there was written by one in the King's Interest a Paper called Honesty is the best Policy wherein the Author avers and that upon his own knowledge that that Declaration was contrary to the King 's own sence of things as he inferred from discourses that he had the honour to have personally had with the King at St. Germaines I believe was the Author known no body could justly accuse him for want either of Probity or Love to England After the Answers of these Letters came over the Iacobite Principles was written which contained notions which are plainly hinted at in this â—ast Declaration and before the Publication of this last Declaration came forth the French Conquest neither desireable nor Practicable and now it is evident by this Declaration that the good things asserted in those Pamplets in behalf of the King were not the private Suâ—mises of the Author but founded upon â—ood authorities from St. Germaines and since thâ—s Government has printed in Scotland some Letters that they have either intercepted or made I will venture so far to betray the Secrets of his Majesty as to transcribe some passages out of Letters that have been sent me from the Earl of Melfort and many others have had Letters of the same purport I have mine by me and if the Parliament will obtain a safe conâ—uct for us I will produce them and I don't question but many others of his Majesties Friends wiâ—â— produce such other Letters either written by the King or his command as would abundantly satisfie the Nation that the King is ready to do all things necessaâ—y to secure them from all those dismal Hobgoblins which some through Malice and others through Folly have bug-â—eared us withal The passages I shall transcribe out of my Letters are as follow 3 d. Iuly 1692. I had Yours of the last Month and the only one I have had this considerable time In it I find your objections to the Declaration and find that most of them are Just and what shall be help'd in the next There was not one Topick sent but was made use of and if we have failed it has been the fault of those that have not informed aright what would please and not ouâ—s and as for that draught you sent me I had it at the Sea-side when we were past thinking of Declarations As to our Intentions the King was resolved to Govern by the known Laws of the Kingdom to consult with his Parliament in all things relating to the establishment of Peace and quiet in his Kingdoms to maintain the Liberties and Properties of all his Subjects to protect the Protestant Religion and to obtain Liberty of Conscience for all Dissenters He designed to except none from his mercy excepting those who opposed his Restoration and to Govern so as that he might gain him the Love of his People and make them as fond of him as they had been violent against him and tho' he could not at this distance tell how this was to be attained to yet he was resolved if once upon the place to have persued the true methods of doing it Withal I must tell you that no Declaration was ever published by the King's authority for tho' it was printed it was not to have been dispersed till the King 's Landing and having met with some of his Friends and if they had disliked it even then it had not been Published 11 th Iuly 1692. No man in the world wishes more heartily then my self to see Bounds and Limits fairly cleared betwixt the People and Monarchy of England that so we may not oppose the Prerogative ignorantly nor unknowingly ruâ— into Arbitrary Notions against the Liberty of the Subjects if these Limits were once fixt one who meant well might tread sâ—cure which is now impossible for both Parties pretending to have right and it may be in some things without reason one may design well and yet displease both which could never occur if Prerogative and Property were once clearly defined and stated What all this may end in is hard to foretell and whether ever we shall be so happy to see things cleared on just and equal terms but of this I can assure you it is the King's desire that it should be so Aug. 29 th 1692. I am for large measures and having the Crown established upon the Love and Affections of the Subjects and that in our days we may see the King and People in mutual confidence of one another and all Jealousies and Fears and the grounds of them rooted out that the design of the Court may be the Happiness and Prosperity of the People and the design of the People to encrease the Glory of the Crown and the legal rightful Succession thereof that Liberty and Property might be secured and that Prerogative which justly belongs to the Crown Established for their protection All this might be now were England so happy to lay hâ—ld on the Conjuncture 22d Septem 1692. The French King did not so much as pretend the Forces he sent should have English Pay but his own which looks far from deâ—â—nding great Sums of the Nation and I can assure you he was as frank as any English man whatever for securing the people in the possession of their Religion Liberty and Property Let not England stand in its own way and oppose its own happiness and I 'le answer France shall not meddle nay if it were to meddle betwixt the King and his People it would be to gain the People more of their Will to humour them more not to complement the Crown AND ANY MAN OF GOOD SENCE WILL FIND REASONS OF STATE FOR THEIR SO DOING In another place of the same Letter he says that The King of France when the King was to come last Year to us said all he had to pretend to was to wish the King happy in the possession of his own and that in serving his Friend he had all he aimed at October 6 th 1692. Things shall be established upon the antient English bottom Religion Property and Liberty shall be as in the freest of times no man shall suffer for his Opinion in matters of Religion The King will have a free Parliament with whom he will consult the settling of all these upon the most lasting Foundations and differences once cleared he will govern according to Law he will have no different Interest from that of England and will make it his chief Study to gain the Love of his People and to be more Lord of their Affections then of their Persons he will avoid all Jealousies and the occasion of them and will look upon him as the worst of Traytors who would advise him to do aâ—y thing might give his People any Iealousie or Fear In short govern so as honest English men would have him mind the Interestâ—â—rade and Honour of the Nation and that against all its Rivals This is the Interest of the Nation and will be performed and being meant in the full
extent comprehends Liberty Property and Religion In the same Letter ' â—is said Parliaments shall be free so free that the Court shall not brâ—guâ— so the People may rest assured of a free Parliament and 〈◊〉 inclinations to compose all Differences and heal all Breaches in Church and State October 24 th 1692. I assure you that I fall most naturally in with such measures measures that if embraced would secure the Church of England entirely give reasonable ease to all Dissenters secure fully Liberty and Property and make every English man happy in the free and full possession of his Birthright sâ—cure Elections to Parliaments against tricks and frauds and do all things for the People which they with Iustice can expect December 12 th 1692. A Letter of that date speaking of our House of Commons here says that by restoring the King they might have Conduiâ—ns to secure all that ever they were afraid of they 〈…〉 â—â—ace be free from Taxes have Trade and all sorts of Plenty and may shew themselves the true Ballance of Europe since on that occasion there is no reasonable Peace the French King would not subscribe to You see I have sate down some passages out of the Earl of Melfort's Letters to my self which I believe give another Idea of the King than we have been generally possessed with There are in the same Letters many particulars in which as I said it would not be decent to anticipate the debates of an House of Commons tho' they are such as infinitly confirm me that the King was then and is now ready to make it next to impossible that the boundaries of our Rights should be again broken down There are many other Iacobites that are as Zealous as I can be for the good of their Country and who have by them very explanatory Accounts which may well justifie the King 's saying That he has been and still is willing to condescend to such things as are most likely to give the fullest Satisfaction and clearest prospect of the greatest Security to all ranks and degrees of his People And we may be satisfied the King will continue in that temper since every thing has been laâ—ely so faâ—thfully and impartially laid before him by an excellent Person who I believe Dr. you suppose to be the continuer of this last Declaration 〈◊〉 for whose parts you your self say you have a just esteem I mean the Earl of MIDDLETON who I esteem as much for his parts as Doctor Welwood or any body else can and yet more for his Integrity then for his Parâ—s I don 't at all doubt but that â—his last Declaâ—ation was grouâ—dâ—d upon the true relation that that noble Earl gave of the State and Interests of theâ—e Kingdoms but I am sure he will think it no disreputation to him no dimunition of his Merit to say that he found in â—he King a pâ—eparation to close with every thing he laid beâ—ore him as his own Interest the Interest of his Royal Issue and â—hese his affliâ—â—â—â— Kingdoms Since I have mentioned the Earl of Middleton I think my self obliged in thâ—s place to do him a piece of Justice I had the honour to be with him several times when that Declaration whiâ—h is so much exclaimed against first came abroad and I positively aver that I know no one man in England thought it worse calculated for the Service of his Master and our Interest then he did and I perceived him to have those wise those honest and honourable resentments upon that and many other occasions that I must loose all sence of Virtue and English Liberty before I cease acknowledging that he is a true Patriot as well as a most faithful and able Minister I shall neither trouble my self nor the Reader with remarks upon the foregoing Letters but leave them to speak for themselves after I have said that they were written with that careless freedom of Style which men make use of when they have no manner of design that their Letters should be made publick This I say to obviate the 〈◊〉 of shallow and superficial Criticks who always and in every thing expect Essays of Rhetorick which iâ— not the language of business whilst it passes through private hands I think I have said enough to the first topick You may if you please occasionally refer to the Letters themselves but I will now hasten to consider Male-administrations I will not go about to extenuate much less to justifie any ill thing done in the Reign of the King I was not concerned in any one of those ill things when he was here I always called a Spade a Spade I censured and spoke against those ill things then and I never excuse them now and yet if the Law-Boâ—ks of England are to be credited let our Government be as much an Original Contract as you will they are not to be charged upon the King nor is he to be punished for them and for our future Security we have the Age of the King and the Infancy of his Son besides both which he has been taught in the School of Affliction never more to be so seduced by his Ministers that the Nation will not bear such measures and farther the concessions of this Declaration and all the promises of it are not only big with Provisions but also are a Royal wayâ— of owning that he was formerly misled And what ever were the faults of the last Reign there are several Reasons for which a man would think that the authorized Writers for this Government should not so eternally recite them First was not the Prince of Orange himself so well informed that by the Laâ—s and Constitution of England the King of it is unaccâ—uâ—table can do no Wrong can be answerabâ—e for no Male-administration that al â—o ' in his own Declaration nothing was left unsaid that Malice could think of and whereâ—n every thing was aâ—gravated with all the Spightful Câ—lours that a fruitful invention and Libellous Pen câ—uld give them yet even in that he levelled no accusation agaiâ—st the King but against his evil Câ—unsâ—llors Again tho' the reâ—son of that Maxim is to preserve the Head of the Government safe â—hâ—st tâ—e Peoples safety coâ—sists in having Justice and Râ—paration upon the Ministers have those â—inisters neverthelesâ— been fâ—und out Have any of those who were in your hands been punished Oâ— have they not rather been employed It was a sign that Ie ffâ—ries was naturally pusillanimâ—us that he despaired of remâ—ining Câ—ancâ—lâ—â—uâ— when he saw that Pâ—otestant Merciful Major General Kirk so well with our Reformer Had he lived till now in despite of Tâ—unton Dean he as well as Sir Iohn Trevor had had his Place I am serious Doctor and that you may not believe what I say to be chimerical I will bring you acquainted with some of those men that are now in Play Will you give me leave to introduce you to that good old Treasurer the Earl of D -- by If you please we
first yet the present Conservators of our Liberâ—y have transmitted to after Ages a president for Parliameâ—taâ—ily taking away that Liberty whensoever the caprice of a fearful or foolâ—sh Minister seâ—s up pretences of State for doing it Certainly Paâ—liaments â— begin to â—orget the design of their first Instituâ—â—on begin to forget they wâ—re to assist us against Arbitrary Ministers to secure our Rights and not to sacrifice them I believe had the old Custom oâ— instructing tâ—em been revived few Flectors would have given a power to their Râ—presentativesâ—â—o Imprison their peaceable Neighbours without proof for nothing â— no' â—t can admit of no good excuse yet something more like one might have â—een offered if that Act had been suspended only whilst they could examine the cause of their pannick fear but to repeat it to reiterate such a prostitution of what wiâ—h all due Reverence to that Assembâ—y â—e it spoken tâ—ey have so liâ—tle to do withal unless to secure it by more express Laws is of â—â—â—amous example and I would almost as soon have been oâ—e of the Regicides of King Charles the first as such a murderer such a staâ—er oâ— our â—uâ—dâ—menâ—al Rights Was any of the men that were by vertue I mean by the Villany of that Suspentiâ—n committed ever tryed to this day Nâ—y did the Gâ—vernmeâ—t eâ—er pretend to try any one man for Crimes committed before oâ— during that Suspâ—ntion The Nation remembers how many the Mâ—ssâ—â—gers then locked up how many were then Imprisoned in lâ—athsome Goals how many were sent to the expensive Tower 〈◊〉 a Member of that Parlâ—amâ—nâ— I would not think a private Repentance would obliterate my â—aâ—lt I would print my Recantation of so destructive a Vote I call it dâ—stâ—ucâ—iâ—e because it has given an Inlet to Prerogative that our Forefathers never knew that no King ever once imagined that a Parliament of England would countenance tho' it were but for the least point of time But let us come to the Articles of Limerick does not King William plainly act by that devouring Monster as Doctor Welwood calls it the Dispensing Pâ—â—eâ— Does he not grant them Indulgence for their Religion allow them Arms and a freedom from Oaths and Securiâ—y against prosecutions for â—â—eir Plundering and does not he do all this by his own single authoriâ—y tho' it was contrary to the Laws of the Land the Rights and Privileâ—gâ—s and the very Safety too of the Protestant Subjects of Ireland Did ouâ— Parliament take any notice of the Illegality of this Act nay did they not ratifie it I suppose the Parliament of Ireland was not so cram'd with men in Places nor had the Members of it been so much softned by Pentions as the Members of our House of Commons are for when an Act for confirming those Articles was proposed to them they could find that the first Article of that Treaty if confirmed would make an Established Religion and the sixth would deprive all Protestants of their Actions against the Papists by wâ—om they were plâ—ndered even whilst they lived in Peace with them This you may find in a little Pamphlet called an Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland 1692. Which Pamphlet was put forth by some Members of that Parliament who are very fond of this Government tho' they are willing that the Settlement in Ireland may be Religiously observed and that the Proâ—estant and Brittâ—sh Interest there may be secured as the Prince of Orange worded it and promised in the last paragraph of his own Declaration Did we pay so many men to make War in Ireland and make at last such Conditions Could the Prince of Orange to Reduce one Town when hâ— had all the rest of these three Kingdoms assisting him to Reduce it promisâ— to enervate the Act of Settlement and yet must King Iames when he waâ— in the hands of the Irish when very few others of his Subjects appeared foâ— him when the greatest part of the Protestants in Ireland were actually in Arms against him or combining with his Enemies forever stand confounded because he was prevailed upon contrary to his own Inclinations and by a sort of fatal necessity to Repeal that Act of Settlement I believe if the Doctor will read Great Brittain's Iust Complaint and the Answer to Doctor King's Book he will not have Forehead enough to assert any more as he does page the 36 th that the King was Master and without controul when he passed that Act of Repeal and the King promises to consent to every thing that an English Parliament shall think necessary to reâ—establish that Act now he is really and properâ—y Master of his own Actions and tho' the King has good reason and is obliged in honour to recommend to the Parliament of England those Irish that have followed him to the last yet the rascally Irish as this mannerly Pupill of Titus Oates Doctor Welwâ—od calls them do not appear dearer to King Iames then to the Prince of Orange for King Iames will leave the method of recompensing those that have been Loyal to him to an English Parliament But King William falls out with the Parliament of Ireland because they are not willing those Irish Papists who plundered even while they lived in Peace with them should go unpunished which in plain English shews that King VVilliam to endear himself to the Natiâ—e Irish is willing to give an Instance that he thinks Robbery is no Crime but perhaps he remembred what the Pyrate said to Alexander may think that 〈◊〉 an Irish Popish Rapparee has no more natural conviction of the hainiousness of such a transgression then his Protestant Dutch Highness has shewn to his own Actions I am past Wondering at any thing King William does but Posterity will be astonished that a Parliament of England could ratifie such Articles To proceed to another Head it is notoriously known that several men were Executed by Martial Law before it was Enacted When an Army is no better paid then ours has been either in England Ireland or Flanders to empower a Commander to Shoot a man to Death because he demands the Money he has earned for himself and his Family with his Sweat and with his Blood is a Law that requires great subtilty and argumentation to prove it equal or just but to give this power to imperious and cholerick Officers without examining how many men had been before the settling of it murdered in their rage and to gratifie their own violence I say to enact this Law without such a retrospection and without guarding 〈◊〉 against a too vigorous execution of it for the future is what little becomes an English House of Commons who ought to have a tender regard to the Life of the meanest Subject Let us come to consider of the numerous Parliamentary Pardons bestowed upon Ministers who have falen foul upon our Laws have not the Subjects even the Peers of England been hunted by Proclamations clapt into Prisons for High Treason and refused the
the Witnesses cannot be supposed to be constrained by an Exiled Prince They have been challenged they have been provoked to search to the very bottom of that Mystry of Iniquity I will not use so rough Language but I humbly recommend that inquiry to them this Sessions Certainly it was an Errour in our Legislators that no Member of iâ— took any Oaths at the meeting of the Convention and that they laid asidâ— the use of the Test at a Juncture when the whole Nation was allarum'd aâ— the exercise of the dispensing Power I have heard a Jolly Papist say thaâ— if the Priests can dispense with him for eating a Shoulder of Mutton upon a Fryday he would even dispense with himself for that small matter leâ— him be thought as Hetrodox by the rest of the Catholicks as they pleased Upon my Faith a man would think if the Test and the Oaths can be dispensed withal by one of our three Estates as some phrase it they may be aâ— well dispensed withal by either of the other I don't say this as being fond either of Oaths or of the Test. I have always thought and have lately seen that Oaths are no great Security to Governments and I never had nor will have any hand in Test-making tho' I can take twenty against Popery All that I mean by this is that methinks the Conventioners our Senate should not have fallen into that Dispensing Power the Nation had so lately cryed out upon with open Mouth The Convention's choosing a Speaker upon a Corporation bottom and a disputed Election possibly cannot in strictness of language be called a Legislative Errour but yet it was such an one as made the Convention it self unfit to be termed any part of our Legislative Authority and invalidated if there had been no other exceptions against them all the acts of that Convention I am sure made them at least disputable I think we may reckon amongst Parliamentary Errours that our Convention draw no better a Bill of Rights did not qualifie explain and limit the Dispensing Power that the threats that were used to Bâ—scowen Hampdenâ— Powel c. and their being promised good Preferments should be able to â—â—fle all provisiâ—ns against Arbitrary Power and leave our Constitution as doubtâ—â— and precaâ—ious as the Sycophants of both Robes have pretended it to be in the worst of times Whatever these two last particulars mentioned will be reckoned now I bâ—lieve Posterity will allow them to be Legislative Errouâ—s amongst which also will be reckoned their Scandalous throwing out of the Iudges hill and the opposition that many of the House of Commons have made to a Bill for Regulating Tryals in Cases of â—igh Tâ—eason and I averr that neither the future will nor can the present Age assign any other reasonable cause for the treatment those Bills have met with but the multitude of Officers and Pentioners that corrupt all the debates of our Senate House I don't intend to run â—hrough every Errour committed by our Legislators I will omit the admission of Out Laws such as Major Wildman Manley c. into the Convention to make Laws for us before they had râ—versed their own own Out-Lawries I will not mention that the Houses suffered themselves to be thrâ—atned by the Mobb sometimes by Members within and sâ—metimes by People without doors and have given for excuse of what they have done those threats the violence of the times c. and yet have looked and acted and expect to be considered as a free Parliament I will omit the non-prohibition the last Sessions of the exportation of our Money in Specie These and many other Parliamentary errours I will omit that I may as cursoâ—ily look into the Executive Male-administrations Some of these which I have called and which became at length Legislaâ—ive Errours were originally and at their first setting out executive male-administrations and since I have spoke to them under the one I shall not repeat them under the other Head of my division I will talk no more of Imprisoning without Oath nor executing bâ— martial Law before it was in Beâ—ng I will not repeat the Articles of Lymerick But did not the Prince of Orange mâ—ke his first Steps in the exercise of â—his Government in both Kingdoms upon the Dispensing Power Did he not before he was King send Letters to the City of London to choose unqualified Persons into Places of Trust Did he not also and that before he was King send a Proclamation into Scotland that authorized and impowered Magistrates to officiate in Corporation who were not elected according to their Charter Has not every Term excessive Bail been required three thousand pounds for men that have not bâ—en worth thâ—ee hundred Shillings Excessive Fines imposed besides setting in the Pillory a hundred Marks upon a Boy that was not worth so mâ—ny Pence and now five hundred Marks apiâ—ce besides setting them three times in the Pillory upon two that dispersed this Declaration tho' one of them is not worth so many Grâ—â—ts Where is that Salvo continemento that we used to talk of Have not Illegal and cruel Punishments been Inflictâ—d one of the Female Sex set in the Pillory and Fined severely for a foolish Song Have not the Armies taken and forced free quaâ—tâ—r in England Scotland and Ireland Have they not been counâ—enanced in doing it by those that sit at the Hâ—lm Are our Elections of Parliament men according to our old Constitution Were not my Lord Nottingham and the booted Apostle sent down to solicite against Colonel Mildmay's Election in Essâ—x Have there not been many bare-faced Sollicitations Threats and Promises sent to Countries Corporaâ—ions and pâ—rticular Electors Were thâ—re â—ot greaâ— Sums of Money expended by the Court to hinder the Elections of Wildman and others who had been great authors of the Change meerly because it was plain they made this Change with a design to secure their Country from the abuse of future Ministers Have not Governours been imposed upon the Plantations abroad upon the quo Warranto Foot and contrary â—o the opinion of the Privy Council and meerly by the Arbitrary Command of King William Are not such Judges out of favour and their Sallaâ—ies ill paid who will not do all Jobbs for the Court I appeal to my Lord Chief Baron Atkins and others of the Judges whether or no I am a Slanderer Has not an Order been sent down to the Custom-House at Dover dispensing with the Act of Parliament which prohibits French Wines Was not that Act which prohibits the bringing in of Silk for Sir Henry Limerick Furnace's sake dispensed with the other day by a formal Act of Council In the Name of God is not all the world satisfied that my Lord Bellamount was Closeted during the last Sessions and that many others were so before the Parliament met as well in Flanders as in England Was not the witty Iack How turned off because he would not hold his tongue when the Interâ—st of the
whom the King was displeased did not only oppose the manner but the Liberty and yet King Iames contiâ—ued them in places of the greatest Trust and was at last Sacrificed by his too great Confidence in their Fidelity Besides this how came you to reproach King Iames with ingratitude since your Master has so signalized himself for it towards those that have served him in Holland England Scotland and Ireland Why should I name the Alâ—rins c. in the Vnited Provinces Halifax Shrewsbury Delamere Wildman Manleâ— c here One of those very men that brought him the Crowâ— of Scotland The Officers of Loâ—donâ—â—rry and Iniskiâ—ling c I say why should I name these when the whole Whigg-Party every day in every Coffee-House charge him with an Ignorance of his own Interest becausâ— he scarse rewards any body but those that have opposed him He seemâ— to have a Green-sickness Palate in that matter and to love Ingratitude aâ— young Wenâ—hes do Dirt and Charcoal because it is destructive to the Constituâ—ion of his Government King William has interwoven with his Pâ—lâ— ticks all the Faults that we complained of in the time of King Iames with out immixing that Oecâ—nomie that good Husbanery that application which must be allowed even by his worst Enemies to be King Iames's Talents and It 's oâ—d not to say Râ—diculous to see the Prince of Orange every where fiâ— the Commissions of the â—eacâ— and the Militia and almost all the Places oâ— Trust with men whose Principles aâ—e diâ—ectly opposite to his own Title anâ— who opposed his Election to the Crown This is as has been formerly saâ— by a Jacobite Pamphletâ—er a Sin against the Holy Ghost of this Revolutioâ— and I am sure is a monstrous and undeniable Instance of the Prince of Orangâ— Ingratitude to those that put the Crown on his Head There remains two or three things still to which I suppose you will eâ—pect an Answer Page the seventeenth you repeat the Words of a Speeâ— the King made to the Parliament 1685. where he told them that he pleasâ— himself with the Hopes that by Gods blessing their assistance he might carry the Râ—putation of this Nation higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any â— his Ancestors These Words of this Speech you think are Synonymous 〈◊〉 this clause He has set it before his Eyes as his noblest aim to do yet more for â— Constitution than the most renowned of his Ancestors Had you taken notice â— the word Câ—â—stitution and not overâ—â—â—ked the next clause of his Declaratioâ— which is and as our chiefest Interest to leave no umbrage in relation to Religioâ— Liberty and Property I say if you had observed the word Constitution as that clause you could not fallen into such a mistake It is plain the Kiâ— designed to make himself glorious and to secure his own Interest by giviâ— us good Laws and did not in his Declaration talk of Campaigning anâ— let me assure you the less a King of England loves Wars abroad the 〈◊〉 it is for his People at home But if it will not take up too much of your time I will give you my Seâ— of that very Expression in the King's Speech 1685. and be not surpriseâ— Doctor if I declare that I firmly believe that all the King said might haâ— been brought to pass if the People of England and particularly the Stâ— Wâ—ïggs had done their part Will you not grant that the Wealth the oâ— fluence of People the greatness of their Trade the number and strength their Shipping together with the plentiful Magazines of Naval and Maâ—tial Stores raise the highest Reputation to Islanders Did not our Conquests â—pon the Continent always cost us very deaâ— in Blood and Treasure And did they not end in loss and disgrace Whilst Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth were making a noise with their Victories poor England was lamenting that vast consumption of its People and Coyn which had very near destroyed this Nation whereas the Reputation which iâ— acquired by an increase of Trade and Riches is much more durable much more extensive and will upon an Island resist with greater vigour the rude and cross shocks of Fortune I shaâ—l make this more evident by compâ—ring the Reigns of three of our â—wn Princes Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth gained many 〈◊〉 glorious Vâ—ctories and conquered several Provinces in France by which they rendred their Names dreadful to France tho' their Influences were scarse felt or feared any where else but what Fruit did England nay even themselves reap from all this The disgraces of the latter part of Edward's Reign almost withered all his former Laurels and England was so drained of Money that its Treasure with that of the Conquered Provinces was not sufficient to pay that Army upon its return which under the conduct of the Black Prince had restored Don Pedro to his Kingdom of Castile neither can we discover any better fruits of the Conquest of Henry the Fifth his Reign was short and upon ballancing of Accounts nothing fell to our share but our loss of our bravest Officers and Souldiers and an immence mass of Money thrown away in that unfortunate War Upon the other hand Queen Elizabeth by applying her Councils and Thoughts to the Shipping and Trade of this Nation did so encrease the Wealth and Strength of it as enabled her to support the whole Protestant Interest to secure Scotland from the French Clutches to recover France out of the very Jaws of the Spaniard to defend and establish the Common-wealth of Holland against all the Power of Spain and at last to break the strength of and to humble that great Monarch to whose aspiring Thoughts all Europe seemed too mean a Quarry and whose Ambition could not be satisfied with less then the Empire of the Universe By these methods she out-did all the bravest Actions of our former Kings and extended the dread and reputation of the English Name hither to confined to our bordering States to the utmost corners of the Earth and hath withal thereby Established such a solid Foundation for our future greatness as hath already withstood without any sensible decay a greater effusion of Blood and Treasure in our last Civil Wars then was spent in France in the Reigns of Edward the third and Henry the fifth which Reigns nevertheless had alalmost anihilated this Nation From all this it doth evidently appear that whensoever a King of England applys his whole thoughts to the encrease of the Shipping and Trade of this Nation he must raise our Reputation Strength and influences proportionable to the advances he makes in them That this was and must be King Iames's design and what he meant in that Speech quoted by you is pretty plain to every body that has any knowledge of King Iames his Genius who is truly a Trading and Navall King and it is as plain to any man that reads Mr Pepy's Memoires which are