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A91303 The treachery and disloyalty of papists to their soveraignes, in doctrine and practise. Together with an exact parallel of the jurisdiction, power, and priviledges claimed and exercised by our popish Parliaments, prelates, Lords and Commons in former times, with those now claimed and practised by the present Parliament, Lords and Commons, which are here manifested to be farre more loyall, dutifull, moderate; more consistent with, lesse invasive on, and destructive to the Kings pretended soveraigne power and prerogative, then those of popish parliaments, and subjects. Wherein likewise the traiterous, antimonarchicall doctrines, practises and attempts of papists upon their soveraignes prerogatives, crownes, persons, with the dangerous consequences, effects, and designes, of their present illegall arming, and accesse to the Kings Army, and person by meanes of evill counsellours, are briefely discovered; ... It is ordered by the Committee for Printing that this treatise be forthwith printed and published, by Michael Sparke, senior. Januar. 13. 1642. John White.; Soveraigne power of parliaments and kingdomes. Part 1 Prynne, William, 1600-1669.; England and Wales. Parliament. 1643 (1643) Wing P4108; Thomason E248_1; ESTC R203188 101,087 43

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good advice of * Who now give the King no such advice Schollers which he would not of his Peeres summons another Parliament to be holden at Westminster giving th 〈…〉 world to know withall that his purpose was to amend by their advice whatsoever was to be amended But the Baro 〈…〉 considering that still there arrived more and more strangers men of warre with horse and armes as now alas we s 〈…〉 they doe and not trusting the Poictovine Faith as we have now cause to mistrust the perfidious Papists and malignant Cavaliers and seeing no footstep of peace our present condition refused to come at the appointe● day sending the King word by solemne messengers that he should without any delay remove Peter Bishop of Winchester and the other Poictovians out of his Court which if he refused they all of them by the common consent of t 〈…〉 who le kingdome would drive him with his wicked Counsellors out of the Kingdome and consult about creating 〈…〉 new King Thesethings thus acted the King was much dejected in mind and all his Court hanging down 〈…〉 their heads and fearing not a little lest the errors of the Sonne should become worse then the fathers errors whom hi 〈…〉 Subjects indeavouring to depose from his royall Throne almost detruded him to that name which was give 〈…〉 him by a certaine presage John the Banished Wheresore hee could easily have beene drawne to redeem 〈…〉 the love of his naturall Liegemen with the disgrace of a sew strangers But the Bishop of Winchester with other his ill Counsellours and Poictovine Cavalieres counselled hi 〈…〉 to take up armes against his rebellious Subjects as they stiled them and to give their Castles and Lands to them w 〈…〉 would defend him and the kingdome of England from these Traytors The Counsell now given to his Majesty 〈…〉 his ill Counsellours and Cavalieres Hereupon the King inclining to the worser part raiseth an Army of Poictovine and Foraine Souldiers which came to him being sent for out of Flanders from whence the King no 〈…〉 hath many old Souldiers and Commanders sent him seiseth a Manour of Guilbert Bassers a Noble man give 〈…〉 him by King John calling him Traytor when he demanded it sets downe a day wherein all his Lords he suspected should deliver him sufficient pledges of their loyalty and being at Glocester with his Army whith 〈…〉 the Lords resused to come being required the King thereupon as if they were Traytors burnes their Manor 〈…〉 destroyes their Parkes and Ponds besiegeth their Castles and without the judgement of his Court and of thei 〈…〉 Peeres denounceth them exiles and banished men gives their Lands to the Poictovines and adding griefe to grie 〈…〉 wound to wound commanded their bodies to be apprehended where ever they were within the Kingdome he likewise sends a Defiance to the Earle Marshall whose Lands he had wasted who thereupon understood himselfe discharged of that obligation by which he was iyed to the King and free to make his defence Whereupon h 〈…〉 seeing * Note neither Faith nor Oath nor peace to be kept by the King or his ill Councellours who contrary to their promise and Oath refused to deliver up his Castle which they promised to render to him upon demand h 〈…〉 raiseth a grea● Army and takes his Castle On this the King upon better consideration did againe promise 〈…〉 and affirme That by advise of his great Councell all that was amisse should be rectified and amended And at th 〈…〉 day and place appointed he holds a great conference with the Lords But the evill Councellors he followed suffered him not to make good his promise For when divers there present greatly in the Kings favour with sundry Preachers and Fryers whom the King was wont to reverence and hearken to Humbly beseeched and earnestly exhorted the King to make peace with his Barons and Nobles and to embrace them with due affection being The Parliments present case his naturall Subjects whom without any judgement by their Peeres he had banished destroying their Manors Woods Parkes Ponds and being led and seduced by evill Councels lesse regarded his faithfull Subjects whose native bloo 〈…〉 would not permit them to bow downe then Forainers and which is worse called them Traytors by whom ●e ought t 〈…〉 settle the peace order the Councels and dispose the affaires of his Kingdome The Bishop of Winchester of●ended it seemes at Peers takes the word out of the Kings mouth and answers That there are not Peeres in England as in the Realme of France and that therefore the King of England by such Justiciars as himselfe pleaseth ●o ordaine may banish any offenders out of the Realme and by judiciall processe condemne them Which insolent ●peech the English Bishops relished so harshly that they presently with one voyce threatned to accurse and excommunicate by name the Kings principall wicked Counsellors of whom Winchester being the foreman appealed whereupon they accursed and I would our Bishops would doe so now if the God-dam-me Cavaliers accurse ●ot themselves sufficiently all such as alienated the heart of the King from his Subjects and all others that per●urbed ●he peace of the Realme and so the hoped accommodation vanished into greater discontents Hereupon the Earle Marshall and other Lords with their Forces sell pell mell upon the Kings Army slew divers of his for●einers and in conclusion drew him to such straits that enforced him to be capable of better advise Then Edmund ●rchbishop of Canterbury elect with other suffragan Bishops bewayling the estate of the Kingdome presented themselves before the King at Westminster telling him as his loyall liegemen and O that some Bishop or faith●ull person if there bee any such about his Majestie would now deale thus clearely with him touch●ng his evill Counsellors That the Councell of Peter Bishop of Winchester and his complices which now he had and ●sed was not sound nor safe but euill and dangerous to himselfe and his Realme First for that they hated and de●ised the English calling them Traytors turning the Kings heart from the love of the people and the hearts of the peo●le from him as in the Earle Marshall whom being one of the wort●iest men of the Land by sowing false tales they ●rave into discontentment Secondly that by the Counsell of the said Peter his Father King John first lost the hearts of ●is people then Normandy then other lands and finally wasted all his treasure and almost England also and never af●er had quiet Thirdly That if the Subjects had now beene handled according to justice and law and not by their ungod●y Counsels these present troubles had not happened but the Kings lands had remained undestroyed his treasure unex●austed Fourthly that the Kings Councell is not the Councell of peace but of preturbation because they that cannot ●aise themselves by peace must raise themselves by the troubles and disinherison of others Fiftly That they had the Trea 〈…〉 re Castles Wardships
●ll out for their advantage For the Duke of Ireland with the Kings privity such was his false dissim●●tion had gathered a power in Wales and Cheshire which they intercepting neare Burford and Bablecke ●ew Sir William Molineux leader of the Cheshire men and made the Duke to flye in great feare A●ong the Dukes carriages was found as the devill or rather God would have it certaine Letters of the ●ings to the said Duke by which their Counsells were plainely discovered The Lords hereupon ●arch with speed up to London having an Army of forty thousand men the Lord Major and City doubt●ll whether to displease the King or Lords upon consultation receive the Lords into the City and sup●y their Army with provisions in the Suburbs Which the King hearing of seemed to slight them say●g * Note the perill and policy of protracting Let them lye here till they have spent all their goods and then they will returne poore and empty to their ●uses and then I shall speake with and judge them one after another The Lords hearing this were exceed●gly moved and sw●re They would never remove the●e till they had spoken with him face to face And ●rthwith sent some to guard the Thames lest the King should slip out of their hands and then sco●●e at ●em The King being then in the Tower and seeing himselfe every way encompassed sent a message ●● the Lords that he would treat with them who thereupon desired him That he would come the ne●●●y to Westminster where they would declare their desire to him The King replyed That he would not treat ●ith them at Westminster but in the Tower To which the Lords answered That it was a suspicious place ●●cause traines might there be laid for them and dangers prepared to destroy them Whereupon the King ●nt word They sh●uld send thither two hundred men or more to search and view all places lest any fraud should ●e hid Upon which the Lords repaired to the Tower and in the Kings Bed-chamber laid open to ●●m briefly all his conspiracy in causing them indirectly to be indicted They object to him his mutability ●d underhand working producing his owne Letters to the Duke of Ireland to raise an Army to destroy them ●gether with the French packe●s they had intercepted whereby it appeared he had secretly practised to flye with ●e Duke of Ireland into France to deliver up Callice to the French Kings possession and such pieces as the ●rowne of England held in those parts whereby his honour might diminish his strength decay and his fame ●erish The King seeing this knew no● what to doe especially because he knew himselfe notably ●e●ressed At last craving leave they left him confounded and shedding teares yet upon condition that ●e should come to Westminster the next day where he should heare more and trea●● of the necessary affaires of the Kingdome Which he promised to doe retaining the Earle of Darby to sup with him 〈…〉 before he went to bed O the ficklenesse of weake Princes and faithlessenesse of their royall words a 〈…〉 Protestations some whisperers telling him that it was not decent safe nor honorable for the King 〈…〉 goe thither he changed his resolution The Nobles hearing this were very sad and discontented a 〈…〉 thereupon sent him word That if he came not quickely according to appointment they would chuse them anoth 〈…〉 King who both would and should obey the Counsell of his Peeres The King strucke with this dart came t 〈…〉 next day to Westminster there attending his Nobles pleasures To whom after few discourses the Nobles said That for his honour and the benefit of his kingdome all T 〈…〉 tors whisperers flat terers evill instruments slanderours and unprositable persons should bee banished out of b 〈…〉 Court and company and others substs●uted in their places who both knew how and would serve him more honora 〈…〉 and faithfully Which when the King had granted though with sorrow they thought fit that Al 〈…〉 an●er Nevill Archbishop of Yorke John Fordham Bishop of Durham with sundry other Lords Knights a 〈…〉 Clergy men should be removed and kept in strait prison to answer such accusations as should bee object 〈…〉 against them the next Parlia Whereupon they were apprehended forthwith and removed from the Co 〈…〉 After the feast of Purification the Parliament much against the Kings will who would have shifted it 〈…〉 at that time began at London The first day of the Session Fulthorpe and all the rest of the Judges w 〈…〉 arrested as they sate in judgement on the Bench and most of them sent to the Tower for that having fi 〈…〉 overruled the Lords with their Counsels and direction which they assured them to be according to Law 〈…〉 afterward at Nottingham gave contrary judgement to what themselves had determined formerly Tresilian t 〈…〉 chiefe Justice prevented them by flight but being apprehended and brought backe to the Parliament 〈…〉 the forenoone had sentence to be drawne to Tiburne in the afternoone and there to have his Thro 〈…〉 cut which was done accordingly The King seeing these proceedings by advise of his ill Counsellors * Grafton p. 348 349. 150 151. absented himselfe from his Parliament and sent Michael de la Pole then Lord Chancellor to demand foure fifteenes in his name ●f the Commo 〈…〉 for that without lesse he could not maintaine his estate and outward warre To which the body of the Parliame 〈…〉 made answer that without the King were present they would make therein no answer and that unlesse the Ki 〈…〉 would remove him from his Chaneellorship they would no further meddle with any Act this Parliament Th 〈…〉 King upon this sent to the Commons that they should send to Eltham where he then lay 40. of the wis 〈…〉 and best learned of the Commons who in the name of the whole house should declare unto him their minde Up 〈…〉 which message the House were in more feare then before for there went a talke that the King intended 〈…〉 betray divers of them which followed not his minde either that way or at a banquet appointed to be made purpos●ly a● London if Nicholas Exton the Maior of London would have consented thereunto at which time t 〈…〉 Duke of Glocester should have beene taken Wherefore the Lords and Commons assembled together agree 〈…〉 with one assent that the Duke of Glocester and Bishop of Ely should in the name of the whole Parliament be se 〈…〉 to the King to Eltham which was done and the King well pleased that they should come When they cam 〈…〉 into his presence they most humbly saluted him and said Most high and redoubted Soveraigne Lord the Lor 〈…〉 and Commons of this your Parliament assembled with most humble subjection unto your most royall Majesty desi 〈…〉 your most gratious favour so that they may live in tranquillitie and peace under you to the pleasure of God a 〈…〉 wealth of the Realme On whose behalfe
7. 17. 3. 4. E. 6. c. 11. 12. 1. Eliz. 1. 2. with sundry more Now ● Lib. 1. c. 8. l. 3. c. 9. f. 107. r polit l. 3. c. 1● 11. 12. that Parlimentary power which onely can create and conferre on Kings a greater regall Authority and Prerogative then they had before must needs be the Originall and supreame authoritie for as we rightly argue m See 1 Eliz. c. 1. Rastal T it Sewers or Commissioners Rastall Tit. Iustices c. that the Kings Authority is superiour to all other his greatest Officers and subordinate Ministers of Iustice because their power is by Patent or Commission derived from his So we may from the selfe-same reason conclude that the High Court of Parliaments power the representative body of the whole kingdome is the most primitive soveraigne and greatest authoritie of all other yea larger and higher than the kings n Qui●quid ●fficit tale est magis tale nemo potest dare quod non habet are true in this case because it onely can enlarge the Kings prerogative whose originall or additionall Royalties proceede not from the king himselfe or his Ancestors owne inherent hereditary power for what king could justly without his peoples consents usurpe a Crowne or lawfull royall Prerogative to himselfe over an whole Countrey but meerely from the voluntary consent and grant of his people in the Parliament This is irrefragably evident not onely by the various o See Alex. ab Alexandro ● 3. c. 2. Facile perspici potest regni multa esse genera nec eandemimperii formam in omnibus esse regibus Regalis potentiae gen●ra numero sunt quatuo● Aristot Polit. l. 3. c. 10. 11. See Dan. c. 8. 11. kinds of kings whereof some are of greater power and authority others of lesse some by Election others by succession by reason of their Subjects originall institution by the diverse alterations of the Monarchy in this kingdome which hath beene sometimes divided into 7. sometimes into 5. sometimes into 3. or two kingdomes and at last reduced unto one by the great changes and alterations made in all forraigne Realmes which have sometimes multiplied sometimes diminished the number and power of their Princes and sometimes quite abolished the royall forme of Government changing it into an Aristocraticall or popular rule by the divine Authority of S. Peter who in this regard calls Kings and their Supremacy a r 1 Pet. 2. 13 14. Alex ab Alexandro Gen. Dier●m l. 3 c. 3. l. 4. c. 23. humane creature or Ordinance of man because instituted limited and moulded into severall degrees of power by men over whom they r●igne● by two expresse determinations of Aristotle in these termes s Politicorum l. 3. c 10. p. 209 2●0 Regna patriis moribus legibus FVNDATA CONFIRMATASVNT And t Ibid l. 5 c ●3 p. 367. Verum Regnum est imperium majoribus praestantioribus viris VOLVNTAT ● CIVIVM DELATVM seconded by v De Officiis l. 2. Caeli●● Rhodi Antiq. Lect l 8. c. 1 Alexander ab Alexandro Gen. Dierum l. 4. ● 23. Livie Hist Rom. l. 1. Sect. 17. p. 14. 15. l. 4 p. 144. 145. Pl●●archi Num●●ompilius Tully Livie and others but likewise by Andrew Horne an eminent Lawyer in Edward the 1. his raigne in his Myrro●r of Justices Chap. 1. Sect. 2. p. 7. 8. 9. where he thus writes of the originall institution of our English Monarches After that God had abated the Nobility of the Britans who rather used force then right he delivered it to the most humble and simple of all the neighbour Nations the Saxons who came from Germany to conquer it of which Nation there have beene 40. Kings all which held themselves to have COMPANIONS These Princes called this Land England which before was named Greater Britain These after great warres elected from among them a King to Raigne over them to governe the people of God and to maintaine and defend their persons and goods in peace by the Rules of Law or Right And at the beginning they caused the King to sweare that he will maintaine the holy Christian faith to the utmost of his power and guide his people by p See Mathew Paris Speed Holinshed Grafton and others Law without respect to any person and shall be obedient to suffer or undergoe Law as well as others of his people And afterwards this Realme was turned to an heritage according to the number of his Companions who divided the Realme into 38. Counties and delivered each one a County to keepe and defend from Enemies according to every ones estate And although the King ought to have no P●●res in the Land yet because if the King of his owne wrong should offend against any of his people neither he nor any his Commissaries can be both Iudge and Party OF RIGHT IT BEHOVES that the King should have q Livie Hist Rom. l. 1. Arist Polit. l. 2. c. 8. Goodwins Rom. A●tiq COMPANIONS for to heare and determine in Parliaments all the Writs and Plaints of the wrongs of the King the Queene and their children and of those especially of whose wrongs they could no● otherwise have common right These Companions are now called Counts after the Latine Comites and so at this day these Countries are called Counties and in Latine Comitatus c. Henry de Bracton who writ in Henry the 3. his raigne as in his forecited Passages so in others resolves x Lib. 1. c 8. f. 5. lib. 3. c 9 f 07. That the King is under the Law because the Law makes him a King by giving him dominion and power Now how doth the Law thus make him a k●ng but by the Parliament the kingdomes great Counsel by whose counsell and consent alone all Lawes were first enacted and yet are as the y Hujusmodi leges Anglicanae cum ●uer●m approbatae Sacramento Regis confirmatae mutari non poterunt c. Idem l. ● c. 2 f. 1. 6. same Author informes us who further addes That the King ought to be under the Law because Christ whose Vicar he is on Earth when he came to redeeme mankinde made choyse of this way especially to destroy the workes of the Devill using not the strength of his power but the reason of his iustice and so would be z Gal. 4. 4. ● under the Law that he might redeeme those that are under the Law Thus the Virgin Mary the mother of our Lord who by singular priviledge was above the Law yet to shew an example of humilitie refused not to be a subiect to Legall Ceremonies So therefore the King lest his power should remaine unbridled there ought not to be a greater then he in the Kingdome in the exhibition of Iustices yet he OVGHT TO BE THE LEAST or AS THE LEAST IN RECEIVING IVDGMENT if he require it b ●ract ●●● 3. c. 9. f. 107. lib. 1. c. 8. f. 5. l.
in their Controversies of the Popes Supremacy of general Councels Generall Councell above the Pope the Pope above the Archbishop the Archbishop above the Ordinary because men may Appeale from the Ordinary to the Archbishop from him to the Pope but now with us to the Kings Delegates If there be any difference betweene c See Grafton p. 512 513. 161. Matthew Paris p. 954. Fox old Edition p. 508. King or Subject touching any inheritances Priviledges or Prerogatives belonging to the Crowne it selfe or any points of misgovernment yea which is more if there be any suite quarrell or difference betweene our Kings in Act and any other their Competitors d See Hoveden p. 724 725 for the Crowne it selfe which of them hath best title to it who of them shall enjoy it and how or in what manner it shall be setled the Lords and Commons in Parliament are and ought to be the sole and finall Judges of it Not to give you a●y instances of this kinde betweene King and Subjects which I have formerly touched nor to relate how our e Walsingham Hist p. 514. Speed p. 647 648. Kings Edward the first King John f Matthew Paris p. 273. 274 275. condemned to death by a Parliament in France by French Peeres for slaying his Nephew Arthur trecherously with his owne hands and likewise to lose the Crowne of England Henry the third and other our Kings have Appealed to the Parliaments of France and England upon differences betweene the Peeres and Kings of France and them concerning their Lands and Honours in France Or how King Edward the third and Philip of France submitted both their Titles to the Kingdome of France to the determination in a French Parliament where they were both personally present which adjudged the Crowne to Philip Nor yet to repeate the i pag. 5. forementioned precedents how the Lords and Commons when the Title to the Crowne hath beene in dispute have transferred it from the rightfull Heires to others I shall give you some other pregnant evidences where the Parliament hath finally determined the Title to the Crowne when it hath beene in competition and setled it in a legall manner to avoid debates by way of Appeale to them by compe●itors or reference from the Kings themselves as the onely proper Judges of such a superlative controversie Not to mention any stories of our British Kings to this purpose where the * See Matthew Westm Fabian Grafton Holin Kingdom Lords and Commons then disposed of the Crowne in cases of minority want of He●res misgovernment and c●ntroversies ab●ut the Title to the Crowne * Polichron l. 6. c. 18. Speed p. 399. See Grafton and Holinshed accordingly Canutus after the death of King Edmond Anno 1017. claiming the whole Realme against Edmonds Brethren Sons referred his Title upon the agreement made between Edmond and him fo● this purpose to the Parliament who resolved for Canutus Title and thereupon tooke an Oath of feal●y to him Offering to defend his right with their swords against all others claimes After his decease the * Matthew Westminster and Malmes●wy Anno 1036. Holinshed l. 17. c. 13. p. 398. Speed p. 404. 406. Huntingdon Walsingham Anno 1036. 10●0 Title to the Crowne being controverted betweene Hardicanute the right Heire and Harold his elder but base Brother it was referred to a Parliament at Oxfo●d who gave their voyces to Harold there present and presently proclaimed and consecrated him King Anno 1036. After whose death the States of England sent and adjudged the Crowne to Hardicanute then in Denmarke He dying * Huntindon l. 6. Polychron l. 6. c. 18. Speed p. 410. Matthew West●n An. 1042. p. 415. Edward the Confessor by a generall consent of the Nobles Clergy and People who presently upon Harolds death enacted by Par●iament g Matthew Paris p. 893. 925. 930. 948. 954 655. Grafton p. 188 189 Speed p. 687 688 785 786. That none o● the Danish blood should any more Reigne over them was elected King and declared ●ight Heire to the Crowne Anno 1126. k Hoveden Hun●ingdon Matthew Westminster Matthew Paris Walsingham Polychronic●n Fabian Anno 1126. Speed p. 477. See Ho●inshed Grafton Stow Anno 1126. King Henry the first having no issue male but onely one Daughter Maude to fucceed him summoned a Parliament in the presence of himselfe and David King of Scotland wherein the Crowne was setled upon Maude after his decease being of the ancient Royall English Blood whereupon Stephen his Sisters Sonne and all the Nobles presently swore fealty to ●er As much as in them lay after King Henries death if ●e dyed without issue male to establish ●er Queene ●f the Monarchy of great Britaine But Stephen after his decease usurped the Crowne against his Oath h Polyd. Virgil l. 19. Claudius Seyse●●us his French Monarchy By the unanimous consent and election of the Lords and Commons And after seventeene yeares civill warres ●o the devastation of the Realme l Walsingham Ypod An. 1113 Matthew Westm An. 1153 p. 42. Matthew Paris ● 82 83. Speed p. 497. Hoveden p. 490. Hun●indon Hist l. 8 p. 598. Fox Vol. 1. p. 261. King Stephen and Henry the Sonne of Maude came to a Treaty ● Wal●ingford where by the advise of the Lords they made this accord That Stephen if he would should ●eaceably hold the kingdome during his life and that Hen●y should be his adopted Sonne and Successor enjoy ●he Crowne as right Heire to it after his death and that the King and all the Bishops and Nobles should ●weare that Henry after the Kings death if he su●vived him should P●ssesse the Kingdome without any conradiction Which done the civill warres ceased and a blessed peace ensued and then comming to Oxford in a Parl●ament all the Nobles did fealty to Henry who was made chiefe Justiciar of England and determined all the affaires of the Kingdome In the 8. and 25. E. 3. there was a m 25. E. 3. Parl 2. in the Statuts at large doubt moved in Parliament whether the children of the King or others borne beyond the Seas within his Allegiance should in●erit lands in England The King to cleare all doubts and ambiguities in this case and to have the La● herein reduced to ce●tainty charged the Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Councell assembled in Parliam●nt in the 25. yeare of his Raigne to delibera●● of this point who with one assent resolved That the Law of the Realme of England is and alwayes hath beene such that the children of the Kings ●● England in whatsoever parts they be borne in England or elsewhere be able and owe to beare inheritance after the death of their Ancestors Which when they had declared the King Lords and Commons by a special Act did approve and affirme this Law for ever the onely Act passed in that Parliament And in a * Cooke l. 7. The Princes case Parliament 11. E. 3. this
forced on the King Edward the second presumptuous an● TREASONOUS ORDINATIONS not onely to reforme the Kings house and Counsell and t● place and displace all great Officers at their pleasure but even claim a joynt interest in the Regiment of the Kingdome together with the King which William Inge a Judge of the Common Law with other like sticklers tray●erously perswaded them was according to Law which grosse slander of the Parliament House would have bee● capitall at least in former ages and may now indanger the heads of those who speake or write the sam● of the present Parliament Never did any of our Kings charge any Parliament with high Treason hither to much lesse indict or wage warre against the Parliaments as Traytors which questioned or depose● them for offences against the Kingdome Let none then dare affirme that the Houses of Parliament are or can be Traytors now for providing for their owne and the Kingdomes safety Fifthly That to conspire or levy warre against the Parliament or Kingdome to dissolve or destroy it or the Members of it is no lesse then High Treason as hath beene solemnely adjudged in Parliament 15 E. 2. in the Act entituled Exilium Hugonis le de Spenser in 11 Rich. 2. c. 2 3 4. and in the Parliament Roll Printed by Order of both Houses August 27. 1642. And before both these in k Lib. 14. sect 112. Stamf. l. 1. c. 2. f. 1. b. and Cromptons Ju●isdict f. 73. Glanvil who declares it to be Treason even at the Common Law Si quis machinatus fuerit vel aliquid fecerit in SEDITIONEM REGNI agreeable to l Instit l. ult Tit. 8. Vlpian and the m Tit. 3. Saxon Lawes which informe ●● of Treasons against the Common-wealth and Kingdome the case of n Cice●o Orat. in Catil Cateline and o Liv. hist l. 23. sect 17. others as well as against the King and to the Statute of 13 Eliz. c. ● which makes it High Treason for any person to stirr● up a●y Forainers or strangers with force to invade this Realme or Ireland And if it be no lesse then high Treason against the King to slay the Chancellour Treasurer or any of the Judges or Justice● of either Bench Eyer Assiz● or Oyer and Terminer being in their places doing their Offices though by the Kings command as is cleare by 25. E. 3. c. 2. and all our Law Bookes then much more must it be high Treason against the King and Kingdome to warre against the highest Court of Parliament or slay any member of it for doing thei● Offices and executing the Houses just Commands as I shall in due place more fully manifest In briefe the Gun powder plot in 3 Jacobi to blow up the Parliament House was then adjudged resolved by the Parliament * 3 Jac. c. 1 2. 4 5. in his Proclamations for apprehending those Traytors The proceedings against Traytors Spee hist p. 1248. to 1257. King and Judges to be high Treason not onely against the King but Parliamen● and Kingdome too and to blow up or assault the Parliament now in the Kings absence is question le●● high Treason both against the King Parliament and Kingdome Yea the statute of 28. H. 8. c. 7. declares those Who shall claime the Crowne even of right in any other manner then it limited by vertue and authority of that act after the Kings death with all their Counsellors and abettors to be deemed and adjudged HIG● TRAITORS TO THE REALME not the King and such their offence to be rep●ted HIGH TREASON and they for it to suffer such paines of death and forfeiture of Lands an● Goods as in any cases of high Treason is used And I read in * Par. 7. p. 186. Fabian that Eguiran chiefe Counsellor to Philip the third of France was judged to death and hanged on the Gibbet at Paris for Treason against King Philip and the REALME OF FRANCE as our powder Traytors were executed for high Treason against the King and Realme of England And by the Statutes of 5. R. 2. c. 6. II R. 2. c. 1. 3. 17. R. 2. c. 8. 21. R. 2. c. 2. 4. 20. 3. H. 5. S●a 2. c. 6. 1. Mariae c. 6. certaine offences are declared and made high treason and the committers of the● Trayters and enemies not onely to and against the King but likewise TO AND AGAINST TH● REALME and in particular the illegall indicting of some Lords to destroy them as guilty of High Treason for procuring a Commission in Parliament supposed prejudiciall to the King and his Crowne 10 R. 2. c. I. and the opposing and annulling of that Commission and of some Processe Judgements Executions made given and affirmed in some of those Parliaments raising forces and le●ying warre against the Parliament and Members of it to destroy them were then * See Walsingh Holinshed Fabian Grafton Stow Speed in 10. 11. R. 2. 21. R. 2. c. 12. adjudged High Treason both against the King and THE REALME though done by the Kings expresse Commission and command The reason is because the King in judgement of Law * See here p. 20 21. 22. is ever legally present in and with his Parliament when they sit as I have already proved where ever his person is and his royall legall will of which alone the Law takes notice is ever presumed to concurre with his greatest Councell the Parliament against whose Priviledges safety and protection he neither can nor ought by Law or right to attempt any thing and if any personall Commands or Commissions of the King under his great Seale to doe ought against Magna Charta the Subjects liberty safety property the Parliaments Priviledges the Common or Statute Lawes of the Realme all which expressely prohibit the levying of warre killing wounding murthering impris●ning disin●e●i●ing robbing or plundering of the Subjects without legall triall or conviction as d●e the Statutes of 2 R. 2. c. 7. 1 H. 5. c. 6. 1 H. 5. c. 6. which prescribe exemplary punishments against such Plunderers and Robbers especially the Welshmen issue out to any person or persons whatsoever especially to raise forces on levie warre against the Parliament or Subjects they are meerely void in Law and will rather aggravate then extenuate the guilt of those who obey or execute them as is clearely resolved not onely by 42. Ass p. 5. 12. Brooke Commissions 15. 16. Cooke b. 5. f. 50. 51. l. 7. f. 36. 37. l. 8. f. 125. to 129. but likewise expressely adjudged and enacted by the Statutes of 15. E. 3. Stat. 1. c. 1. 3. 42. E. 3. c. 1. 3. 11. R. 2. c. 1. to 6. 21. Jac. c. 3. the Petition of Right 3. Caroli 28. E. 2. Artic super Chartas c. 2. 4. E. 3. c. 4. 5. E. 3. c. 2. 25. E. 3. c. 1. 15. 34. E. 3. c. 2. and generally byall Statutes concerning * See Rastals abridgement Tit. Purveyors Purveyors by the memorable old Statute of 25.