Bowels of a Spiritual Guide Good God! Whether are we come Here is no face of Christianity This is propagating Religion with the Sword beyond the Principles of Mahomet But will an Age or two cure the Infection of universal Debauchery and Prophaneness which this Civil War has spread over the Face of Ireland and in proportion of Scotland and England where the Armies have come Does this Author find it so easy a Task to remove all Lewdness and Prophanity where it has once taken root Or to hinder it to Descend to the next Generation And it is not only this War but it has been observ'd of War in all Ages that it destroys Men's Principles takes them off all Foundations of Sobriety and instills a Dissoluteness of Life and an Insensibility and Difregard of Religion and of all Rules of Justice 'twixt Man and Man most of any Thing in the World And of all Wars such universal Corruption of Manners is most fruitful in a Civil War and sticks longest to our Posterities leaves Seeds of Animosities till one Revolution begets another and entails Blood and Destruction Hatred Treachery Rebellion and all Wickedness from Generation to Generation And no Evils these can Cure are so Intolerable as these This made some of our Forefathers of so much a contrary Opinion to this Author as to make it a Proverb That the worst Peace is more Eligible than the best War However from the Consideration above said of all Pretences Religion is the most Ridiculous for a Civil War because a Civil War is more destructive to Religion than any Thing it can Remedy There is another Thing this Author has forgot while he had his Eyes upon nothing but new Bodies of Men being rais'd up next Age and so all the Evils of this to be done away God has
the publick printed Accounts of the Persecution and violent Rabbling of the Episcopal Ministers and others of their Principles they have suffered more from the Presbyterians in Scotland than even this Author was afraid of from King James in Ireland But not only the Papists in England and Episcopal Party in Scotland and the present Papists in Ireland may justifie their taking Arms against the Present Government when they please but the Irish Papists in 41 might have justified their Rebellion against King Charles I. by this Author's Principles which do indeed justifie all the Rebellions that ever were in the World or all that can be invented for none can want some of the Pretences which he allows for Rebellion But especially it gives full Liberty to all Dissenters in Religion to take Arms against the Government but more plainly if the Government shut them out from Places of Trust and Profit for such a jealousie of them may easily be improved into a Design for their Destruction But if any Penal Laws be made against them then the Design is apparent it goes beyond a Design it is a real Attempt upon them actually assaulting them c. But of all things How could the Irish who adhered to K. James be made Rebels to K. William before they submitted to him How could this be doâ—e by our Author's Principles If you say he had Title to Ireland by being King of England because Ireland is but an Appendix to the Crown of England Answer But from the beginning it was not so and the Government of England being dissolved as you say by Abdication and returned back to the suppos'd Original Contract or first Right of Mankind to erect Government for their own Convenience of consequence the Tye which England had upon Ireland by Conquest was dissolved and Ireland left as well as England in their suppos'd Original Freedom to chuse what Government and Governours they pleas'd But all this notwithstanding this Author's Principles freed them from K. William because of the Presumptions they had to think that K. William intended to invade their Property Lives and Religion He declared that he came to Establish the Protestant Religion By his Declaration of Grace 7 July 90 he pardons none either as to Life or Estate but only Poor Labourers Common Souldiers Country Farmers Plow men and Cottiers and such Citizens Townsmen Tradesmen and Artificers who should return by the 1st of August and even these were to forfeit all but their personal Chattels as you will see in the Declaration N. 6. Appendix And by the publick Resolution of his Judges 21 Nov. 90. which you will see in the Appendix N. 7. very few had hopes lest them either of Life or Estate even upon their submitting to King William and living peaceably under his Government pursuant to his Declarations And I am told that thousands of them are out-law'd since they submitted to his Protection notwithstanding of the many fair Promises which were made to them afterward upon several Occasions particularly General Ginckle's Proclamation printed at Dublin 4 Feb. 90. wherein he assures the Irish Papists in their Majesties Names that all of them who wâ—â—â—d submit to their Majesties Government should be protected as to their Religion Estates and Liberties These following Words are verbatim the Words of that Proclamation viz. Their Majesties hereby giving demonstration to the World that it is not their Design to oppress the Inhabitants of this Nation either by persecuting them for their Religion Ruining them in their Estates and Fortunes or Enslaving them in their Liberty These are the Words of that Proclamation which have not hinder'd the multitude of Out lawrys and other Proceedings and Forfeitures against those Irish who submitted to the Government As to their Religion they do not complain but that K. William has been very Gracious to them and they enjoy it in more ample Manner than ever they had it under any Protestant Prince But as to their Persons Estates and Liberties they cry out heavily of Breach of Publick Faith and Great Oppression If our Author had the improving of these and other their Circumstances how easily could he argue them into the lawfulness of taking Arms for their Defence But if the Argument of Glenco were on his side no doubt he would summon the Nation to rise as one Man and would Abdicate all the Governments in the World It is well for the Government that this Author is not touched by the late Act imposing the Oaths in Ireland the Refusal of which is no less than Premunire which does not only invade your Property but makes you uncapable of having any Property at all so much as to the Cloaths upon your Back or ever to breath the common Air out of a Jayl and none above eighteen years of Age no not Women of any sort Maids Wives or Widows are exempted What Declamations could our Author make upon this How far would he make this exceed the French Dragooning or even the Spanish Inquisition if he had such a Handle against King James Some Instances of the Author's manner of Argumentation I have heard from some who are acquainted with this Author that he is a Man of good Reason But in this Book I must say that his Zeal has transported him to take that for Reason which is the farthest from it in the World and which it is impossible he should think to be so in any other Case C. 3. s 8. n. 6. p. 102. He tells how Derry shut its Gates against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment And n. 7. p. 103. he proves they were obliged to do thus by their Foundation and names the Charter granted by K. James I. One would wonder how the King should grant a Charter to oppose himself The Author's Reason is That this Town was founded to be a Shelter and Refuge for Protestants against the Insurrections and Massacres of the Natives The Natives had before that time made frequent Rebellions and Derry was built as a Security against them therefore our Author thinks that if ever it should so happen that the Protestants should turn Rebels and the Natives be Loyal the King's Charter was meant to support the Protestants in their Rebellion This is too extravagant to need Confutation C. 3. s 12. n. 16. p. 154. He inlarges upon the Reasons they had in Ireland as well as in England to dread Papists in a Parliament and grounds his Argument from Q. Mary's House of Commons which was not well thought on for his Purpose for though that Parliament did overturn the Protestant Religion and set up Popery in its place yet the Protestants of England thought it their Duty for Conscience sake to suffer Martyrdom under those cruel Laws rather than to take Arms against their Popish Governours It is a Topick as ill chosen which he urges in the third Paragraph of n. 18. of the same Section p. 160. where the Argument he uses to cure the Folly of those Jacobites who were
to destroy one main part of his Subjects in favour of another whom he loves better and of submitting only to tolerable Evils c. which you have heard already 1. The Jews in Egypt The first Instance I give is that of the Jews in Egypt they were about the same time under Egypt that Ireland has been under England that is 'twixt four and five hundred years but with this difference that the English came into Ireland by Conquest whereas Israel was invited into Egypt by their King and it was but a due return of Gratitude from him for Joseph had miraculously saved Egypt from the common Destruction which befell the Nations about and made it the Granery of the World and the richest Nation upon the Earth at that time The Jews were a different People from the Egyptians as the Irish from the English of different Manners Religion Interest They did not live mixed with the Egyptians nor under their Laws as the Irish do with the English but had the Land of Goshen assigned them peculiar to themselves They lived more like an Independent People than the Irish yet they suffered the greatest Oppression from their King that ever was in the World His Design to ruin them was apparent destroying their very Children and they had given no manner of Cause or Provocation on their side They durst not offer Sacrifices to the Lord without apparent danger of being ston'd to death so that they were oppressed most Tyrannically in their Religion as well as their Persons which were condemned to the Brick-kills They were able to have delivered themselves Exod. 12.37 being an Army of Six hundred thousand Men besides Children and a great mix'd Multitude And though God himself sent Moses to deliver them from that Servitude yet it is the peculiar Observation of the whole Convocation of the Church of England and they say it is not to be omitted but that we take notice of it That God would not suffer Moses to carry the Jews out of Egypt till Pharaoh their King gave them leave to depart Afterwards also when the Jews being brought into subjection to the Kings of Babylon did 2. In Babylon by the Instigation of false Prophets Rebel against them they were in that respect condemn'd by the Prophet Jeremy and in all their Captivity which shortly after followed they lived by the Direction of the said Prophet in great subjection and obedience they prayed not only for their Kings and their Children that they might live long and prosper but likewise for the State of their Government the good Success whereof they were bound to seek and regard as well as any other of the Kings most dutiful Subjects and thus they lived in Babylon and other Places of that Dominion till the King gave them leave to depart notwithstanding in the mean time they endured many Calamities and were destitute for many Years of the Publick Worship and Service of God which was ty'd to the Temple and might not elsewhere be practised or attempted Thus Bishop Overal's Convocation-Book c. 28. p. 58. These Jews were finally Destroy'd their Temple Burn'd 3. Under the Romans and City Razed by the Romans and those that escaped of them dispers'd over the face of the Earth in Slavery and Servitude like a cursed Generation and all this fell upon them the same Convocation Book teaches us c. 33. p. 77. not only for their obstinacy against Christ and Crucifying of him but that the immediate and apparent Cause of it was their obstinate Rebellion against the Emperors of Rome their then Lawful Governors This History of the Jews from their Servitude in Egypt to their Destruction by the Romans will in every Circumstance more than over-ballance the parallel of the Irish Nation under the English You see how God blessed the Jews protected and delivered them when they submitted to their Lawful Princes who designed attempted and almost effected their Destruction and Extirpation And on the other hand with what Fury poured out he visited their Rebellion against their Lawful Governors though for the Preservation of their Religion Liberty Property and their very Lives 4. Under Ahasuerus Who does not know the utter Extirpation and Massacre of the Jewish Nation not only design'd but expresly ordered by Ahasuerus And that the Jews would not take Arms in their own Defence till they had the King's Letters and Commission wherein the King granted the Jews to gather themselves together and to stand for their Life Eith 8.11 And the Glorious Effect of this for the Advantage of the Jews every one has read 5. The Gibeonites I might instance here too the Case of the Gibeonites whom Saul sought to destroy after their being 400 Years under the Government of the Jews or Incorporated into one People with them as the Irish are with the English in Ireland And their Case was exactly what the Author puts viz. of a King 's designing to destroy one People under his Government in favour of another whom he loves better for the Text tells us 1 Sam. 21.22 That Saul sought to slay the Gibeonites in his zeal to the Children of Israel and Judah and that he consumed them and devised against them Ver. 5. that they should be destroyed from remaining in any of the Coasts of Israel 6. Our Saviur Christ But to come down to Christianity Christ came with a Commission to form a Society called after his own Name distinct and Independent from all other Societies and Governments in the World Of different Religion Manners and Interest Living under different Rules and Governors Primitive Christians Assoon as they appeared all Kings and Governors fell upon them to root them off from the face of the Earth and Persecuted them with all the Violence and Rage that Hell could suggest and Slaughtered them in Multitudes in most Barbarous and Savage manner Now what were these Christians to do to preserve themselves Were they to take Arms against their Governors who thus apparently sought their Ruin in favour of other of their Subjects whom they loved better No They were totally barr'd from that and if any so so much as sought to save his Life by such means he should not only lose it here but his Soul hereafter Damnation was preached to those who Resisted their Lawful Governors Did they judge with our Author that their Persecuting Kings had Abdicated the Government of those whom they design'd to destroy No they were taught to own them as God's Representatives Rom. 13.1 5. 1 Pet. 2.18 20 23. his Deputies and Ministers and as such to obey them with all Reverence not only for Wrath but also for Conscience sake and that not only to the Good and Gentle but even those who Persecuted them for Well-doing And they were to take it patiently without Reviling or Threatning And this was not for want of Power to do otherwise it is in any Man's Power to Revile and Threaten but for Conscience sake
which was carried to the Earl of M. discovering the said Massacre intended The foolish but artificial Alarm of the few Disbanded Irish cutting all our Throats in England did not fly more Incredibly to be in all Parts of England on the self same Night than this of the Letter found at Cumber flew through Ireland and wrought Prodigious Effects upon a People fitted for such an Impression When this News arrived in Dublin as the faithful History before quoted tells us pag. 8. It so alarm'd the City that above 5000 Protestants appeared in Arms that same night and many Hundred Families embarqued from all Parts in such confusion that they left every thing but their Lives behind them and yet all this as this Historian says he is very well assured was only a contrivance devised as the readiest means to engage the E. of M. who till then was deaf to all arguments for entring into their Association and to animate a dejected People who of themselves were backward to all Arguments of that nature Thus the Historian and that Letter did attain its desired end for not only the said E. of M. did heartily engage and after took upon him to be General of the Association in the North but the generality of the People as if all set on fire at one How to their Arms as readily as they could be commanded so that the whole North of Ireland appeared on the sudden all in one Blaze all in Arms all Marching up and down and all in confusion as themselves give the Account It was this made Derry shut their Gates and was the occasion of all the confusion that followed The Man they first pitcht upon for their General was the E. of Granard who was upon all accompts more competent for that Imployment than any amongst the Associators Pursuant to this Resolution Mr. Hamilton of Tollimore went to Dublin to Represent to his Lordship the number and posture of the Protestants in the North and to invite his Lordship to put himself upon the Head of their Troops But that Noble Lord would not suffer himself to be perswaded by the seeming Advantages of appearing so early and in so considerable a Post for the P. of O. wherein he might by all humane reckoning have turn'd the Ballance of that Kingdom For he wisely considered that tho the Protestants in the North were numerous and arm'd and of Resolution and Courage to excess yet they were Undiciplin'd all Voluntiers and consequently not Party for a form'd Army he told Mr. Hamilton that he did not know what it was to command a Rabble But besides that he had lived Loyal all his Life and would not depart from it in his old age and he was resolved That no Man should write Rebell upon his Gravestone this was his very expression and he pursu'd it for he not only refused to Command the Associators in the North but persuaded them to leave off their mad Enterprise told them they would be ruin'd as it came to pass and Sign'd several Proclamations declaring them Rebels and summoning them to lay down their Arms. Now this Alarme of the intended Massacre and Mr Hamilton's Invitation to the E of Granard to Command the Army of the Northern Association was in the beginning of December 88. about the 6th or 7th and therefore before K. James left England and before the shutting up of Derry against the E. of Antrims Regiment and before Eneskillen refused to quarter the two Companies sent to them by the Lord Deputy which was the 16th of December 88. as you will see in Hamiltons actions of the Eneskillen Men p. 3. So much has the Authors Information fail'd him when he avers without any hesitation That the shutting up of Derry Gates and this of Eneskillen as avovesaid was all that was done by any Protestant in Ireland in opposition to the Government till King James deserted England Though as I have shown before it would not have served much to the use for which our Author brought it if it had been done after the King went away or any time before the Convention declared his Recess to be an Abdication c. But now here is a more material Thing coming and that is The Descent of King James's Army into the North of Ireland in March 1688. Our Author would make us believe That it was wholly Causeless as to any Provocation given by the Protestants but that it was only a Design of my Lord Tyrconnel's to involve the Kingdom in Blood and that therefore he made all the haste he could to send down that Army and that no Perswasions would prevail upon him to defer fending it till the King should come lest there should be any Terms proposed or accepted by the People in the North and so that Country escape being Plundered and Undone This is in his num 10. § 8. of ch 3. p. 106 which has this Title in the Heads of his Discoure viz. Lord Tyrconnel hastned to run them into Blood before King James's Coming In the num before p. 104 105. he tells us there was no Provocation or not Sufficient given for the Descent of that Army and here p. 106. what was the true Cause of it We will Examine both For the first he asserts p. 105. They the Protestants were not so much as summoned by him the Lord Deputy This shows the unreasonable haste and precipitancy of the Lord Deputy To send an Army and enter into Blood without so much as summoning the offending Party But our Author goes on Nor did they the Protestants enter into any act of Hostility or Association or offend any till assaulted But finding that continual Robberies and Plunderings were committed by such as the Lord Deputy had intrusted with Arms and Employments The Gentlemen in the North to prevent their own Ruin entered into Associations to defend themselves from these Robbers their Associations did really reach no farther than this nor did they Attempt any thing upon the Armed Robbers except in their own Defence when Invaded and Assaulted by them Insomuch that I could never hear of one act of Hostility committed wherein they were not on the Defensive This was all the Reason the Lord Deputy and Council had to call them Rebels and to charge them in their Proclamation dated March the 7th 1688 with actual Rebellion and with Killing and Murthering several of his Majesties Subjects and with Pillaging and Plundering the Country whereas it was notorious they never kill'd any whom they did not find actually Robbing And for Plundering it is no less notorious that they Preserved the whole Country within their Associations from being Pillaged when all the rest of Ireland was Destroyed And their great Care of themselves and their Country was the Crime which truly provoked the Lord Deputy and made him except from pardon Twelve of the principal Estated Men in the North when he sent down Lieut. General Hamilton with an Army which he tells us in the same Proclamation would
Pardon which he granted them And the Bishop of Cork constantly attended at the King 's Levee while His Majesty stay'd there Friday the 22d of March K. J. came to Kilkenny where the Bishop and Clergy were introduc'd by the Bishop of Chester to kiss His Majesty's Hand who received them very graciously Sunday the 24th the King came to Dublin Monday the 25th 1689 Primate Boyle Arch-bishop of Ardmagh advised the Bishop of Chester to accept of the Bishoprick of Cloghor then void which was owning K. J. to have had at that time full right to confer it and consequently to be Rightful King But that was fully and absolutely owned in ample form on Wednesday the 27th of March 1689 by the Bishop of Meath and Proctor of the University in the Name and at the Head of the Body of the Clergy and University The Bishop printed his Speech and is inserted No. 8 Append. But the Proctor thô commanded by the King to print his Speech modestly declined it he was more cautious and considered that it was framed only for that Juncture and is very well satisfied that we have it not now to print with the Bishop's Tuesday the 2d of April 1689 K. J. told the Bishop of Chester that complaint was made to him that the Clergy of Dublin did not readily pray for the Prince of VVales Upon which Notice the Dublin-Clergy met and consulted and thô they did not believe the reality of the Prince of VVales yet they resolved the King should not have that Pretence against them they would trust themselves in the Hand of God rather than Man presume Deliberately to act the Hypocrite with God and pray against their Consciences rather than displease the King But enough of this before There is another thing Not one of these complying Irish Protestants but will freely acknowledge That if K. VV. or any other King should turn Papist and do all that K. J. has done they wou'd and ought to serve him as they did K. J. They cannot otherwise justifie their Carriage towards K. J. The consideration of this made the Parliament in England abolish that Declaration viz. That it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King c. But this by some neglect is left still upon the Irish Protestant Clergy under the Penalty of forfeiting their Livings And as many as have come into any Livings since this Revolution have read the said Declaration publickly in time of Divine Service and are to continue so to do and declare that they will do it till some Parliament take it away This will be called as gross a mocking of God as their former praying for K. J. that is whether they believe or do not belive that Declaration If they believe it they condemn themselves in taking Arms against K. J. If they do not belive it they make it visible to all the World That there is no Tye or Obligation Civil or Sacred can touch their Consciences when they so Solemnly while they are Officiating in the Divine Service and offering up to God the Prayers of their Flocks dare at that very time and with the same Breath declare before God and the People that they do believe it when they do not belive it and the People know that they do not believe it For they make no Secret of it will tell every one that asks them nay they stay not to be asked they Preach against it and Dispute against it and Instruct their Congregations against it and would call any one a Jacobite and a Papist who durst own it and hunt him to the next Goal And yet to save their Livings they continue still to subscribe this hated Declaration before their Ordinaries and take Certificates under their Hands and Seals that they have done it as they are obliged by the Act and publickly and openly Read the same upon the Lord's Day in their Parish Churches where they Officiate in the presence of the Congregation there Assembled in the time of Divine Service c. They Read it in the Desk and Preach against it in the Pulpit and when they come out of Church rail at the Parliament that Imposed it and say That it was soon after the Restauration Anno 1660. when People were Drunk with Loyalty after being wearied with the direful Effects of Rebellion under all its specious Pretences and thought they could never run far enough from it till they run to the quite contrary Extreme and advanc'd Prerogative to the utmost And they Wonder and Curse the hard Fate that this Declaration was not taken out of the way in Ireland as well as in England and wish it were done But in the mean time they will lose nothing by it they can swallow and it will swallow them if they do not Repent God grant them Grace to do it And that the Shame of this their Sin may Convent and not Harden them But this Charge is general Our Author is only involved in it with many others Let us return to what is more Particular as to himself which I think I am obliged to give you an Account of only so far as relates to the present Business because it ought to weigh with you in the Credit you are to give of what he says where he brings no other Reason than his own Averring This Author was formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning 〈◊〉 this Revolution Know then that according to certain Information I have had that no Man was or could be a higher Assertor of Passive Obedience than this Author has been all his life even at the begining of this Revolution that he told a Person of Honor from whose Mouth I have it That if the P. of O. came over for the Crown or should accept of it he pray'd God might blast all his Designs That there was no way to preserve the Honor of our Religion but by adhering unalterably to our Loyalty That it would be a glorious Sight to see a Cart full of Clergy-men going to the Stake for Passive Obedience as the Primitive Christians did That it would prove the Support and Glory of our Religion but that a Rebellion would ruine and disgrace it He said if it were no more than that Declaration which he had Subscribed of It s not being lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King c. he would dye a Hundred Deaths rather than do it At a Meeting of the Clergy of Dublin in the begining of this Revolution in 88. to consider what Measures they were to take he declared That their taking Arms in the North of Ireland at that time was Rank Rebellion if there could be any Rebellion particularly Derry shutting their Gates against the King's Forces sent thither And when one there present did affirm That the Subjects might take Arms in Defence of their Laws c. This Author did violently oppose it even in relation to Derry and urged that
Power which God hath put in our Sovereign's hands This Doctrine we justly glory in and if any that had their Educations in our Church have turned Renegadoes from this they prove no less Enemies to the Church her self than to the Civil Authority So that this Apostacy leaves no Blame on our Church If you think the Titles of Renegado and Apostate to be too plain Dealing I cannot help it they are the Doctors own Words and no dout proceeded from a godly Zâ—al and Indignation against such base Deserters of these Principles of Loialty which are taught by the Church of England in her Homilies Canons Articles and Authentick Records As did likewise that pious Ejaculation of our Author c. 2. s 7. n. 2. p. 29. That he is a very dishonest man that dissembles or alters his Opinion without any other visible motive besides Gain or Preferment And that their living so long in the profession of the Protestant Religion he is speaking of Converts to Popery and you may apply it to the Converts from Passive Obedience to the Doctrine of Resistance and Common-wealth Principles if they did not believe it was to all honest men an Argument of so great Hypocrisie that the person guilty of it one would think should not have been trusted by any that valued either Truth or Honesty but if this Declaration viz of their new Opinion was only feigned as I am apt to believe it was in many then their Conversion was on Effect of Covetousness or Ambition and an Act of Hypocrisie to be ababhorred by all good men However to persuade the World that they were real they were very mischievous to Protestants in general to those whose Principles they had forsaken especeally to those that had been kind to them whil'st in an inferiour condition And it was observable of these Converts That they immediately on their Reconcilement made themselves signal by some eminently wicked Act. Thus our Author And he says p. 31. The truth is they were people that made no distinction between Right and Wrong but as they served their Interest It would perhaps be thought malicious if I should retort every word of this upon our Author in relation to his present Conversion from his former Principles of Loyalty and Passive Obedience And if his present Principles be not true he has hansel'd his Conversion by an Act much more eminently wicked beyond all Comparison by the writing of this Book than what he observes of Converts to Popery in Ireland What Proportion is ' there twixt tossing a Butcher in a Blanket which he tells p. 29. or two or three small Murders in the heat of Blood and breaking a Cryer's head which is set out p. 30 as the first Fruits of these Papists Conversion what Proportion do these bear to a Bishop's deliberate giving up of half the Nation at a time to the Slaughter and Hallowing it in all past and to all suture Generations This I have enlarged upon already Again if his Matters of Fact be false or but in the least aggravated or misrepresented how eminently wicked will this first remarkable Act of our Author's Conversion appear when he takes God to Witness and protests before him p. 239 that he has neither aggravated nor misrepresented But before I take leave of this Author with the rest of his Brethren the Dublin Clergy who remained there and complemented as it proved K. J. with full assurance of their adhering unalterably to their Church of England Loyalty who durst doubt it even with Relation to K. J. after he was declared Abdicate and a new King even K. W. himself set upon the Throne and claiming the Allegiance of his Subjects in Dublin and the rest of Ireland even then did the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Meath at the Head and in the Name of their Dublin Clergy with some others as many as could get thither out of the Country again affirm their Allegiance to K. J. in most express Terms and all the Rhetorick he could invent to perswade K. James into an entire Confidence of their adhering to him as their Rightful King and that it was pursuant to the Principles of the Church of England so to do Which Speech we had here printed two Years agoe together with another of the same Bishop to K. W. when he came to Ireland in the Name of the same Clergy and I have annexed them to this with the Answers of both Kings No. 8. Appendix Now before we part with these Gentlemen I would earnestly desire them to answer me with the same Sincerity with which they addressed to one or both of these Kings Whether it King James had suceeded at the Boyne and been then re-established in England they would have put that Comment upon their Speech to him which they did afterwards in their Speech to K. W And whether if any Man should have charged them for meaning it with that Reserve they would not have called it a base Calumny and sworn to the contrary if K J. had required it at least if an Act of Parliament had been made to have Deprived them if they did not I ask again Whether they would have confest as now they do that they did not mean sincerely in what they Prayed for K. James viz. That God would give him strength to vanquish and overcome all his Enemies Nay farther Whether they would not have boasted of their Loyalty and sincere Intentions towards King James and reproached those of Disaffection to Him who had forsaken Him and of quitting the true Principles of the Church of England and that they were ready to suffer not only much more than they did but even Death it self without Threatning or Reviling much less Resisting the Lord 's Anointed according to the Command of Scripture the Practice of Christ and his Apostles and the Primitive Christians and the express Doctrine of our Homilies c. All these good Words we should have had from themâ— no doubt these only had been the Men of Principles Firmness Courage nay even of Christianity But they are detected God would not suffer such masked Hypocrisie to deceive the World It is told Luke 2.35 as one of the Effects of Christ's coming into the World That the Thoughts of many hearts should be revealed The Behaviour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths This has been remarkably fulfilled in this Revolution but especially in the Clergy There never was so sudden and so shameful a Turn of Men professing Religion and the manner of doing it so impolitick as to make it evident they took the Oaths with at least a doubting and scrupalous Conscience the Sentence of which they may read Rom. 14.23 for they did not take them freely but haggled and kept off some to the last day roaring against them all the while and then coming about all at once with new coyn'd Distinctions and Declarations point blank contrary to the declared Sense of the Imposers They differed among themselves every one had a
of K. James II. when he came among them sacrificing his Interest to the carrying on of their own Designs did justly deserve that Judgment which fell upon them in the Issue of that War We have done with their Loyalty at least their Mouths are stopt against the Defection of so many of the Church of England Of the Roman Catholicks of England And I think the Roman Catholicks of England too are not to insult For though the Oaths be not come to them and therefore we cannot say certainly whether they will Swear or not yet there lies this against them viz. in their publick Chapels here in London they pray for K. W. and Q. M. which some of their Communion told me I hear that all the Protestant Non-Jurors say There is the same Argument against praying as swearing And of all their number none did allow himself to pray but Dr. Sherlock alone who as he tells in the Preface to his Recantation stood single among the Non-swearing Clergy upon this account and you see he did not stay with them But the same Principle that led him to pray brought him to swear too rather than stick out Therefore let not these Roman Catholicks be high-minded because others have fallen but rather fear lest having gone already Dr. Sherlock's length of Praying they may come to Swear like him if they should be pinch'd as he was Nay I have heard several of them argue for the Lawfulness of it only they would keep from it as long as they could I say not that this does conclude upon others who do not so but it may make them more modest in rejoycing over our Fall Non-Jurors of the Church of England Upon the whole I must say That there are none have cleverly stuck to the Principles they profess'd but the Non-jurors of the Church of England For as they profess'd them all along in the same sense they have stuck to them now and have given that demonstration of their being in earnest that they are content to lose all rather than deviate from them And this is one Discovery among the rest that this Revolution has made It has discovered the inflexible Loyalty of these Men whom neither personal Injuries nor Attempts upon their Religion Liberty or Property can move from that Duty to the King which they think a Principle of their Religion and this is a high Vindication of their Religion and a Recommendation of it But now we are upon the Discovery let us not forget to do Justice to all We cannot forget the Rise and Source of our Disease whence all these Evils we now feel and foresee have come upon us and that is our wicked Presbyterian Rebellion against K. C. 1. which banished his Children into Popish Countries God thereby fulfilling a just Judgment upon these Unchristian Rebels Presbyterian Loyalâ—y permitting his Son to suck in the Principles of Roman Catholick Religion of which these Hypocrites against their own Consciences accus'd his Father and on that pretence instigated his deluded Subjects to Rebell against him Therefore it is plainly the Presbyterians we have to thank for K. J's being a Roman Catholick and all the ill Consequences which depend upon it God often in his All-wise Providence suffers Rebellion to bring on those same Evils for prevention of which we chose to Rebell as the Jews crucified Christ lest the Romans should come Joh. 11.48 and his Death brought the Romans who did take away their Place and Nation This had been an Application more befitting a Divine and to have warn'd us of those Sins which have provok'd God to send his Judgments amongst us rather than to bite the Stone not minding the Hand that threw it to lay all upon K. J. if it had been true But to tell down-right Untruths of him or to misrepresent the Truth to appear other than really it is which is likewise Lying and perhaps the more wicked of the two being harder to be discovered and so more apt to impose upon unwary and unthinking People This is direct Diabolical the Office and the Denomination of the Adversary and false Accuser Popish Principles which are embraced It had been a more proper and serviceable Undertaking of this Author to justifie himself and others of his complection from this Imputation and several other things formerly rail'd at against Popery as the Deposing Doctrine Dispensing with Oaths Jesuitical Equivocations and Mental Reservations Not keeping Faith with Hereticks c. where we own we must have kept the same Promises made to another and all this or any other Falsity or Immorality to be allow'd for the Good of the Church If to preserve the Protestant Religion will excuse us to dispense with God's Commands as much as we say the Papists have done to preserve their Church we must expect that the Protestant Religion will grow as hateful to all good Men as the Church of Rome is to the most Bigotted against it or the Jewish Doctrine of Corban which dispenses with the fifth Commandment upon the same Pretences viz. for the Good of the Church to enrich the Treasury of the Temple or the Phanatick Confession of Faith That Dominion is founded in Grace But all these have the Advantage of our Church of England Clergy The Jews had the Tradition of their Elders to plead and the Church of Rome have their Great Council of Lateran for the Deposing Doctrine the Council of Constance for Violating Faith to Hereticks c. and they have their Traditions too for the Benefit of the Church and the Presbyterian has his Solemn League and Covenant But the Church of England Clergy are destitute of all these Helps There is nothing of these but the direct contrary in all her Articles Homilies Canons Rubricks or any Constitutions of her Church The Church of England Vindicated And the Metropolitan of all England with a Quorum of Bishops and several hundreds of the Inferiour Clergy have adhered to the Doctrine of their Church and suffered themselves to be Deprived rather than act or teach contrary to it Therefore this cannot be called a Defection of the Church of England but only of particular Persons who have done it in opposition to their Superiors in the Church as well as in the State and let them answer for it but let the Reputation of the Church be preserved It has already received both a Testimony and a Vindication from the Mouth of K. J. himself who as some present have told when an Irish Lord at Dublin attending upon His Majesty at Supper began to reproach the Church of England for her Apostacy from her former Principles of Loyalty c. The King reply'd They are the Church of England who have kept to the Principles of the Church of England The Lord made Answer But Sir how few are they in comparison with the rest The King said They are more than Christ had to begin Christianity with And all Rightful Kings of England have this
Security from the Members of the Church of England more than from either Popish or Presbyterian Dissenters That when either of these two last-nam'd take Arms against the King for the Propagation of their Religion they act pursuant both to the Principles and Practice of their Churches but no true church-of-Church-of-England man can take Arms against the King in Defence of his Religion Liberty Property or any pretence whatsoever without at the same time renouncing the Principles of his Church or in Dr. Burnet's words turning Renegado and Apostate from it and from the constant Practices of its true Professors to this present Age. And though God has sifted Her and discovered Her unsound Members most of whom were Phanaticks grafted contrary to Nature yet we may perceive by the Remnant He has left that it will end in rendring her more Pure and Glorious after she has past the Refiner's Fire These Considerations have taken me a little out of the Road if it be out of the Road of the present Business I will return to the Author We have seen his Sincerity in the Original Matter of Fact and Mother of all the rest viz. Who were the Aggressors in the late miserable Revolution of Ireland for they were answerable for all that followed Matter◠of Fact set down by this Author at random But there are many other Particulars besides those to which I have spoken wherein the Author shews great variety of prevarication And tho he pretends to so great exactness which any one would believe by his Method yet it is visible that he set down things at random meerly for want of pains to examin them C. 3. S. 12. at the end p. 165. he pretends to compute what the Estates of all the Jacobites in England and Scotland are worth But this may pass more innocently than where it reflects upon any particular Persons Reputation in these Cases it is not only uncharitable but unjust to say any thing at a venture If we know not the thing to be true we are to err on the charitable side and not mention what may reflect upon another but if we do we must be sure to set down our Vouchers so as to leave no umbrage to suspect the Truth This our Author I am afraid has not so punctually observed through all this Book particularly in the Characters which he takes upon him to give of so many persons C. 3. S. 3. he accuses the Judges particularly the Lord Chief Justice Nugent ibid. n 5. p. 61. of down-right Bribery That he went sharer in Causes before him and not only appeared for them on the Bench but also secretly encouraged and fomented them I have heard others say who are no Admirers of that Judge That they are confident this is a rank Slander and Calumny and that no such thing can be proved against him However an Accusation of so heinous a Nature ought not to have been exhibited especially in Print without some Proofs along with it This Nugent says the Author was pitch'd on by K. J. to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and his Fellow Rebels should be reversed Now I am assur'd That his Father viz. the Earl of Westmeath was not Outlawed which if so this is such another careless Mistake as this Author makes ibid. n. 3. pag. 60. where he calls Felix O Neil a Master of Chancery in King James's time Son of Turlogh O Neil the great Rebel in 41 and Massacrer of the Protestants That Turlogh O Neil was Brother to the Famous Sir Phelom O Neil and was not Father to this Felix O Neil I have been told by Men of Ireland That this Felix O Neil's Father's Name was Phelom and that he was so far from being a bloody Masacrer in 41. that he was civil to the Protestants in those times particularly to 〈…〉 Guilliam Father to Meredith Guilliam now a Major in K. W's Army whom he obliged by his civil Usage of him when he was Prisoner with the Irish and the same Guilliam's Relations do still acknowlege it But as to the Reversing of these Outlawries this Author has not done right to K. J. For upon the Representation made to his Majesty by the Earl of Clarendon then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of the ill Consequences of the Reversal of these Outlawries particularly the Jealousie it gave of encroaching upon the Acts of Settlement which you will see more at large in King James's Letter of the Third of May 86. to the Earl of Clarendon and his Lordships proceedings thereupon which are hereunto annexed No. 20 His Majesty did not press that matter any farther and so there was a stop put to these Reversals during the Government of my Lord Clarendon in Ireland and for any thing I can hear afterwards till this Revolution So that this seems rather an Imposition upon the K. as there were many by my Lord Tyrconnel and those of his Party than a thing that sprung immediately from the King 's own Breast or that he pitcht upon Judge Nugent on purpose to carry it on violently as this Author sets it out in his Guesses at Random and would have it pass for some mighty Matter To this Class will justly belong what I have before mentioned of this Author 's bold and positive Politicks upon foreign Princes and States and likewise of the P. of W. Fr. League c. which he had from the same Intelligence and avers with the same Assurance By Innendoes wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon He has likewise an Art of making many things pass by Innendo's whose Falshood would have appeared if they had been plainly related For Example c. 3 s 12. p. 144. telling of the assurances sent over by King James to Ireland by the Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant and Sir Charles Porter Lord Chancellor he says These Declarations gained belief from the credulous Protestants especially that made by Sir Charles who behaving himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office went a great way to persuade them which being the Ground of their being persuaded by him more especially than by my Lord Clarendon plainly insinuates as if my Lord Clarendon had not behaved himself with Courage and Integrity in his Office there This Author is the first Irish Protestant I have heard give my Lord Clarendon an ill word as to his Government in Ireland On the contrary they all speak exceeding things of him particularly of his Zeal and Pains for Supporting the Protestant Interest in that Kingdom which gain'd their hearts to as great a degree if not more than most Chief Governours had ever been there they never parted with any Chief Governour with so much regret and as I have been told none courted him more when he was there than this Author who was admitted one of his Excellency's Chaplains but now thinks fit that should be forgotten at least kept for a more seasonable Juncture But C 2. S. 4 n. 1. p. 19. he
has an Inuendo of a higher Nature than this It imports no less than that the Protestants of Ireland conquering the Irish there gives them a Title to Ireland independent on the Crown of England He places the Scene indeed in another Reign but the Application is too obvious to be mistaken I suppose none will deny but K. C. 2. at his Restauration in the year 1660. to the Crown of England had thereby a good Title to Ireland But this Author plainly insinuates as if the English Rebels who Conquer'd Ireland as he calls it under Oliver had thereby gained a Right to it for themselves and therefore makes it not a Duty but a meer Act of Generosity in them to call home K. C. 2. and says That they bestow'd Ireland upon him c. These are his words viz. The Conquerers viz. Oliver's Army joined in bringing home K. C. 2. and generously gave up themselves together with the Kingdom of Ireland without Articles or Conditions into his hands Where observe They had a Right to have kept him out and not to have admitted him without such Articles and Conditions as they thought fit And our Author does not seem to approve of their receiving him without such Articles as he does not the King 's restoring the Conquered under certain Qualifications to a part of the forfeited Lands Kings are in a good condition when all their Actions are thus to be Arraign'd by every one who can take the Boldness to call them to an Accouâ—â— and Publish their Censure of Majesty to the World The same Language is now in many of their mouths as to the present Reduction of Ireland and they grudge the Articles of Limerick and Galloway c. not considering that there is no Government but by the necessity of their Affairs may be forced sometimes to take Measures which may alarm some sort of People and if for this People have liberty to attack the Government in every Coffee-house and Cabal what Peace can be lasting tho' they should do it by such discreet Inuendo's as this Author Kings now indeed are upon their good Behaviour as this Author of late loyally expressed it on the Thirtieth of January in Christ-Church Dublin applying it to that Day to shew the glorious Change of his Principles But for a Noble stroke both for speaking at Random for Inuendo's and for weight of Argument see C. 3. S. 12. n. 21. p. 165. It is thus stil'd in the Heads of Discourse Protestants lost more in Ireland than all that favour K. J 's Cause in England are worth In the Section it self he adds Scotland too This is a Discovery the Parliament would thank him for at least Mr. Fuller I dare not ask this Author by what means he came to know more than King and Parliament or any in England pretend to to find out all the Jacobites in England and Scotland and the value of their Estates Well it must pass by Inuendo and that cannot be disprov'd But he inuendo's in the Jacobites Thoughts too as well as their Estates And I suppose says he it would put them the Jacobites out of conceit with Him K. J. or any other King there he handsomly brings in K. W. and shews the Opinion as he believes of the Williamites at least you may conclude it is his own that should take away but one half of their Estates from them There the Government has the stint of his Obedience But has not this Author's Intelligence brought him the News yet of the Deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other English Bishops and Clergy with a greater Number in Scotland who have lost the whole of their Estates and it is believed would lay down their Lives too for what they think to be their Duty to their King And there are many Lay-Jacobites as resolute even as they Did this Author never hear that Mr. Ashton suffered Death and would not own this to be a Fault And that the Bishops of Chichester and Worcester asserted it upon their Death-beds and that they would have gone to the Stake rather than have forsaken their Passive Obedience or taken the present Oaths How is it possible that a Man so well read as the Author in the Primitive Persecutions should think losing but half ones Estate so mighty a Matter in asserting the Principles of our Religion But these things we can better hear than where he would impose upon us such Incredible Stories as would not pass at a Country Wake Incredible Matters of Fact Such is that c. 2. s 8. n. 4. p. 33. where he gives us such an Idea of the Wild Irish as he that said he had seen some of them so tame that they would eat Meat out of his hand He says that it seemed an unreasonable Hardship to those of them who were Landlords That they should be called to an account for killing or robbing their Tenants or ravishing their Daughters I confess this so startled me from an Author of his Gravity and living in that Country that it put me upon the Curiosity of enquiring of some Gentlemen of that Country who told me it was just as true as their having Hair upon their Teeth That there were ill Men among them and Murthers and Rapes have been committed as in other places but that they were so savage and ignorant at this time of day as not to expect to be called to an account for such horrible Crimes is an Assertion that astonishes every body that hears of it If he means that in the time of this War such Crimes went unpunished others have the same to say Witness Dr. Gorge's Letter But the Author 's Topick in this place is not of the time of the War but of the manner of these People before so that it is an egregious Imposition upon our English Understandings to think to pass this upon us It is almost as strange as this what he tells c. 3. s 11. n. 8. p. 138. That Colonel Luttrel Governor of Dublin condemned Mr. Piercy a Merchant to be hanged for saying very calmly That he was not willing to part with his Goods if he could help it And as strange that Mr. Piercy should escape because the Governour could not find any of the Provoes If you can hardly believe that Mr. Piercy should be condemned for speaking such innocent words and that very calmly you will be no Proselyte to this Author who as confidently and with as little Voucher that is none at all tells in the same place That Mr. Bell a Protestant Merchant was confined to close Prison and no body allowed to speak to him for I would have the Reader guess the Crime less if it could be than that of Mr. Piercy It was without any Crime so much as alledged against him says our Author We say It is easie to find a Stick to beat a Dog Were the Protestants so Loyal to K. J. or the Irish so dull that they could make no pretence of a Fault when
much as pretend any Abuse of Privilege or Forfeiture I beseech you what was it they did pretend Was it that they had not forfeited Was that the Reason they gave for bringing a Quo Warranto But the Author says they did not so much as pretend any Reason He may say what he pleases I do not question but there might be many Abuses in the manner of bringing those Quo Warranto's and of managing them But that there should not be so much as a pretence of Forfeiture against any one and yet all be forfeited in a Form of Law and pleading in a Court must pass at best for that way of representing things in this Book to excess at random no matter so it be ill enough I have heard good Lawyers say That few Charters of Corporations could stand against a Quo VVarranto if they were throughly examined So far is it from a possibility of believing that all the Charters of Ireland could defend themselves from any breach or abuse of Privilege Contradictors mattere of Fact Though these and many other of his Relations are very incredible yet that is not so bad as contradictory Into which Excess he often runs himself in his Zeal to pursue his Adversary even to the Gates of Hell as the Saying is Especially with relation to K. J. The first Example I will shew of this shall be in his manner of treating King James's Person which surely ought to be with Civility and good Manners from this Author for the Relation he bears to those who are now on the Throne Whom he does not treat with common deâ—â—cy giving him the Lye c. But these notwithstanding our Author thinks fit flatly to give him the Lye c. 2. s 2. n. 1. p. 15. The Representation says he made by him K. J. was no less False than his Promises were unsincere He says of K. J's Answer c. 3. s 18. p. 211. n. 6. That the whole was a piece of Deceit a mere Collusion But this was the Justice we looks for and constantly met with from him He might have learnt more Breeding from what he relates of King James c. 3. s 11. p. 141. n. 13. That the next day after the Boyne speaking of the P. of Orange he call'd him a merciful Prince This if true shewed a great Command of Passion and Resentment for none could be under greater and fresher Provocations But leaving these Matters of Form you shall see this Author's Passion transporting him to that degree that he forgets himself even to a Contradiction When he is inveighing against the Irish he makes them force K. J. to all the ill he did and then K. J. is a good natur'd and a merciful Man and seeks to save the Protestants from the Cruelty of the Irish But when a Section comes wherein K. J. is to be loaded then he is fifteen times worse than the Irish then the Irish oppose his wicked Designs and he cannot bring them to his pitch of Wickedness You would think this impossible to befal any Author of common Consideration but you shall be judge c. 4. n. 1. p. 225. He owns K. J's natural Compassion and merciful Disposition c. 3. s 1. p. 49. n. 8. He tells you of his good Nature his natural Clemency and perhaps says he if He K. J. alone had been to have had the disposal of them our Lives and Liberties and would have followed his natural inclinations we should not so much have feared to have trusted him but whilst he had such Ministers about him c. Here the fault is in the Ministers who would not suffer the King to follow his natural inclinations and Clemency But c. 3. s 12. n 15. he says When it was left to K. J. entirely what hopes could any Protestant have And c. 2. s 8. n. 5. p. 67. he tells How the Irish opposed K. J's Arbitrary Proceedings to that degree that he is said to have fallen into so violent a Passion that his Nose fell a bleeding And c. 3. s 12. n. 17. d. 6. p. 159. he severely rates the Attorney-General Neagle for withstanding his Dispensing Power And c. 2. s 5. n. 3 p. 23. he says Duke Powis used his Interest with the King to put a stop to them the Acts of Attainder and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement but was not able to do it How false this is I have shewn from the Testimony of my Lord Granard and others But this is not the matter now I am not now upon disproving what he says only to shew the Contradiction of what he avers Now he puts the blame upon the King himself and makes him worse than his Ministers yet c. 3. s 13. p. 169. he turns about again and says They the Protestants knew that if the King did not interpose neither Juries nor Witnesses would be wanting to destroy them Now the Protestant Security is in K. J. to save them from the Irish C. 3. s 18. n. 11. this Author shews How K. J. appeared most zealously for the Protestants and turn'd out the Mayor of Wexford for not Restoring the Church of Wexford to the Protestants according to His Majesty's Order And c. 3. s 13. n. 3. p. 168. he tells How the King carefully examin'd and redrest the deceit of the Fryers and said in great anger That for ought he saw the Protestants were wrong'd and misrepresented unto him Yet in the same page he makes K. J. a Monster of Cruelty He says the very Irish Judges Nugent himself whom this Author makes the worst of them all were for acquitting Mr. Browne for making his escape from those who came to plunder him But after he Judge Nugent had discoursed His Majesty he proceeded vigorously against the Gentleman and procured him to be found Guilty by a Partial Jury and notwithstanding the Tears and Petitions of Mrs. Browne his Wife with 5 or 6 Children begging her Husband's Life at his feet reinforced with all the Friends and Interest she could make Yet he represents K. J. to be proof against all this and to have Mr. Browne Hang'd Drawn and Quarter'd This awakened says he all the Protestants in Ireland They suspected that Judge Nugent would act the same Part in Ireland that Chief Justice Jefferies had done in England and they knew that if the King did not interpose neither Juries nor Witnesses would be wanting to destroy them If ever there was such a Consequence as this K J. inclines the Judges to pack partial Juries and yet He was all the Security against Judges packing such Juries He says p. 170. That it was supposed that he Judge Nugent was encouraged to do it viz. to Hang Browne by K. J. himself The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Tho. Southwell But now as to this Crime of Browne how easie it is to palliate matters this Author says it was only for making his escape from those who came to plunder him But the Story is thus as the Irish Protestants
here do tell it The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle with the generality of the Protestant Gentlemen in the Province of Munster having entred into an Association in Decemb. 88. as the Protestants in Ulster and Connaught had done they resolved to seize upon Corke and Bandon as the places of greatest Strength and Consequence in the Province Their Design took effect at Bandon which joyned with them But the Lord Deputy having notice of their Proceedings sent Major-General Mac-Carty now Lord Mount-Cassell to observe them He pretending to keep fair with them they attempted bringing him over to declare for the P. of Orange and some of them had hopes of it but he proved too cunning for them prevented their seizing of Corke and when Captain Henry Boyle upon that disappointment fortified his House Castle-Martyr he besieged him there Upon this Sir Tho. Southwell in the County of Limerick and several other Protestant Gentlemen marched with the greatest Force they could make to raise the Siege in their march they seiz'd on all the Papists Horses and this Mr. Browne who was then one of them took the Horses of Neagle of Moyallow who was then High-Seriff of the County of Corke and a Man was killed in the Fray and all this our Author calls only making his escape from those who came to plunder him But to tell out my Story Sir T. Southwell and his Company hearing upon their March that Castle Martyr was surrendred he endeavoured to make his way to Sligo to joyn the Lord Kingston and other Associators in Connaught who were all in Arms and as this Author tells p. 170. he and 200 of his Men were taken by a small Party of K. J's Dragoons not much to the Glory of their Courage And this Author says p. 171. That they were over-persuaded to plead Guilty though they had not been guilty of any Overt Act that could be construed Treason What this Author means by Overt Acts or what by Treason he will tell us in the next and likewise give us some probable Reason why K. J. should Reprieve and afterwards Pardon Sir Thomas Southwell and all the rest who were engaged in that business and have such a particular Malice only at Browne whom he knew as little as any of the rest Otherwise he must give us leave to suspend a little our belief of his Narrative in this matter particularly that K. J. should influence either Judge or Jury to take away Mr. Brown's Life and that he should be inexorable in Mr. Brown's Case alone and yet so very merciful to all the rest is a Contradiction to believe if his Case or Circumstances did in no ways differ from theirs But it is no wonder that this Author cannot keep him self from Contradictions through the whole Series of his Book when the very Titles the Heads of his Discourse are contradictory one to another which one would think an ordinary Care might have avoided C. 2. s 8. n 10. the Title is That K. J's Desire to be absolute induced him to change his Religion And yet c. 3. s 1. n. 5. the Title is Zeal for his Religion made him act against his Interest to that Degree says this Author in his Prosecution of this c. 3. s 1. n. 5. p. 46. that the Protestants could not but conclude that K. J. was so intent upon destroying them that so he compassed that Design he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms P. 45. That he had a setled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in Competition with his grand Design of advancing Popery and the Slavery of the Nations To effect which it is manifest he was content to be a Vassal to France Thus the Author Here are Contradictions upon Contradictions That K. J. should be content to be a Vassal that he might be Absolute If you say that must be understood only of his other Grand Design viz. advancing Popery which had the Ascendant even over his Interest or his desire of being Absolute This will contradict the other Head of Discourse which gives the desire of Absoluteness in him the Ascendant over his Religion as being the Ground-work and Motive which induc'd him to change his Religion And yet page 10. of his Thanksgiving-Sermon Perhaps says he K. J. chiefly desired an Absolute Authority over his Subjects that he might compel them into the bosom of his Church And it does not appear a less Contradiction than any of these that a King should change the Principles of the Church of England as then taught for those of Rome out of a desire to be the more Absolute The Church of Rome 4 Coun. Lat C. 3 c. gives Power to the Popes to Depose Kings and they have shewn many Examples of it On the other hand the Church of England when K. J. forsook her Communion damn'd this Deposing Doctrine and the Practice of it and valued themselves upon the Principle of Non-Resistance to their King upon any Pretence whatsoever as their distinguishing Character and an essential part of their Religion and they had never varied from it nor was it thought by any or themselves that ever they would I am sure if they were not in earnest with it then they can give no demonstration now that they can be in earnâ—st with any thing and it is in every bodies mouth That K. J's trusting too much to their Passive Obedience hastened his Ruin which could not be if he had not thought this to have been their Principle Now for a King of this Opinion to quit this Church and go to that Church which teaches the Deposing Doctrine to do this out of a desire of Abâ—â—luteness is such a Contradiction as this Author would have seen at another time C. 3. s 12. n. 15. p. 153. he makes K. J. most absolute in the Parliament in Ireland That this Parliament openly profess'd it self a Slave to the King's Will and that he was look'd upon as a Man factiously and rebelliously inclin'd that would dare to move any thing after any Favourite in the House had affirm'd that it was contrary to the King's Pleasure Accordingly the Author instances several particulars of K. J's Absoluteness in this Parliament particularly That upon his signifying his dissatisfaction to the Repeal of Poyning's Act the Parliament let it fall with several other Acts tho' the Irish had talk'd much and earnestly desired the Repeal of Poyning's Act it being the greatest sign and means of their Subjection to England Yet p. 37. you have the Irish dispute his Orders and and stand on the Laws and they would not suffer him to dispense with their Act of Attainder c. And yet p. 18. They pish'd at the Laws as Trifles and declared they liked no Government but that of France that they would make the King as Absolute here as that King was there P. 31. The Temper and Genius of these Men were at Enmity to the Laws and fitted for Slavery They promoted and
in Ireland while King James was there will attest the Truth of what I have said I appeal to Thomas Pottinger Esq who was then Sovereign of Belfast the grearest Town of Trade in the North of Ireland whether upon his Application to King James his Majesty did not give him Protection after Protection for Belfast and the Country about And whether such Protections were not made good to them by King James's Officers and where any of the Irish offered to transgress against the said Protections they were not severely punished upon the first Application to the King or those commanding under him This is likewise attested by Colonel John Hill present Governor of Fort-William at Innerlochy in Scotland but living at that time in Belfast in his Letter from Belfast to the Sovereign of Belfast then in Dublin inserted No. 25. Appendix and which Letter he desires the Sovereign to shew to none and therefore spoke his mind in it and not to flatter the Government There he tells how well Grievances were redressed and King James's Army kept to strict Discipline I demand further Whether the said Mr. Pottinger did not upon his application to King James obtain leave for the Merchants of Belfast and of the Country about to return from Scotland and other places whither they had fled even after the time limitted by His Majesties Proclamation for their Return And whether upon a second application to His Majesty and representing that there was an Embargo on the Scots side King James did not grant them time to return without stinting them to any day while any reasonable Excuse could be made for their delay And whether he the said Mr. Pottinger did not send Notice of this to the Belfast Merchants and others then in Scotland And though few or none of them came over till after Schomberg landed in Ireland with the English Army in August 89 yet whether their Goods were not preserved for them all that time by King James's Order still expecting their Return And whether they did not accordingly find their Goods at their Return Nay ever when Schomberg landed and King James was obliged to remove from that Country and leave it to the Enemy Whether he did not give special Directions to Major-General Maxwell then Commanding in Belfast not to suffer any of the Goods of the Protestants to be plundered nor any of the Country to be burnt upon their leaving it And whether these Commands of His Majesty were not punctually observed not only at Belfast but at Lisburn Hillsborough and all that Country and even at Dundalk it self which King James left in good Order for Schomberg to encamp in and make his Frontier his first Campagne Neither will Mr. Pottinger deny That Mr. Thomas Crocker Merchant of Yoghall in the Province of Munster in Ireland and several other Merchants of Yoghall Cork and other places of that Province did complain to him That their Friends which stay'd behind in Ireland while King James was there did make no application in their behalf to King James whether out of negligence or stubbornness which if it had been done they did not doubt but they would have had their Goods preserved for them as they had at Belfast and other places in the North of Ireland indeed in all places which desired it And I likewise desire Mr. Pottinger to tell whether the several Protections he obtained for these parts of the Country about Belfast were not given gratis without any Fees And whether there was any Conditions so much as an Oath required of those who returned and took the benefit of His Majesties Grace And though their taking the Oath of Fidelity to King James was named in one of the Protections granted to Belfast and the Country about here inserted n. 23. Appendix yet whether upon Mr. Pottinger's representing to my Lord Melfort That the Oath might perhaps startle some and hinder their Return his Lordship did not allow Mr. Pottinger and the other Magistrates not to require the said Oaths And whether accordingly the Retinning Protestants and others were not received into Protection without any Oath at all required from them King James had tried the Security of Oaths before They are certain Snares and a very uncertain Security Mr. Pottinger can likewise give Attestation to the Truth of what Secretary Gorge has told in his Letter of King James's not only keeping his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but of the extraordinary kindness he upon all Occasions expressed to the English How several English Ships which came into Belfast some from the Indies who knew not of the War others by stress of Weather or other Causes and were seized by the Irish were always Released by King James were suffered to unload and to load again and pursue their Voyage to England Mr. Pottinger can tell the Ships their Burthen aad their Masters Names Nay King James did not only release particular Ships upon their application but gave general Orders to Major-General Maxwell and others Commanding on the Sea-Coasts in the North and we suppose the like in other places That no English Ship should be disturb'd which came thither Many more Instances might be given but these are sufficient to demonstrate that King James did not only freely grant and inviolably keep his Protections to the Protestants in Ireland but extended it likewise to as many of the English as came under his Power though against their Will The French Fleet which carried King James into Ireland took some English Merchant-men while His Majesty was on board and some of the Masters were brought before King James who expecting nothing but Death fell down upon their knees begging their Lives which brought Tears into the King's Eyes and he not only restored them their Ships with all their Effects but ordered two Frigats to attend them and see them safe through all the French Fleet. Dr. Gorge has told you of some severe Examples made in Dublin to shew King James's positive Resolution to protect the Protestants and Mr. Pottinger whom I have quoted as to the North can tell how Lieutenant-General Hamilton when he marched into Lisburn after the Break of Drommore was so far from taking the Plunder of the Country that he caused a Soldier to be shot in the Streets of Lisburn for taking a Silver Spoon from one Mrs. Ellis thâ—â—â—â— Mrs. Ellis and many more of the Protestant Inhabitants did beg his Life The 15th of March 88. the day before the Break of Drommore when the Protestants were generally fled and the Irish thought the Plunder was their own the Lieutenant-General upon Mr. Pottinger's Representation sent immediately his Protection to Belfast which preserved it from 400 Men of the Garison of Carrickfergus which is but 8 miles distance who were on their march to have Plunder'd Belfast but they obeyed the Protection The 23d the Lieutenant-General gave Mr. Pottinger another Protection for Town and Country The 3d of June following Mr. Pottinger had that Protection from King
pains to Reckon over the Mens Names and there were Deserters from the Royal William two hundred ninety one and from the St. Andrew three hundred forty nine men both make six hundred and forty Now our Authors Logick would infer First What Numbers may we suppose have Deserted and how many would Desert if they had opportunity out of the whole Fleet Secondly That these men are not paid are very ill used or otherwise Disaffected to the Government Thirdly That K. W. did this on purpose for the abovesaid Reason c. What Stop can there be to Malice and Invention This Author has not produced so plausible Reasons even as these for K. J.'s Design to Destroy the English Fleet yet he Avers it positively and Builds upon it But after all Does our Author know very well how K. J. left the Fleet or how he minded the Trade of the Nation we live here where we have reason to know better than this Author in Ireland And we know that among all K. J.'s Faults this was never reckoned one No King of England ever minded the Affairs of the Fleet and the Encouragement of Trade so much as King James witness the noble Store-Houses he built at Chattam and other Ports such as England never saw the like Nor were the Magazines and Stores ever better provided than when K. James left them for which I refer you and this Author to the Worthy Mr. Pepy's Secretary to the Admiralty his Momoires touching the Royal Navy printed here in the Year 1690. Of which I have put a short Abstract in the Appendix n. 11. for their benefit who have not his book As likewise Sir Peter Petts Speech and the Seamens Address to King J. By all which it will appear how perfectly groundless this Accusation of our Authors is against King James I remember it was stuffed into some News Letters about that time for a certain Reason and our Author sends it over to us now as a great Discovery He sayes some body told him so but he tells not who they were But he has eased his Spleen and Discovered his poor Intelligence That his Reader may duely Weigh and Consider upon what solid and sure Grounds he sets down all his Matters of Fact and Consequently what Regard is to be paid to them This Author had shewn himself a better Politician and Historian if he had Turn'd this Charge against King James as I have heard several and in good earnest urge it as a thing of the most dangerous Consequence to the Liberties of England and was with some men not the least Objection against King James's Reign viz. That he was so good a Husband of his money that he was able to spare such vast summs to the Navy and many other Works for the publick yet not Impose or Demand any Supply from his Subjects who grew Rich in Trade beyond the Example of former Reigns And they saw it visibly proceed from his great Care and Application to Maritine Affairs beyond any of his Predecessors This say these Politicians would have made him over popular and put him out of the power of Parliaments for he would have wanted no money and by shewing his people that his Greatness made them Live without Taxes which their many years Experience had told them alwayes did attend the Return of Parliaments It would have been a Dangerous Temptation to them to have wisht him Absolute while it kept them Rich and Free from Taxes And had not Popery been in the case he might have bid fairer for Arbitrariness in this method than by that this Author has found out of letting the English Fleet decay on purpose that he might become a Vassal to France Since I wrote this I met in the Third Edition of this Authors Book c. 3. § 6. n. 1. p. 93 a Nota Bene in the Margent in these words viz. N. B. The Author living in another Kingdom and not knowing how much had been expended on the English Navy towards the end of King James's Reign was led into this Inference by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea when he came for England But the preceding Discourses of King James and his Friends in Ireland are exactly Related and might purposely be Design'd to encourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England nothing being at that time more universally talk'd of or resolved by them Thus the N. B. And let us Mark it well It is a Recantation of what he had said of K. James's letting the English Fleet Decay c. By this he would induce his Reader to Believe That this was the only Erratum of his whole Book and that he was ready to own it as soon as Convinc'd Whereby he settles a good Opinion of his own Integrity and Ingenuity And at the same time Confirms the Truth of all the other Matters of Fact in his Book because it is to be suppos'd That if he could have found any other Mistakes in his Book he would have Rectified them as well as this Which if it be true we must have more N. B.'s in his next Edition after his seeing this Answer or otherwise he must Confute the Matters of Fact I have set down upon which I do promise to Confess and Amend my Errors as freely as I expect the like from him He gives for his Excuse his Living in another Kingdom This Good Sir will invalidat not only Great Part and the most Beauish of your Book but of your Famous Thanksgiving Sermon before-mentioned where you play your Politicks upon the most private Intrigues of most of the States and Princes in Europe and tell which Prince is to be Wheedled which Frighted which brought under Pupillage what Queen to be made Burren what Country to be Bomb'd what Bought what Sold and what Drown'd And you were farther from all these than from England and these Designs were harder to be known than the publick Condition of our own Fleet which any one may know that pleases the Lists of them being commonly Printed In the next place Since as you now Confess you did not know the State of the Navy when K. James left it How come you to be so positive in it in your Book Must not we believe by this instance That you are capable of Asserting very positively what you know very little of But this being a Falshood so notoriously known in England you thought by Confessing that to Lull them Asleep to inquire no farther into what was done in Ireland Your very Confession argues your Guilt and shews it came not from a clear Conversion of your Conscience For you do it by halves and unwillingly You are loath to Allow K. James any Credit or as little as you can in his Care of the Navy First You do not call it his Act only you say that you knew not Of the Money had been expended on the English Navy towards the end of K. James's Reign This might have been
make a Return of near a Hundred Voices These this Author leaves out Was it for the length do you think No it would have quite Ruined his Plot of making a Parallel 'twixt the Reasons for K. James's holding a Parliament in England 17. Nov. 88. and in Ireland May 89. viz. That there was an Enemy in the Kingdom which is indeed no reason and none of the Reason the King gave But such an Enemy as can make a Return of near a Hundred Voices would indeed hinder the Freedom of a Parliament in all its Circumstances Now let us see how many Voices the Enemy could Return in Ireland not one but of two Burroughs that is Derry and Enneskillen all the other Burroughs and all the Countys in the Kingdom were in the Kings Hands Now let our Author Judge of his Parallel and of his Ingenuity in Misquoting the King's Answer For he that does not tell the whole Truth that is Material is a False-witness He says p. 152. Several Corporations had no Representatives because they were in the Enemies Hands And yet the whole Number is but two as abovesaid But he thought the Word several would carry more in the Reading Add to this the difference there is 'twixt a Forreign Enemy being in the Country and the Insurrection of the Subjects A Subject that Rebels and will not Obey the King's Summons to Attend him in Parliament is a different Case from his being under a Forreign Power that will not let him come In the first Case he has forfeited his Right to Sit in Parliament and there is no reason that there should not be a Parliament because he will not come But in the other Case it cannot be a Free and Full Parliament where so many Members are under a Forreign Power But our Author has protested before GOD That he has not Aggravated nor Misrepresented any Thing and therefore we must suppose That it was only to Save himself the pains of Writing or his Reader of viewing these eight words which he leaves out in the Kings Answer to the Lords 〈◊〉 of the four Words ut Colonies ibi faciat which he forgot in his Quotation out of Grotius of which I made mention before Tho' it is plain that both these Ommissions do quite alter the Sence of the Words our Author quotes against that Interpretation which he would put upon them And therefore it must be confest that they were very Materially and if I were not awed by this Authors serious appeal to God I should have said Designedly omitted by this Author to Misrepresent the Sence of both these Quotations and for an Aggravation against K. James But for the present I shall only say this That where this Author seems most Exact and sets his Quotations as you would think Verbatim in the Mangent that you might suspect nothing as he does in these two Quotations of Grotius and K. James's Answer to the Lords there you are chiefly to suspect and you must stand upon your Guard C. 1. n. 6. He brings another Quotation out of Grotius de Jure c. l. 2. c. 25. n. 8. to shew That Tho' Subjects might not take Arms Lawfully even in the extreamest necessity it would not follow from thence that others might not take Arms in their behalf I know no No-body that sayes it would follow from thence But as to his Quotation Grotius sayes in the very same place That this pretence of Helping others has in all Ages been made use of to colour their Designs who intend to Invade their Neighbors Right Scimus quidem ex Veterib Novisque Historiis alieni Cupiditatem hos sibi quaerere obtentus sed non ideo statim Jus esse desinit si quid a malis Usurpatur Navigant Piretae ferro utuntur Latrones and that meer Possession does not give Right for that there are Pirats and Robbers who get things by Force All this the Author has wisely left out of his Quotation it would have spoiled the Design for which he brought it But I cannot imagin to what end he sets down another Quotation out of the same Book Lib. 2. c. 20. § 40. Where he tells us That it is so much more Honourable to Avenge the Injuries done to another than our selves by how much there is less Danger that the sense of anothers Pain should make us exceed in exacting such Revenge than of our own or Byass our judgment By this Rule he that Avenges the Injuries done to another must have no By-Ends of his own no Profit or Advantage accrue to himself by such Revenge else it may Byass his Judgment and make him Exceed in his Revenge viz. Instead of reducing his Neighbour to Reason to Seize upon all he has for himself How far this is Conducing to the End for which the Author produc'd it I leave to himself to consider But I will make an end of this unsavory Subject raking up the Absurdities and Contradictons into which a Mans Malice does betray him I will give but one Instance more upon this Head You have heard before now positively he asserted that the Irish were the Aggressons in the late Revolution that not one Protestant Acted any thing in opposition to the Government but only defending themselves against Robbers nor Acted against these Robbers till actually Assaulted by them c. as you have it p. 105. Yet c. 3. § 13. p. 178. as it is printed for it is wrong pag'd it ought to be p. 186. n. 4. He forgets this and gives several Reasons why the Irish papists Were not the Aggressors as That they lay under the strictest Obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty from the Odium and Ill Success their Murders in Forty One had That the Protestants were extreamly Cautious not to give the least offence That it would hurt K. James's Interest in England c. The Matter is he was here Answering the Objection That very few Protestants lâ—st their Lives in Ireland under K. J. This he Grants to be true and it was a severe Objection For to represent a Man as the most Bigotted and Merciless Tyrant that design'd no less than the Total Extirpation of one main part of his people upon which Supposition this Author Grounds his whole Book and then when he has Subdu'd these Subjects of his and Redâ—c'd them by Arms after what to be sure he thought Rebellion in them and their Proclaiming another for their King and some part of them still standing out in Arms against him and those under his Power Betraying him all they could aâ—d deserting him every day which gave him just Grounds to believe that they wou'd all as they did joyn with the P. of Orange when he Landed These were the Greatest Provocations can be suppos'd and the Fairest Occasion given to such a Cruel Tyrant to wreck his Malice upon those whom he design'd to Destroy And yet after Representing a Man to be such a Bloody Monster to find that he Kills none
of these People would make any Body suspect he had not been sairly Represented and that he did not really design any such thing as the Destruction of these People at least not altogether so fully as the French King resolved the voiding the Edict of Nants which this Author avers p. 19. I say who would believe that K. James did as fully determin our Ruin as our Author there Words it since he not only refused to do it when it was in his Power and he Apprehended so great Danger from them but took Pains and used his utmost Authority to keep back others from doing it who were ready and zealous to have done it and thought it their Interest to do it Therefore in this Distress our Author was obliged to find out some other Reasons for this besides K. Jame's Clemency And a Man of less Ingenuity than his cou'd make a shift to find Reasons for any thing There is no Subject upon which something may not be said Pro and Câ—n and so here our Author contrives Reasons for this Clemency of K. James which may not spoil that Bloody Character he had given of him and he turns it upon Policy Interest not to Provoke England c. not foreseeing that the same Interest must remain while ever he was King of England and so secure the Protestants in Ireland and disapoint this Authors whole Book And likewise he was under a Necessity of Contradicting what he had said before of making the Irish the Assaylants and Murderers c. because he is now forced to give Reasons why they were not so You know who should have good Memorys and it is very difficult when a Cause has several and Contrary Aspects It runs a Man some times to bespatter that side which he means to Defend As truly I think has happened in the present Case For if the most Malicious Jacobite had gone about to expose the present Government under the Name of K. James This Author Wounds the Present Government in the Person of K. James and the Papists he could not have done it more effectually than it is done in this Book For Example when England found the old Oath of Supremacy inconsistent with the Present Settlement they wisely abrogated it and made a new one But Ireland could not do this wanting a Parliament And in the Acts of Parliament in Ireland as in England there is a Penalty upon the refusal of this Oath which the then Civil and Military Officers in Ireland avoided by ordering it so That that Oath should not be tender'd to them as it was not at first to the Military nor to all the Civil Officers Now see how our Author exposes this Practice in the Person of the Papists c. 2. p. 38. § 9. He tells of an Horrible Artifice the Papists had to avoid the Oath enjoin'd on all Officers Civil and Military by Act. 28. Hen. 8. c. 13. and 2. Eliza. c. 1. viz. The Oath was never tender'd to their new Officers and Consequently said they they never refused it neither are they lyable to the Penalties of the Act. This was plainly against the design of the Statute a playing with the Words of it and shewed us that Laws are Insufficient to secure us against such Jesuitical Prevarications Thus our Author not Considering that the same Jesuitical Prevarications must by his Rule be Charged not only upon the Irish Protestants as abovesaid but upon the Roman Catholicks in K. Williams Army who are many more in England than K. James had in his Army here and before the Alteration of the Oaths here by Act of Parliament they must either have this same excuse for avoiding these Oaths or have none at all p. 114. He says the Protestants in Ireland chose rather to ly in Jayl than take some new invented Oath that was put to them without any Law to enjoin it Why would not this Author tell us what Oath this was I am told that there was no new Oath Imposed upon the Protestants in Ireland by K. James and it is not very likely where as you have heard from the Sovereign of Belfast and other Vouchers before Nam'd K. James did not trouble the Protestants even with the Oaths enjoyn'd by Law But I have been told that in Cork Limerick and other Garrisons upon the Sea Coast where there were many Protestants the Officers without any Order from K. James thought it reasonable to take that Security of these Protestants when they drew their Men out of these Garrisons into the Field and when they were Alaram'd with the English Fleet that these Protestants would not Joyn with their Enemies but be true to K. J. And I am told likewise that none of these Protestants did refuse it But if they did as this Author says could they take it ill to be secured in Prison who when the Enemy was hourly expected refused to promise not to Joyn with them or betray the Garrison to them Secondly this is an ill Reason for what the Author told us before viz. That K. James had not the least Reason to suspect or Disarm the Protestants and therefore this Author calls it perfect Dragooning of them as bad as was done in France But this Author tells his own Reason why they would rather ly in Jayl than take this Oath viz. Because there was not any Law to enjoyn it and they thought this a Violation of the Law and therefore that they ought to Suffer any hardship rather than Comply with it For if you break one Law you may break all c. Now this is perfect Wounding the present Government and Condemning what the Protestants in Ireland even this Author himself has done viz. Taking an Oath of Fidelity to K. William and Q. Mary without any Law to enjoyn it That is before this late Act of Parliament for abrogating the Old Oaths of Allegiance and Imposing the new Oaths in Ireland But here I must not be mistaken for I am not of our Author's Opinion that there was no Law to enjoyn these Oaths I have shewn before That by the Common Law there is an Oath of Allegiance may be required from the Subjects which for greater Satisfaction I have set down in the Appendix n. 13. as it was Taken to K. J. in Ireland by these Protestants With some Authorities out of the Common Law to Justify the Legality of it But our Author either knew not this or was willing not to remember it and would rather Wound the present Government than miss such a Blow and Reflection upon the Government of K. J. whether this was done in the full sincerity of his Heart without Aggravation or Misrepresenting against K. J. he has taken GOD to witness and there we must leave it The 26. Septemb. 90. There Issued three Proclamations from the Lords Justices of Ireland which I have hereunto Annex'd one Banishing the Wives Children and Familys of all in Rebellion against their Majesties or Kill'd in that Rebellion and of all
present Government Thus excellently does our Author argue Now Imagine he had such a Story as Glencoe to tell of any of King James's Officers in Ireland how easily cou'd he by his Art make it Reflect upon the King himself and absolve all those High-landers from their Allegiance and give them leave to Protect their Lives another way O what Declamations we should have had of the Bloody Irish Cut-Throats Massacrers c And what use would he have made of their giving it under their Hands that what they did was by the Kings Express Command and none Punish'd for it He would never have given K. James Liberty to Deny it or make any Defence but would have Represented to the Three Kingdoms what they were to Expect from him who could give such Orders exceeding in in Cruel Barbarity the Wild Irish or Tartars He would have made more of this than of all the Storys he has Collected in his Book if they were all true But his Zeal must be Commended p. 206. n. 8. where he reckons as a means of Destroying the Protestant Religion the Debauchery and universal Corruption of Manners that then prevail'd Take his own Words p. 207. The Perjuries in the Courts the Robberys in the Country the Lewd Practices in the Stews the Oaths â—lasphemys and Curses in the Armys and Streets c. And these indeed are a means to Destroy not only the Protestant but any Christian Religion I cannot wish as I hear one did that the Irish Army were more Guilty of this than the Protestant Army But that these are Increas'd beyond former Examples in the Protestant Army all of them that retain the least sense of Religion do bemoan with Regret but I have mentioned this already I am sure it can be no good Religion which is promoted by these Means or suffers them to secure any Interest whatsoever God does not need our Vertue much less our Vices to help him to Govern the World And he will not be serv'd by the Breach of his Commands Can we expect says Dr. Gorge in his Letter Sodom to destroy Babylon or Debauchery to destroy Popery Our Enemy says he Fights with the Principle of a Mistaken Conscience against us we against the Conviction of our Principles against them I might inlarge upon this Subject But to returne to our Author He speaks with Just Indignation p. 173. against General Rosen's Stratagem of bringing the Protestants in that Country before the Walls of Derry and to threaten to Destroy them all if the City would not receive them which would have brought a Famine into the Town and forced them to Surrender I need not take pains against the Barbarity of this design For K. James express'd his Just Resentment of it and Countermanded it upon the first notice And in his Circular Letters to the Governors of Towns and Officers Commanding in chief in the North to whom these Orders of Rosens had come he Commands them by no means to obey these Barbarous Orders of Rosen's And accordingly Rosen's Orders for the Driving were not Executed in most places in the North. This I have from the Officers to whom these Orders were sent and from several Protestants who have seen them and can produce them But our Author discovers his skill in War when he says that he never met with any thing like it in History nor do I believe says he it was ever Practis'd by any Nation unless the French have used it in their late Wars Many instances might be given him of as Barbarous Exploits in War particularly that of Reducing places by Famine But to speak Impartially Is not Starving a County or a Province as Barbarous as Starving a City And was not Crowding all the Irish Men Women and Children over the River Shannon done on purpose to reduce them to Famine And it had its effect and many of them Dyed and Women Miscarried and many were Starv'd in that Driving over the Shannon insomuch that some of the Protestant Officers who were employed on that Expedition expressed the greatest Regret to see such Lamentable Spectacles and were asham'd of their Commissions And those who were thus Driven had King William's Protections in their pockets In exposing these things our Author should take care not to Wound the Government through the Sides of the Irish But his Zeal carry'd him too far where in the Heads of his Discourse he makes this one That when the Bishop of Meath apply'd to King James concerning this Driving King James he sayes excus'd Rosen And when you turn to the Book to see this made out p. 174. All you find is that King James told the Bishop That he had sent Orders to stopt it and if he Rosen had been his own Subject he would have call'd him to Account for it This is a strange way of excusing him But it shews how sharp-sighted this Author is in finding Faults You may be sure by this that none have escaped him Nor can he spare them even where it plainly Reflects upon the present Government which he pretends to Complement But this is only by Innuendos Tho' he has brought it so near as to make the Application very easie This Author Renders the Kings Preregative Hateful to the People and Inclines them to a Common Wealth This is more pardonable than his plain and express proclaiming War against K. William and Q. Mary That is Sounding an Alarum to the Nation to beware of them and watch them narrowly as their greatest Enemies He sayes p. 4. That Certain and Infallible Destruction will be brought to England as it was to Rome and in a Great measure to Florence if ever the Prerogative do swallow up the Liberties and Priviledges of the Subject p. 77. That their choosing their own Representatives is the only Barrier they have against The Encroachments of their Governor p. 57. That it is the Kingdoms money that payes the Souldiers p. 85. That Abuses in the Kingdom proceeded from the Long Disuse of Parliaments p. 133. n. 6. He would Limit that Prerogative of the Crown of Coyning Money and by his Quotation in the Margent would take it quite away giving the King no power To change his Money nor impair nor inhanse nor make any Money but of Silver without the Assent of the Lords and all the Commons Yet he cannot forget to have heard of Leather Money Coyn'd in England and past-board in Holland Here he discovers what he would be at To Depress the Prerogative even to a Common-Wealth And this or Arbitrary Monarchy must be the Consequence of dividing the Interest of King and People and setting them up to Fight against one another to Watch and Guard against one another as the Greatest Enemies that if one prevail the other must be destroyed A Kingdom divided Mat. 12.25 This is not altogether so pleasant a prospect as the Passive-Obedience-Men afford us while they represent the Prerogative as the greatest Safe-guard of the Rights and Priviledges of the People
the Protestants in Ireland Did the French King use them no Worse than K. James did these Protestants Our Author says as above that K. James used worse Methods towards the Protestants of Ireland than the King of France did with the Hugonots If so Mounsieur Claud has mightily Misinform'd us in his Account of the Persecution of the Hugonots in France And since our Author will have this Comparison because he could not think of another would Render K. James so Odious I have a Curiosity to know his Opinion as to the Cause of these Hugonots viz. Whether their King 's breaking the Edict of Nants and using them as he did was Sufficient to absolve them from their Allegiance and to set up a King of their own Religion where-ever they could find him I doubt not but this Author will Answer in the Affirmative and that it was nothing but want of Power kept them from Abdicating that King who they thought had Abdicated the Government of them by his ill usage of them And this will be a better Plea for the French King to Rid himself of these sort of People than any I have yet heard offered for him But in this Comparison 'twixt King James and the French King our Author makes King James the more wicked Man of the Two using worse Method with his Protestants as you have heard And in his Character of the French King he gives him the Advantage over King James with an Innuendo-reflection upon King James in this same place p. 14. He reports the French King to be a Merciful Man in his own Nature and certainly says he a mighty Zealot for his Honour As if King James were not so indeed he was far from it as this Author represents him You see to what a Height this Authors Zeal has carried him when he will give so fair a Character even of the French King that he may thereby blacken K. J. the more And upon this Head I hope no Man will take it ill at least to do Right to K. James Would any Body desire him to be worse than the French King Therefore give me leave to say and in this I believe I shall have the Major part on my side That if the Hugonots in France had Invited a Forreign Hugonot Prince to enter France with an Army had joyn'd with him and Proclaim'd him for their King and Forc'd K. Lewis to Fly out of France and afterward recovering part of his own he should reduce the Hugonots in Brettaigne for example and they when they were come again under the Power of their Old Master should shew all the Signs of Disloyalty and Disaffection to him Deserting him every day to their new Hugonot King and giving an Account to him of the same disposition in them that could not make their Escape from K. Lewis and K. L. to know all this and that those that staid gave all the Intelligence they could to his Enemies and did all the Mischief they could to him their Natural King under whose Protection they then Liv'd And those of them that were able in Brettaigne to hold out in open Arms against him keeping two Towns in the same Province he had Reduc'd where they Fortify'd themselves and Declared for their Hugonot King and to Rescue those Hugonots that were under King Lewis I say if this had been the Case 'twixt K. Lewis and the Hugonots I believe I shall have the Major part of England of my Opinion That King Lewis would have dealt otherwise with them than King James did with the Protestants in Ireland And perhaps had any King in Christendom but K. James had them in his Power as he had for a whole Summer he would not have left them in a Capacity to have Driven him out of the Kingdom as they did And he was Morally assured they would do so when it was in his Power to have prevented them But rather than Destroy them he put it in their Power to Destroy him which they did without the least sense of all his Goodness to them which they Disdain'd to own but pursued him as a Tyrant Secretary Gorge Assures us in his Large Letter that the Irish Protestants were more Active against King James and were more dreaded by the Irish than any other of K. William's Army If K. James were as great a stranger to us as Caesar or Pompey and the Scene were plac'd as far off as those Times yet who would not have a Zeal to Vindicate the Truth who would not be mov'd to see a King who suffered himself to be visibly Ruin'd by his unprovocable Clemency to Obstinate Rebels represented by them for so doing as the Bloodiest Tyrant in the World To see this Authors Book Transport Men so far without examining as that the Principal Secretary of State should License a Pamphlet call'd The Pretences of the French Invasion Examined which 〈◊〉 14. lays the stress of our Objections against King James upon his Cruelty to the Loyal Irish Protestants while he was among them in Ireland His King James's Carriage in Ireland says the Pamphlet to the Loyal Protestants writ this viz. His implacable hatred to the Protestants in Capital Letters and it must be suppos'd they have Drunk deep of Lethe who can forget all this Thus positively does the Pamphleteer averr upon the Credit of our Author And therefore it is Incumbent upon our Author to produce some Catalogue of these Protestants in Ireland who remain'd Loyal to King James while he was there except those few who were in his Army whom our Author or our Phamphleteer cannot mean because they reckon these among the number of the Persecutors and by some thought worse of than the Papists for Assisting the Papists against the Protestants we desire a List of these Loyal Protestants in Ireland who suffered any thing from King James while he was there Can this Author find so many as their were Righteous Men in Sodom But this is much more certain that King James's Mercy to the Disloyal Protestants in Ireland put them in a Capacity to help to Drive him out of the Kingdom for his pains Does this Author really believe That King Lewis would have used them as kindly as King James did while he knew they were Plotting and would Joyn against him I Appeal to this Author Whether he would have thought himself so Secure in King Lewis's hands if he had been betraying his Councils and giving Intelligence to his Enemies as he was under these Circumstances in King James's Power But our Author never fails to make a round Character That King James should not be so Good a Man as King Lewis is not so great a Matter But now our Author's hand is in you shall see him carry King James's Character to be full as Inhumane as that of the Great Turk himself You have it â—nd of c. 3. § 20. n. 7. p. 224. The Vsage we met with being says the Author full as Inhumane as any thing they the
2. The Enemy finding us possess'd of one Province since the passing the Act and finding much of the other three Provinces made waste by their Order and that by the frequent returns of their Brass and Pewter Money a great inland Trade is increased they have by publick Proclamation ordered 20000 l. more to be assess'd on the Trading part of the Nation according to their respective Trades both which are presum'd cannot yield less than 30000 l. per mensem de claro which is per annum 360000 l. 3. They have bought on the King's Account all the Wool at 6s per Stone Tallow at 15 l. per Tun Beef Tallow Hides c. which they intend to send for France to buy Arms and Ammunition c. which they esteem may be worth at least 200000 l. the Wool License at 4 d. per Stone to transport it only for England was usually worth to the chief Governors 4 or 5000 l. per annum 4. It is reported they have agreed with persons who are obliged to Coin them this year 150000 l. Brass and Pewter Money 5. The Rent of Church Lands and Absentees Estates besides their Goods and Stocks are estimated at least to be 150000 l. per annum the truth of this will appear by the aforesaid Books given in to the Committee of Parliament 6. The King 's standing Revenue of Rents Hearths Custom-Excise and casual Revenue cannot be less than a 150000 l. more Memorandum That all the aforesaid particulars amount to 860000 l. out of which deduced the 797000 l. there will remain 73000 l. besides what helps may be given him by France c. and the addition that may be made by their Coining Brass and Pewter Money above the aforesaid contract which Brass and Pewter Coin being not fit to be kept quickens returns and encreaseth their Trade By all which it appears that the Enemy cannot want currant Coin to support the War But had we Ships of War lying by in their Harbour to prevent their Exportations and were Dublin sesured their Trade and Revenue would soon be lessened But if they are suffered to Export their vast quantity of Goods they have now stored up in their Ports it may not only give a farther encrease to their Revenue but occasion a longer continuance of the War especially having made the establishment of their Army so low and the currant value of their Brass Coin so high Their Brass and Pewter Coin is of equal weight with our Silver Coin which being usually bought for 12 d. per pound is of equal value with our Silver which is 3 l. per pound and their establishment being a moity short of ours 't is demonstrable that six Penny worth of their Brass or Pewter Money shall pay double as many Soldiers as 3 l. of our Silver Coin What advantage this Money gives their Trade what case in the pay of the Army and supplying them with Provision is very demonstrable yet 't is as strange as true that notwithstanding they are better Paid better Disciplin'd than our Army yet hitherto we may set up an Ebenezar and say that God hath hitherto sought for us and that by the seeming worse Discipline worse Mounted and worse of our whole Army I mean by our Eneskillen and London-dery Forces whose Moral and Religious Principles you know are little better but generally worse than theirs they having constantly beat their most choice and detached Parties with a confused and disordered Rabble when they were not half the number of their Enemies and have struck them with that terror that 't is believed notwithstanding their great Number and Provision for their support the Enemy intends this Summer only a defensive War and to fight only by Detachments But that which to me seems most strange yet is true that notwithstanding all the Violence Oppression and Wrong done by these and other of our Army on the Impoverished Oppressed and Plunder'd Protestant Inhabitants of this Province and the little encouragement and great discouragement they have had from us yet you know what I esteem as a great presage of future good they continue and remain as firm and faithful to us as the Irish Papists against us How frequently do we hear them tell us that though we continue to injure them rob and destroy them yet they must trust in us and be true and faithful to us We have just now Intelligence of the arrival of the French Succours and vast stores of Arms and Provisions Oh Sir Where 's our Fleet Did they want early notice of their approach What Lethargy attends them and what Judgment us that the Irish have had as secure passage from Dublin to France Scotland and England as if we had not one Man of War to hinder them or secure us If the French Fleet carry off as vast quantities of our Native Goods as they have brought in their Foreign Succors Ichabod may be wrote on our future proceedings it being believed by some and confidently reported by others lately come from Dublin that they were apprehending the chief Protestants in and about that City to transport and make them Prisoners and Slaves of France Let me know the receipt of this Voluminous Letter and the use you make of it You may pardon the tediousness of this Letter which if an offence is not like to be hastily repeated Your True Friend And Faithful Servant Rob. Gorge Numb 3. Mr. Osborne's Letter to my Lord Massereen Loghbrickland March 9. 1688. My Lord ON the 6th Instant I was introduced by my Lord Granard into my Lord Deputy's Presence in the Castle of Dublin I have his Pass to come and go through and back from Vlster and though I have not his Excellency's direct Commission yet I will assure you I am at least permitted by the Lord Deputy to acquaint the Chief and others of those of the Vlster Association with his Discourse to me which was to the effect following to wit First That his Excellency doth not delight in the Blood and Devastation of the said Province but however highly resents their taking and continuing in Arms the affronts done by them to his Majesty's Government thereby and by some Indignities done to the late Proclamation of Clemency Issued and Dated Secondly Notwithstanding whereof is willing to receive the said Province into Protection provided they immediately deliver up to his Army for his Majesty's use their Arms and serviceable Horses and provided they deliver up to his Excellency these three Persons viz. if they remain in the Kingdom and may be had Thirdly And for farther manifestation of his design to prevent Blood is willing to grant safe Conduct even to the said three Persons or any other of their Party to and from his Excellency and to and from Leiutenant General Hamilton Commander of part of his Army hereafter mentioned if they intend any peaceable and reasonable Treaty But withall will not upon the said account or any other stop the march of the said part of his Army
Duty to Your Majesty who has a double Title to our Services not only as our King but as our Gracious Benefactor and Deliverer To pray for the Success of your Majesty's Forces for the Consummation of that Good Work that you have with so much Personal Hazard undertaken that you may carry your Victorious Arms in to other Countries where the Cries and the Groans and the Oppressions of the Afflicted Protestants are as great as they have been here That God would be an Helmet of Salvation to you in the day of Battle and deal with you as he did with Nebuchadnezzar when he promised him the Kingdom of Egypt for his hard Service against Tyrus May he likewise recompense your hard Labour in this Kingdom with the Addition of another that is far more valuable And may you prove as Happy and Successful an Instrument in the succouring of others as you have been of the poor Afflicted People of this Kingdom His ANSWER I Am come hither to deliver you from the Tyranny of Popery and Slavery to protect the Protestant Religion and restore you to your Liberties and Properties and you may depend upon it Numb 9. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty the Humble Address of your Loyal and Obedient Subjects the Inhabitants of Wapping Shadwel Ratcliff and Lime-House and others therein concerned Most Dread and most Gracious Sovereign AS those of us who profess our selves Sons of the Church of England do here as in Duty bound return our most humble and hearty thanks to your Sacred Majesty for the repeated assurance you have in your Royal Declaration of Indulgence given to all your Subjects of that Church in protecting and maintaining them in the free exercise of their Religion so others of us who for Non-conformity to that Church felt so much of the severity of the Penal Laws do return such our thanks to your Majesty for our being eased from the same by such your Declaration Nor can we without great Ingratitude to Heaven and to your Majesty forbear to take notice of your particular Tenderness expressed to us in our common Concern on the fourteenth of October last and when the hearts of so many of us were transported with joy upon our hearing those Gracious Words from your Royal Lips namely That what was for the good of your People was for your good We therefore beg your Majesty's leave in the sight of all the World to present you with our most Cordial and Solemn assurances that as your Majesty hath been a Witness of the Loyalty and Fidelity of some of us who served the Crown at Sea in the last Reign when you so much exposed the safety of your Royal Person for the Honour and defence of the Realm that we and all of us who are Mariners shall be as ready to venture our Lives in any such Employment whensoever your Majesty shall call us to it as any could then be And that all of us of what different Persuasion in Religion soever we may be shall yet most firmly agree in the discharge of the Duty of our natural Allegiance to your Majesty and like true Englishmen think no Dangers too great for us to encounter with in the most faithfull Service of your Majesty either by Sea or Land Numb 10. Sir Peter Pett's Speech to his Majesty at Whitehall on the 25th of May 1688. after the most Honourable the Lord Marquis of Powis had read the Address of the Inhabitants of Wapping Shadwel Ratcliff Lime-House c. Together with His Sacred Majesty's most Gracious Expressions thereupon relating to the Seamen THe Ld. Marquess of Powis having represented to his Majesty the Merits of the Petition of many Inhabitants in Wapping Shadwell Ratcliff and Lime-House in which places the greatest part of the Seamen and Naval Manufacturers of England is supposed to dwell and having pleased at the request of some of those Inhabitants to read their Address to his Majesty the which Address was signed by some who had been Captains in the King's Men of War and by many now Masters and Commanders Boat-Swains Carpenters and Gunners and many hundreds of other Mariners in Merchant Ships in Subscriptions filling five large Skins of Parchment Sir Peter Pett after his Lordship's reading of the said Address made this following Speech to his Majesty May it please Your Majesty I Finding that your Majesty is now going to Council shall not presume to detain your Majesty long from the Grandia Regni that there attend you but shall only beg your Majesty's leave that I may acquaint those Gentlemen here who are Seamen with some particulars of your late vast Expences of your Time and Treasure upon your Navy Royal and of your Majesty's extraordinary Care in preserving the Walls of your Kingdom the which your Ships and your Seamen have always been reputed to be to the end that they may acquaint their Neighbours therewith It is known Sir that as for the Seamen your Majesty never paid them with Tickets and that you have paid the greatest part of your Brother's Debts to them and also to the Ship Wrights and that the Seamen have been by your Majesty punctually paid as the Ships they belong to came home and were unrigg'd and that the Workmen in the Yards are quarterly paid as soon as their Wages become due and that the Chest at Chatham out of which the maim'd Soldiers have been still provided for has been plentifully supplied by your Majesty out of your Own Purse to the value of about 20000 l. the Revenue of that Chest by the Collections from the Seamen having been so very inconsiderable that it did not near support the Charge And I account that since the last Parliament your Majesty has laid out great Sums of Money in rebuilding and repairing the Thirty Sail and the rest of the Navy and that to the value of 350000 l. The Charge of your Majesty's having since your Parliament built six new Men of War will appear but comparatively inconsiderable when it shall be thought of how your Majesty has since built new Store-Houses at Portsmouth and Chatham wherein Cables are sorted and lye at length and all manner of Sea Stores for Boat-Swains and Carpenters laid distinct for the respective Ships to which the same belong as also their Rigging distinctly laid apart which things were never done in England before and by means whereof your Ships may be Equipt for Sea in less than a quarter of the time that they were formerly In the building of those Store-Houses and furnishing them with vast quantities of Stores and all bought by your Majesty with ready money and at the best hand I account your Majesty hath expended Millions of Pounds Sterling The Gazetts that have in part made Publication of your Majesty's vast Charge in buying with ready money Masts Timber Hemp Sail-Cloth and all other Naval Stores have necessarily awakened the thoughts of your Subjects to reflect with a high Veneration on your Majesty's having so freely imploy'd
time of Monmouth's Rebellion that the King told some of the Council of which I was one that he was resolved to give Employments to Roman Catholicks it being fit that all Persons should serve who could be usefull and on whom he might depend I think every body advised him against it but with little effect as was soon seen That Party was so pleased with what the King had done that they persuaded him to mention it in his Speech at the next meeting of the Parliament which he did after many Debates whether it was proper or not in all which I opposed it as is known to very considerable Persons some of which were of another opinion for I thought it would engage the King too far and it did give such Offence to the Parliament that it was thought necessary to prorogue it After which the King fell immediately to the supporting the Dispensing Power the most Chimerical Thing that was ever thought of and must be so till the Government here is as absolute as in Turkey all Power being included in that one This is the sense I ever had of it and when I heard Lawyers defend it I never changed my Opinion or Language However it went on most of the Judges being for it and was the chief Business of the State till it was looked on as settled Then the Ecclesiastical Court was set up in which there being so many considerable Men of several kinds I could have but a small part and that after Lawyers had told the King it was legal and nothing like the High Commission Court I can most truly say and it is well known that for a good while I defended Magdalen Colledge purely by Care and Industry and have hundreds of times begg'd of the King never to grant Mandates or to change any thing in the regular course of Ecclesiastical Affairs which he often thought reasonable and then by perpetual importunities was prevailed upon against his own Sense which was the very Case of Magdalen Colledge as of some others These things which I endeavoured though without Success drew upon me the Anger and ill Will of many about the King The next thing to be tried was to take off the Penal Laws and the Tests so many having promised their Concurrence towards it that his Majesty thought it fecible but he soon found it was not to be done by that Parliament which made all the Catholicks desire it might be dissolved which I was so much against that they complained of me to the King as a Man who ruined all his Designs by opposing the only thing could carry him on Liberty of Conscience being the Foundation on which he was to build That it was first offered at by the Lord Clifford who by it had done the work even in the late King's Time if it had not been for his Weakness and the Weakness of his Ministers Yet I hindred the Dissolution several Weeks by telling the King that the Parliament in Being would doe every thing he could desire but the taking off the Penal Laws and the Tests or the allowing his Dispensing Power and that any other Parliament tho' such a one could be had as was proposed would probably never repeal those Laws and if they did they would certainly never do any thing for the support of the Government whatever Exigency it might be in At that time the King of Spain was sick upon which I said often to the King that if he should dye it would be impossible for his Majesty to preserve the Peace of Christendom that a War must be expected and such a one as would chiefly concern England that if the present Parliament continued he might be sure of all the Help and Service he could wish but in case he dissolved it he must give over all thoughts of foreign Affairs for no other would ever assist him but on such terms as would ruine the Monarchy so that from abroad or at home he would be destroyed if the Parliament were broken and any Accident should happen of which there were many to make the Aid of his People necessary to him This and much more I said to him several times privately and in the hearing of others but being over-powered the Parliament was broke the Closeting went on and a new one was to be chosen Who was to get by Closeting I need not say but it was certainly not I nor any of my Friends many of them suffered who I would fain have saved And yet I must confess with Grief that when the King was resolved and there was no remedy I did not quit as I ought to have done but served on in order to the calling another Parliament In the midst of all the preparations for it and whilst the Corporations were regulating the King thought fit to order his Declarations to be read in all Churches of which I most solemnly protest I never heard one word till the King directed it in Council That drew on the Petition of my Lord the Arch Bp. of Canterbury and the other Lords the Bishops and the Prosecution which I was so openly against that by arguing continually to shew the Injustice and Imprudence of it I brought the Fury of the Roman Catholicks upon me to such a degree and so unanimously that I was just sinking and I wish I had then sunk But whatever I did foolishly to preserve my self I continued still to be the object of their Hatred and I resolved to serve the Publick as well as I could which I am sure most of the considerable Protestants then at Court can testifie and so can one very eminent Man in the Country whom I would have persuaded to come into business which he might have done to have helped me to resist the Violence of those in power but he despaired of being able to doe any good and therefore would not engage Some time after came the first News of the Prince's Designs which were not then looked on as they have proved no body foreseeing the Miracles he has done by his wonderful Prudence Conduct and Courage for the greatest thing which has been undertaken these thousand years or perhaps ever could not be effected without Vertues hardly to be imagined till seen nearer hand Upon the first thoughts of his coming I laid hold of the opportunity to press the King to doe several things which I would have had done sooner the chief of which were to restore Magdalen Colledge and all other Ecclesiastical Preferments which had been diverted from what they were intended for to take off my Lord Bp. of London's Suspension to put the Counties into the same hands they were in some time before to annull the Ecclesiastical Court and to restore entirely all the Corporations of England These things were done effectually by the help of some about the King and it was then thought I had destroyed my self by enraging again the whole Roman Catholick party to such a height as had not been seen they dispersed Libels
one principal Motive of his Expedition into England and likewise engaged himself to refer the Enquiry into this Affair and of all things relating to it to the Hearing of a Parliament Decl. p. 12 13. 2. The King in his Majesty's Letter to the Convention dated at St. Germains Jan. 1688. conjures the Lords and the Gentlemen then met to make a thorough Examination into the Birth of the Prince of Wales Now since both Parties are so pressing to have this Matter debated by a publick Tryall since their Honour and Inclinations are so far engaged for the clearing this Point it 's humbly hoped your Lordships c. after almost two years delay may not think it improper to have it undertaken 3. It 's presumed your Lordships c. are not unacquainted how deeply the Deponents to this Affair have been censured both in Pamphlets and common Discourse as if they were Confederates to an Imposture of the most flagitious and provoking nature and contrived to impose an Heir upon these Kingdoms a Masterpiece of Wickedness which as in their Souls they abhor so they think it their great Misfortune to lie under the Scandal of so heavy an Imputation And therefore it 's the humble Desire of several of the said Deponents not doubting of the Concurrence of the rest that the Case may be re examined and the Witnesses summoned before your Lordships c. that so they may either have opportunity to rescue their Honour and Reputation which they value above all worldly Blessings from those Calumnies which are cast upon them or upon Conviction of Insincerity may undergo the Penalties due to so vile and unexempled a Perjury And that your Lordships c. may be the more inclinable to hear them in Vindication of themselves several of the said Deponents do promise That their next Testimony shall be if possible more plain particular and comprehensive than the former and that they have several Things to offer to your Lordships c. not unworthy of your Lordships c. Knowledge which before were judged unnecessary and omitted out of Modesty and Reserve 4. For a farther Motive your Lordships c. may please to take notice That Circumstances of Time are now such that it cannot with the least pretence of Reason be supposed that the Deponents are either bribed or overawed into a partial Testimony in savour of the Prince of Wales as was before objected against them by the Protestant Memorial and the Full Answer to the Depositions c. Besides as your Lordships c. know the present Posture of Affairs will afford all imaginable Encouragement for Freedom of Questions for confronting the Deponents and producing Counter-Evidences if there is any such so that the whole Matter may be laid open and cleared to the satisfaction of all Persons concerned therein 5. With all due Submission to your Lordships Judgments it 's humbly conceived That Dispatch and Expedition in this Case is a very valuable Circumstance For by this means your Lordships c. will prevent those Inconveniencies which may happen from Accidents and Mortality For notwithstanding the Evidence is enrolled in Chancery and may be inspected at any time hereafter yet if the number of the Deponents should be lessened your Lordships c. cannot enter upon the Merits of the Cause with the same Advantage nor receive that Satisfaction viva Voce which may be now had Besides there is reason to apprehend it will be too late to excâ—pt against the Testimony of the Deponents after their Decease so that if there have been any unfair Dealing the Opportunity of Discovering it will be in danger of being lost Lastly Your Lordships c. may please to consider Whether in case the Depositions are neither disproved nor the Prince of Wales owned the Consequence of such a Procedure may not prove unfortunate For since in strictness of Law there is no greater Proof required for the Legitimacy of a King's Son than for that of an inferiour Subject it 's to be feared some ill-disposed and litigious Persons will take occasion from hence to question the Birth of private Persons which possibly they will be apt to say is seldom so well attested as that of the Prince of Wales Which malitious Reflexions how far they may tend to the creating Disputes entangling Property and the dishonour of Families as your Lordships c. are the best Judges so your Quality and Fortunes make it more particularly your Lordships Interest to prevent There remains no more to trouble your Lordships c. with excepting this humble Request That provided your Lordships c. shall think it proper to wave making any farther Enquiry into this Affair an Expedient may be found out to cover the Deponents from the Aspersion of False Witness and that the Nation may have leave to believe your Lordships c. are fully satisfied with their former Evidence Octob. 1690. A true Copy of Part of that Paper which Mr. Ashton left in a Friend's Hands Together with the Letter in which he sent it enclosed The Paper begins with the Speech already published immediately after which he adds THus much is contained in the Paper that I design to leave with the Sheriff But being suddenly to give up my Accounts to the Searcher of all Hearts I think it a duty incumbent upon me to impart some things farther which neither the Interest nor Iniquity of these Times will I conclude willingly bear the publication of and therefore not fit to be inserted in the Sheriffs Paper Some time after the Prince of Orange's Arrival here when it was expected that pursuant to his own Declaration and the King's Letter to the Convention an exact Search and Enquiry would have been made into the Birth of the Prince of Wales there was a Scheme drawn up of that whole Matter and of the Proofs that were then and are still ready to be produced to prove his Royal Highness's Legitimacy but no publick Examination being ever had and the Violence of the Times as well as Interest of the present Government not permitting any private Person to move in it those Papers have ever since lain by But it being now thought advisable by some to have them printed and published and as at first they were designed addressed at their next Meeting to the Lords and Commons entreating them to enquire into that weighty Affair and call forth examine and protect for who else dares to appear the many Witnesses to the several particulars therein offered to be legally proved c. I was ordered to carry those Papers to the King my Master for his View that his Leave and Approbation might go along with the Desires of his good Subjects here and they being taken with me with some other Papers of Accounts c. in a small Trunck amongst my Linen and other private things of my own and not in the Packet my Ld. Preston being altogether a stranger to the whole Proceeding by this means fell into the hands of
heard but as they came nigh to it they perceived it surrounded and heard Guns discharged and People shrieking whereupon being unarm'd and totally unable to rescue their Father they preserved their own Lives in hopes yet to serve their King and Countrey and see Justice done upon those Hell-hound treacherous Murtherers the Shame of their Countrey and Disgrace of Mankind I must not forget to tell you that there were two of these Officers who had given their Paroll of Honour to Mac-jan who refused to be concerned in that brutal Tragedy for which they were sent Prisoners to Glascow where if they remain not still I am sure they were some Weeks ago Thus Sir in obedience to your Commands I have sent you such account as I could get of that monstrous and most inhumane Massacre of the Laird of Glenco and others of his Clan You desire some Proofs for the Truth of the Storyâ—s for you say there are many in England who cannot believe such a thing could be done and publick Justice not executed upon the Russians For they take it for granted that no such Order could be given by the Government and you say they will never believe it without a downright Demonstration Sir As to the Government I will not meddle with it or whether these Officers who murdered Glenco had such Orders as they pretended from the Government the Government knows that best and how to vindicate their own Honour and punish the Murtherers who pretended their Authority and still stand upon it But as to the Matter of Fact of the Murther of Glenco you may depend upon it as certain and undeniable It would be thought as strange a thing in Scotland for any Man to doubt of it as of the Death of my Lord Dundee or with you that the Duke of Monmouth lost his Head But to Put you out of all doubt you will e'er long have my Ld. Argyle's Regiment wity you in London and there you may speak with Glenlyon himself with Drummond and the rest of the Actors in that dismal Tragedy and on my Life there is never a one of them will deny it to you for they know that it is notoriously known all over Scotland and it is an admiration to us that there should be any one in England who makes the least doubt of it Nay Glenlyon is so far from denying it that he brags of it and justifies the Action publickly He said in the Royal Coffee-house in Edinburgh that he would do it again nay that he would stab any Man in Scotland or in England without asking the cause if the King gave him orders and that it was every good Subject's duty so to go and I am credibly informed that Glenlyon and the rest of them have address'd themselves to the Council for a Reward for their good Service in destroying Glenco pursuant to their Orders There is enough of this mournfull Subject If what I have said satisfie you not you may have what Proof and in what manner ye please to ask it Sir Your humble Servant N. B. That the Gentleman to whom this Letter was sent did on Thursday June 30. 1692. when the Ld. Argyle's Regiment was quartered at Branford go thither and had this Story of the Massacre of Glenco from the very Men were the Actors in it Glenlyon and Drummond were both there The Highlander who told him the Story expressing the Guilt which was visible in Glenlyon said Glenco hangs about Glenlyon Night and Day and you may see him in his Face I am told likewise that Sr. John Lawder refused to accept of the Place of Ld. Advocate of Scotland unless he might have liberty to prosecute Glenlyon and the rest of the Murtherers of Glenco which not being granted James Stuart who was forfeited for Treason by K. C. 2. and since Knighted by K. W. has now the Place Numb 20. King James's Letter May 3. 1686. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceeding thereupon Signed James Rex RIght Trusty and Right Well beloved Cousin and Counsellour We greet you well Whereas Our Right Trusty and Well beloved Cosins Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin have by their humble Petition represented unto Us that their Ancestors were indicted and outlawed in the Rebellion in that Our Kingdom begun in or about the Year 1641. and have humbly prayed Us that they might be admitted to sue out Writs of Error for reversing the said Outlawries and the Attainders thereupon We have thought fit upon Consideration of the Matter to gratifie them in their humble Requests And accordingly Our Will and Pleasure is and We do hereby direct and require you upon receipt of these our Letters forthwith to give orders to our Chancellor of that our Kingdom to grant unto the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin Writs of Errour in order to Reverse the said Outlawries and Attainders and also to direct our Attorney General of our said Kingdom for the time being to admit them to have Copies of the said several Indictments and Outlawries and to require our Judges of our Court of King's Bench there and our said Attorney to admit them the said Viscount Gormanstowne and Viscount Ikerin to reverse the said Outlawries upon Errors appearing in the Records of the same and the Attainders thereupon any Law Stature Custome or Order to the contrary notwithstanding And for so doing this shall be as well unto you as unto all other our Officers and Ministers there whom it may concern a sufficient Warrant And so we bid you heartily farewell Given at Our Court at Whitehall the third day of May 1686. in the second Year of our Reign By His Majesty's Command Sunderland P. Entred at the Signet-Office the 20th of May 1686. John Gauntlett To Our Right Trusty and Right Well beloved Cosin and Counsellor Henry Earl of Clarendon Our Lieutenent General and general Governour of Our Kingdom of Ireland and to Our chief Governor there for the time being The Lord Lieutenant's Order to the Attorney and Sollicitor General touching the Reversion of the Outlawries Clarendon WE send you herewith a Copy of his Majesty's Letters unto Us in behalf of the Right Honorable Jennico Viscount Gormanstowne and James Viscount Ikerin bearing date the 3d of May last concerning their Ancestors being indicted and outlawed in the Year 1641. and we refer it unto you calling to your Assistance the rest of his Majesty's Counsel learned in the Laws of this Kingdom to consider the Matter and report to Us what is fit to be done therein for the relief of the Petitioners Given at his Majesties Castle of Dublin the 12th day of June 1686. Paul Rycaut To Our Trusty and well beloved his Majesty's Attorney and Sollicitor general of this Kingdom The Attourney and Sollicitor General and the King's Counsel at Law their Report touching the Outlawries May it please your Excellency IN obedience to your Excellency's Order bearing date the 12th day of this Instant June we have considered
How the Empire was to be Divided betwixt the Turk and the German Princes and the Dauphin to be King of the Romans Savoy was to be brought under Pupillage the Princes of Italy to be Frighted Bought or Wheedled Genoa to be Bomb'd England Bought and Holland Drown'd alass Poor Holland The Queen of Spain designedly made Barren and the Prince of Wales a Cheat. There 's a Plot for you And p. 10. he asks K. James What business had he with an Army But leaving his Politicks let us come with him a little to the Argument He has Established it before That Jealousies and Fears are not to pass for Arguments against the certain and plain Duty of Obedience to Lawful Governors But that what is brought against them ought to be so Plain and Evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of its Truth And yet he brings here against K. James such Trash as Grub-street would be asham'd to own and if the Sermon were not so common I should be afraid to Quote least it should be thought an Imposition upon this Author But he has set his Name to it and Dedicated it to the Lords Justices of Ireland before whom he Preach'd it Of all the Instances above-nam'd we are more immediately concern'd in that of the Prince of Wales Pr. of Wales against whom he gives no other proof but p. 5 of his Sermon where he says We are satisfied i.e. of his being a Cheat. If these Gentlemen for whom and in whose Name this Author here speaks had been so Good or this Author for them to have told us what Evidence they had to satisfie themselves in a Point so Important as this Now when all the sensible Men of England are fully satisfied to the contrary viz. That the Prince of Wales was truly born of the Queen When it is no longer made a doubt of nor endur'd to be mention'd at Court or Parliament The but Questioning of it is a stob at the heart of this Prince says the History of the Desert p. 107. you need not ask which Prince it is who does not love to hear of it And who they are who press it to be heard and examin'd For which I refer you to n. 16. Append. It is likewise well known that this was but the tail of an old Plot to say the same of any Son the Duke of York should ever have of which n. 17. Appendix contains a Proof sufficient And shews the indefatigable Pains of that Phanatick Republican Hogan Mogan Party to render the Bill of Exclusion effectually servicable to the End for which it was intended This was thought to have been handsomly cover'd when Zuylestein was sent over to congratulate the Birth of the P. of Wales Nay he was publickly Prayed for as P. of Wales in her Royal Highness Chappel at the Hague where Dr. Burnet himself did often Officiate To say that they did not believe him to be P. of Wales at that time is to accuse them of such Atheistical Hypocrisy making a mock of God in his solemn Worship as would render them an abhorring to all Flesh To avoid this terrible Charge you will be forced to acknowledge That their Highnesses and Dr. Burnet too did not then believe the Reports of the Queens False-Belly for they were spread abroad long before And what Evidence they have got since besides these same Reports is what the Nation wants to know but are not like to be satisfied Nihil Dicit is confessing of Judgment Yet our Author says that he and the Irish Protestants of his Party are all satisfied for those I suppose he means by the We all are satisfied of the Imposture of the P. of Wales And by his Principles here laid down their Proofs must exceed Jealousies and Fears and be so plain and evident as the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinced of their Truth And then why should not he Produce them If he says as I suppose he must that he once thought it was Evident So it was for some time thought by the Generality of the People of England that the 3500 Irish who were disbanded by K. James before he went away were about to Massacre all England and had actually begun the Work and the whole Nation was terribly allarm'd There is nothing so Ridiculous may not be put upon some People as Plain and Evident in some Junctures Earl of Essex That the Earl of Essex was assassinated went down greedily with some sort of People for a while though People of sense did not then believe it nor his Lady as she declared to many noble Relations of his Lordship and her own But now the Trick is all come out and how that whole matter was managed Mr. Hook then Chaplain to the Duke of Monmouth and who came over with him from Holland wrote a Narrative of it at Amsterdam as himself declared for a Preparatory to their Undertaking Another was wrote by Col. Danvers and another at Amsterdam and was taken in Col. Danvers's House in London And they bragg'd how much Service it did in the West and stirr'd up the People against K. James and to join with the Duke of Monmouth A Committee of Lords was appointed since this Revolution to Rake into that matter again but after long Sitting and Examinations could make nothing of it and were forced to let it fall I suppose now for ever Sir Richard Haddock at present first Commissioner of the Navy declared before the said Committee That he saw the Earl of Essex lying in his Blood and having considered the narrowness of the Place where he lay and all other Circumstances he could not have been so Murther'd by any but himself Braddon's Tryal it self is enough to Detect it to any unprejudiced Reader But that this Author may not be accus'd for proving of nothing that he says he has undertaken to make out the Grand League before told in the aforesaid Sermon from a Letter of Bishop Maloony's to Bishop Tyrrel which our Author has printed in the Appendix of his Book There Page 363. Bishop Maloony is inveighing against K. James's Politicks in trusting too much to the English and seeking to please them while he rejected the assistance which the French King offered him If the King of France says that Bishop had not been too Generous and too Christian a Prince were it not a sufficient Motive for him to Reject the King in his Disgrace that upon those rotten Principles Rejected his Alliance This is that Alliance with France says our Author in his abovesaid Sermon p. 5. which Maloony the Popish Bishop of Killa loo in a Letter of his to Bishop Tyrrel is so very angry that some Trimmers as he calleth them oblig'd King James to disown These Trimmers were the abovesaid rotten Principles as that Bishop calls them of trusting to the English And these oblig'd King James to disown such an Alliance with France which he Rejected and yet found that his