Com. the 11. Charles duke of Burgundy betweene Edward the 4. the same Lewis and the associats of them two Peace or rather truce was made for 9. yeres the conditions on the French kings part were that he should pay certaine crownes that the Dolphin of France should marry king Edward the 4. his daughter and haue part of Guienne for the maintenance of the two yong married folks But other assurance then othe there passed none Thus the French could feede vs stil with faire wordes buy out our aduantage with a few crownes therefore litle regarded our forces The Carthaginians ioyning in league with Hierome king of Sicile agreed together that after they should haue expulsed the Romans out of Sicile they should diuide the country according to certaine limits agreed vpon betwixt them Like agreement passed betwixt Annibal Philip king of Macedonia concerning their future conquest In the meane time they both couenanted to oppugne the Romans both by sea and land with all their force The g Data vltrò citroque fide cosdē amicos inimicosque habituros iureiurando affirmatur Liu. 29. Carthaginians entred with Syphax into a stricter bond of friendship and both promised eche to other to haue the same for friends and enemies Sometime it falleth out that a mighty Prince or nation doeth for some opportunity or help expected ioyne in league with those that in power are inferior to them Wherein albeit the conditions be not equal vpon both sides yet the weaker neither paieth tribute nor looseth any commodity or liberty So the Romanes ioyned in amity with Attalus Eumenes and the Rodians and in Italy with them of Caere and other townes the Kings of England with the Dukes of Brittein the Kings of Spaine with some weake Princes in Italy In which agreements the weake side had neede to vse great caution that vnder colour of ayd it be not oppressed as the Dukes of Brittein by the French Sforza Duke of Milan by Charles the 5. the States of the Low countrey by king Philip and his Predecessors Dukes of Burgundy The Capuans made peace with Annibal on these conditions that no foreiner either in warre abroad or in peace at home should haue any iurisdiction ouer a citizen of a Liu. 23. Capua that no citizen of Capua should be forced to serue in warres or to beare office against his will nor should be subiect to any other lawes then those of his owne countrey Those that are either equall or inferior in force eche to other doe sometime ioyne in league defensiue sometime in offensiue also against such as are enemies to either and that either with all their forces or with some numbers of souldiers specified them also either payde of those that send them or those that vse them Some nations for feare of their enemies do yeeld them selues into the protection of others with certaine couenants as they b Guicciar li. 3. of Pisa did first to the French king afterward to the Venetians as the Duke of Ghelderland did to the French king In this case as the receiuer doeth binde him selfe to defend those that yeeld them selues into his armes so they either binde them selues to pay money or to do him seruice or to deliuer him vp certaine townes No mā is bound to refuse the protection of others vnlesse it be specially couenanted nay it is a dishonor not to protect those that are wrongfully oppressed much more to abandon those whom they haue takē vpon thē to defend c Guicciar li. 8. Lewis the 12. is taxed for his base minde for that he couenāted to receiue none into protectiō that were the subiects or did depend vpon Iulio the 2. And for that he much more forsook the lord of a Guicciar lib. 5. Piombino Likewise are the Florentins blamed for that they abandoned the house of Riarij at the request of the Pope Contrariwise the Romans in nothing deserue commendation more then that they defended all those that fled to them for protection And in nothing did they dishonor themselues more then in that they were so flow in succouring the Saguntins Neither doe Princes only free States couenant ech with other but also subiects with their Princes Princes with their subiects as the Arragonians with the Spanish king the Protestants of France with the French king Wherein if they proceede no further then to require ech of other that which the lawes of nations require it is more tolerable But that the subiects should prescribe lawes to their soueraigne Princes binde them to inconueniences it sauoureth rather of force then loyaltie and that Princes hestes should be obeyed against reason proceedeth of tyranny neither can any assurance be made of such agreements That couenants of peace association may be wel conceiued and made Princes others are dililgently to consider vnto whom they commit the managing of such affaires to furnish them with good instructions and those likewise are to haue regard that they passe not their commission instructions Without commission no man vnder the degree of those that rule in souerainty is to make peace or league The people of b Liu. Rome held not them selues bound with the treaty made at Caudium or Numantia being made without their autority Princes in the choyce of Ambassadors do respect Nobility are led sometime by fauour but the euent sheweth that wisdome experience vertue are rather to be regarded c Phil. Commin Lewis the 11. sent Oliuer somtime his barber to them of Gant and to the yong Duchesse of Burgundy but the man was heard with scorne and returned without effect Ambassadors and messengers betwixt Princes States are priuiledged by the lawes of all nations insomuch that among the points of weapons such men are suffered to passe safe The Romanes not onely reuenged sharply the death of their Ambassadours slayne by the d Liu. 4. Fidenians and e Florus Illyrians but also the scorne done vnto them by them of Corinth f 2. Reg. 20. King Dauid warred vpon the children of Ammon for no other cause but for an abuse offerd to his messengers g Phil. Comm. Charles Duke of Burgundy put all the garrison of the Castle of Nele to the sword for that they killed his messenger sent to them to treat with them of peace And albeit some do patiently digest al abuses offred to their messengers by the Spaniard who deigned not to giue thē audience yet the Romans a Liu. 42. tooke the matter very heinously at the hands of Perseus king of Macedonia The death of b Quò diligentiùs in reliquum tempus ius Legatorum à barbaris conseruaretur omnem senatum Caesar necauit reliquos sub corona vendidit Caes bel gal 3. Caesars messengers sent to a city vpon the sea coast of Frauce cost all the chiefe of the citizens their liues The rest of that towne Ceasar sold
Naples to ruine It had beene good if Richard the 2. would haue folowed the aduise of his vncle It is reported that Charles the 5. was opinionatiue and did many things of his owne head and the rather for that he would seeme to imitate Caesar But the matter I thinke is mistaken for neither did Caesar nor Charles the 5. things without counsell nor can any prosper that do proceede without aduise Those things standing thus yet I know not how it commeth to passe that in great enterprises taken in hand in these times there is seldome any sound or set counsell appointed If any be yet are they the Generals familiars or men of no great merite or iudgement And which is very odious greatly offendeth braue men Princes f Difficultà grādissima d'entrar ' nelle camere nudientie del rè fe ce i Francesi odiosi Guicciard lib. 1. Generals chambers are close shut hard it is for a man to come to their speech whatsoeuer they haue to say Oft times the counsell is diuided which causeth slow resolution weak expedition and venteth al good counsels a matter much to be auoyded g Lib. 16. Guicciardin saith that the contrariety of Clement the 7. his two counsellers made him ridiculous slowe and vnhappy in all his enterprises yet was hee otherwise subtill and worldly wise Where there is emulation and contention betwixt those of the counsel there is nothing agreed vpon vntill all opportunities be passed Nowe and then the Generall although good counsell be giuen yet least he a Ne alienae sententiae indigens videretur in diuersa ac deterioca transibat Tac. 15. might seeme to want or neede counsell hee will rather take a worse course Which was the case of the Romane captaine through whose folly the Romanes were ouerthrowen by Vologeses Some men also there are which mislike all counsels but such as themselues deuise of which nature was b Consilii quamuis egregii quod non ipse afferret inimicus Tac. 17. Laco the gouernour of Galba the Emperours garde which was his owne ouerthrow and the ouerthrow of his Prince Such are to be excluded frō all counsel Some there are that in counsel resolue vpon euery light rumour and report which causeth them oft times ridiculously to reuoke their decrees and determinations This lightnes Caesar noteth in the c Rumoribus auditionibus permoti de summis saepè rebus consilia ineunt Caes bel gal 4. Gaules the d Negauit senatus ad rumores à priuatis consictos Senatusconsulta facienda Liu. 35. Senate of Rome with great grauitie reprooued where they shew that the Senate might not determine matters vpon rumours of priuate men that lightly proue counterfeit Of all others e Liu. 44. Aemilius Paulus most hated those that would talke and prate and busy themselues with matters which they vnderstood not And in deede it is an odious sort of men that doeth forge false rumours and take vpon them to prescribe the Generals what to doe But most dangerous counsellers are those which are hired of the enemie A matter not newe nor rare but sure very scandalous Guicciardine noteth it in the counsell f Sono venali spesso i consigli di principi Guicciard lib. 1. of Charles the 8. of France The same man declareth what g Jn molti poteuano assai i donatiui le promesse de Francesi Guicciar lib. 16. sway French Crownes did also beare among the counsellers of Charles the 5. Philip of Comines reporteth that Lewis the xj of France bestowed 16. thousand Duckets in pension vpon the English that followed Edward the 4. into France which brake the force of that iourney When the treaty of association was made betwixt Spaine and England against France in the dayes of Henry the 8. the Cardinal and others would not agree before that the Emperour Charles had giuen them caution for the h Guicciar li. 15. paiment of 20. thousand Duckets pension which they receiued of the French king and were loth to loose howsoeuer the common wealth might gaine by it These men call themselues Pensioners but their true name is Traitors hired for a litle golde to betray their Prince and Countrey These doe ruinate all enterprises against those that hire them and therefore deserue not on ely to be thrust out of the counsell of warres but also out of their countrey These doe make many good counsels knowen to the enemie and therefore are no way to be trusted Last of all through feare or delay of resolution or execution many occasions of seruice passe which are not alwayes offered vnto vs and when they come not easily to be pretermitted It is not wisedome to resolue rashly true no more is it wisedome to consult so long that the occasion passeth rash men therefore and slowe proceeders are fitter for other places then places of counsell in warres The remedie of these disorders is easy where the Generall is a man of iudgement and execution where otherwise it is a matter difficult and almost not possible In which case it is necessary that one be appointed with special authority next to the Generall Men of iudgement can soone discouer trecherous counsels and will easily correct their contentions and whatsoeuer other faultes are common in their proceeding Wherefore seeing nothing auaileth more in warres then counfell next vnto the choyse of the Generall regarde is to be had of the choyse of a sufficient counsell of men of knowledge experience secrecy loyaltie and other good partes fit for that place that as it was among the Romanes may both aduise and helpe the Generall And if by the lawe of armes no souldier may reueale any counsell to the enemie much lesse ought such abuse to proceede from the counsel I neede not declare how they should proceede nor how they should couer their enterprises by contrary pretenses as a Exped Cyr. 1. Cyrus did going against his brother Artaxerxes and as the Spaniards doe dayly nor how they should speedily resolue and presently execute They doe not deserue to be named counsellers that in those poynts want counsell Nowe least contrariety of opinions which hindereth both counsell and execution should arise of the diuersitie of counsellers affections I wil shew that the soueraine authoritie in warres is to be committed to one alone CHAP. IIII. Part. 3. Wherein is declared that the soueraigne commaundement in matters of warres is to be committed to one alone AS in a state well ordeined so in an army well gouerned there may not be any contrariety in the chiefe commaunders The army by Iphicrates the Athenian is compared to a body whereof the Generall is the head Wherefore as it is vnnaturall and a Resp benè constituta quod vnū tantum est corpus plura capita habere non potest Tyberius apud Tacit. monstrous for one body to haue two heads so it is inconuenient for an army to be encumbred with diuers
Romanes had had like care his country had not beene taken from him in his absence by Masinissa and Laelius Hee is not wise that seeking to strike his enemy lieth open himselfe But because warres spend both men and victuals and other prouisions especially where there is made great resistance wee must not onely thinke to send sufficient at the first but also cause the same to be supplied in time Nothing did cause Anniball to c Negando supplementum vos retraxistis saide Annibal to the Senate of Carthage Liu. 30. leaue his hold in Italy but want of succour and supplie The slownesse of d Hist de bel Afric Caesars supplies after his army transported into Afrike made him loose many aduantages and sustaine diuers losses I will not say what hurt want of supplie did vs in the Portugall action whhen it may be imputed rather to presumption that wee went foorth vnfurnished then to want of care that wee had no supply in time For wher to could supply haue serued where the whole was through want disordered before for guarde of shippes of carriage and assurance of the army the whole nauy where the passage is by sea is to be furnished and to saile in warrelike sort e Caes de bel ciu lib. 3. Caesar for that hee was driuen to passe his army in certaine Marchant shippes without guard of shippes of warre lost diuers of his souldiers sayling into Greece King Edward the third passing his army into France sailed in that warrelike sorte that encountring the French nauy at Scluce hee obtained a famous victory If the passage be not cleared by shippes of warre keeping the seas it is to be feared least the enemy lying in wait intercept diuers of our shippes and men passing betweene as hath often happened in the passage betweene England and the Low countries within these few yeares And as at sea so by land likewise the waie is to be cleared that no enemy bee lefte vpon our backes The Generrall being ready to set saile with all his company either by ticket sealed or else word of mouth hee is to declare to what port he will haue his company to bend their course to the ende that such as by tempest are seuered at sea may yet afterwarde meete at a port f Caesar tabellis signatis solebat dicere quem in loâ—â—m petiturus esset Hirt. de bel Afric Caesar vsed tickets g Liu. 29. Scipio sailing into Afrike calling two of euery ship declared what he would haue them do and whither to set their course Cato hauing all his ships and men together being ready to set saile for a Cato nauibus contractis edixit ad portum Pyrenei sequerentur Liu. 34. Spaine caused proclamation to bee made that all his shippes should direct their course to the porte neere the Pyreneies which I suppose was Emporia Because Caesar gaue not like direction in his voiages into Albany against Pompey and Afrike against Scipio he sustained diuers losses And in the voyage of Portugal such as lost sight of the fleet either returned or went to Rochel being vncertaine whither to go That the nauy faile not of the port euery ship is to haue a good pilot The better and more certainely the Generall vnderstandeth the state of the enemies country the ports and defences thereof and proceedings of the enemy the more certaine direction he shal be able to giue And therefore as at all times hee ought by his espialles to vnderstand what the enemy doth and what hee prepareth so in this time especially when hee goeth about to transporte an armie into his countrey For this cause b Caesar antequaÌ„ in Britanniam traijceret Volusenum qui omnia exploraret praemittit Caes bel gal 4. Caesar sent Commius and Volusenus into this Iland the one to vnderstand the state of the people the other to view the coast and sound the Ports Cato before hee went against the enemie in Spaine sent his espialles to vnderstand the number the place and proceeding of his armie After the arriuall of the nauy in the enemies countrey the first care of the Generall ought to be to seize vpon some commodious port towne or harbour and to fortifie the same that both his shipping may be safe there and that both succours and victualles may safely come thither and last of all that both from thence hee may safely proceede in his action and haue a safe retraite in a storme Caesar landing his men in Afrike fortified c Hirt. de bel Afric Ruspina and by trenches and bankes made it both a good harbour for shippes and a safe lodging for his army The same was practised before of Scipio who landing neere a point of land in Afrike did first make fortifications in that place But afterward perceiuing that Vtica thereby was more commodious hee tooke the towne and made that a d Eandem sedem ad cetera exequenda habituâ—us erat Liu. 29. castle of retrait from the land and an accesse for his shippes from sea and a place commodious for dispatch of other marters The reasons that moued Scipio to take newe Carthage in Spaine were these that hee might haue a conueient porte for accesse of his shippes and a commodious storehouse for his prouisions of warre Annibal made many attempts against a Liu. lib. 23. Naples and Nola that he might vse them for the same purposes lying commodiously for those that come out of his countrey Neither had Edward the third other respect in his long siege of Caleis but that he might haue a commodious port for his shipping on that side These causes at this present haue moued the Spaniardes that lately haue set foote in Brytaine to fortifie Hannebon and Bluet Little did the Macedonians vnderstand the practise of warre that taking b Liu. 31. Chalcis a very opportune port for their warres in Greece left the same without fortification or garrison That the nauy be not idle the Generall after he hath landed his men is to employ the same in ranging the coast fetching in of victualles and annoying the enemy both by land and sea Unlesse the same be at sea the enemy wil depriue him of succours and victualles Therein let him follow the precedent of Scipio in Spaine of Caesar in Afrike Those that inuade the enemy by land likewise are to seize some towne neere the enemy which may serue them for a fortresse whither to retire and whence to sally out The c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thucid. 1. Persians inuading Greece vsed the towne of Thebes as a retraite and propugnacle against the Greekes The Lacedemonians to straite the Athenians fortified Eleusis a bourgh in the territorie of the Athenians d Oringis arx fuit Asdrubalis ad excursiones circa in mediterraneos populos faciendas Liu. Asdrubal vsed the towne of Oringis in Spaine as a fortresse from whence hee made roades into the midland countrey thereabout Sulpitius the Romane
that in some places the Princes shipping haue for the most part speciall instructions not to graple Matters very ridiculous to those that haue but any small skill at sea For it is not alwayes in their power to take and leaue as the lamentable experience of some of late hath declared Where the enemies shippes are swifter then thine he may if he find thee at sea and list to fight force thee against thy will to fight or to yeeld Yea admit he hath only some ships swifter then thine yet will it suffice to force thee to a generall fight vnlesse thou meanest shamefully to abandon to the enemies curtesie such ships as are slower of saile then the rest For we may not thinke that alwayes we shal meete with such a General as the duke of Medina Sidonia that alwayes fled and neuer made head againe or with those that haue commission to flie and not to fight Which if we do then beware those that are hindermost Besides this our ships may be taken sometimes in harbour or at some aduantage whē they cannot flie frō the enemie Were it not expediēt in this case that thy ships were wel prouided forgrapling al maner of defence vnlesse they be so furnished how can they abide a brunt or stay a time vntil they be succored or how can they be succored vnles the succors be prouided for grapling Finally suppose all thy nauy were swifter then the best ships of the enemy which cannot be and that thou haddest alwayes sea-roome which cannot be hoped yet all this maketh little to fighting but rather to flying The Parthians that shot backeward flying yet did not alwayes flie but now and then charge the enemy if aduantage were offered Sure in this kinde of fight of shippes there is altogether no honour no nor profite For how can they that flie subdue the enemy that commeth to spoile their coasts Howe can they hinder him but that hee may goe whither hee listeth and returne when hee listeth the winde and weather seruing him Suppose that by shot thou shouldest sincke a shippe yet the men may still be saued Those therefore that thus fight shooting and neuer come neere are like vnto those that strike the enemie downe but dare not set their feete vpon him and dispatche him As for those that thinke to worke wonders with great shot they doe onely feede themselues with imaginations that the enemie is like to women or children that feare the noise of great peeces For other great hurte it doeth not vnlesse it be to Marchants shippes heauy laden and where the men within cannot come to stop leakes if the sea moue neuer so little twentie to one but the shot falleth eyther hie or lowe vnles the ships come very neere which in fight with a nauy of ships I suppose no one ship wil and many cannot for feare of grapling which they forsweare I would gladly knowe of these men how many ships they haue knowen to haue bin taken with this maner of fight Don Pedroes ship although abandoned of all her fellows yet would neuer haue yeelded but that they within imagined they should be boorded of all the fleete Those ships that fell among the flats before Vlishingen being a remainder of the Spanish fleete yet abode a charge and would not yeeld but vpon feare they should haue beene inuested Did not our men at Coronna beate a great Biskaine ship from the land within mosquet shot a whole day with diuers great peeces yet could they neyther sinke the ship nor force the men to yeeld before that with their boats they made countenance either to fire her or to boord her They of Rochel An. 1569. besieging Brouage brought the great Venetian carrake hard to the side of the castle whence a man might haue spit into her not only hit her and shot into her Yet could not they of the castle with all their canon shot eyther sinke her or greatly hurt her but shee hurte them much more By grapling I haue heard of many ouercome at sea both in ancient time and also of late dayes as in the gulfe of Lepanto where the christians ouer came the Turkes and in the encounter betwixt the a Guicciard hist Spaniards and Philip Doria where Hugh Moncada and many Spaniards died of the sword not of the bullet But if great ordonance could do so much as is supposed yet where should we haue shot and pouder to furnish the continuall shot of our shippes when in the encounter betwixt the Spaniard and vs at sea in one two daies most of the shippes had spent all their pouder without any sensible losse to the enemy How shall we driue the Spaniard out of our ports without grapling if he come once againe as he threatneth How can we succour any towne by him besieged by sea without fighting Caesars shippes were heauy of saile yet lying before Massilia they could not be remoued nor could anie victualles enter into the towne by them Neither had the Spaniard beene so easily remooued from before Caleis but that God stroke them with feare without euident cause Those that are afraide to venture their shippes of warre a goodly colour for such cowards they may also be afraid to venture in the defence of their country For without aduenturing not only of timber but also of mens liues which howsoeuer some now in our time do not value thousands of men at the price of one rotten ship are far more pretious our country cannot be defended nor the prince serued These men therefore let them keepe their decayed wits and ioyntes warme and let them not henceforth tell vs of things impossible ridiculous yea and very dangerous For the way to hazard our ships is not by boording but by sparing of mony when they are not as they should be furnished for fight but must needes fall into the enemies hands if euer they be taken at any disaduantage by the breaking of their mastes tearing or burning of their sailes or cutting of their tacle This is a feare that neither the Romanes nor Athenians nor other nation euer feared and yet fire was then as dāgerous as now Neither the Spaniards French nor Dutch feare any such matter neither do our men of warre that go to sea forecast it Wherfore then should our best shippes and such as should be best furnished feare more then others this course especially being so fit to make the nauy of England vnprofitable to giue the enemy the victory if this be not so let it be shewed where the Queens ships haue taken any ship of warre by canonades but of marchants ships other men of warre we haue heard of diuers that by boording haue preuailed Let vs therefore so prouide that wee neede not to feare any such danger and that we may not onely ouercome the enemy with flying but with fighting as our ancestors did in the dayes of Edward the third and Henry the 8. famous kings of this land and as our