incamp'd as before the Infantry of the Brabant Army at Cockelberg the English Horse and Dragoons at Wavre under General Auerquerque the Dutch with Tiffin's Belcastel's and Oxenstern's Brigades of Foot at Judoigne under the command of the Earl of Athlone and our Flanders Army in the Retrenchments of Bruges where it was commanded by the Count d'Arco till the coming back of the Prince of Nassau-Sarbruck from the Baths of Aix la Chappelle which was on the 23d when he arriv'd at Bruges and took his Quarter as it had been mark'd at the coming of the Army to this ground in the Abbey of St. André The 25th all the Bavarian Cuirassiers and Dragoons left the Camp to march towards the Rhine and Winter in Bavaria being design'd for the Emperors Service in Hungary the next Campagne but the Foot march'd into the Spanish Guelderland to Quarter in that Countrey till the evacuation of Luxembourg where they were appointed by the Elector to Garrison in this and other places of that Dutchy as La Roche and Arlon and went this day by water from Bruges to Ghendt Count d'Arco left the Camp at the same time and went to Brussells with all the Spanish Court and Generals The 27th all the Brandenbourg Cavalry and Dragoons left the same Camp to go and joyn General Heyden and the Brandenbourg Foot in the Pays de Waes in order to march from thence towards the Meuse and the lower Rhine The 29th the Prince of Nassau's Adjutant General came from Loo with the Patents for the March of all the States Troops in Flanders to go and Garrison some in the States Brabant and Flanders and others to go from the Sas of Ghendt by Water into Holland Guelderland Zutphen Friseland c. but 15 or 16 Battallions of them were order'd to continue in Flanders under the command of Major General Lindeboom being to enter in the King of Spain's Service for the Garrison of the Spanish Frontiers in that Countrey towards France On the First of October being the time specified by the Treaties October Sign'd at Ryswick the 10th of September between England Spain and Holland on one part and France on the other the said Treaty was Ratified and Exchang'd in due form between France and Holland that of England under the Broad Seal could not come over time enough by reason of the contrary Winds and therefore was ratified under the Kings Signet in the Interim and the Instruments were to remain in the hands of the Mediatour but the Ratification under the Broad Seal coming over that very day the Treaties between England and France were exchang'd some few days after As for the Ratification of the Spanish Treaty from Madrid it could not come time enough but the French were satisfied to stay for it which was not long After this the Marechals of Villeroy and Catinat went to Court and the French Armies in the Netherlands were distributed into Quarters only the Marechal of Bouflers remain'd in his Government at Lisle some time after to forward the Evacuation of those Towns which were to be restor'd by the French to the King of Spain The Confederate Armies in this Countrey begun to separate at the same time all the Troops we had receiv'd this Campagne from the Rhine march'd off the first to go back into Germany and the Infantry incamp'd at Cockelberg decamp'd Brigade by Brigade the English went all into Flanders there to be in a readiness to imbark and were quarter'd in Ghendt Bruges Newport and Ostend which for this reason were at the beginning more crowded with Troops than ever The English and Dutch Guards came to Ostend in order to imbark the first for England and all the Foot were to go there on Board of such Men of War as should be appointed to carry them over All the English Horse and Dragoons left Wavre after the Ratification and were sent to Quarters the first to Ghendt and the 2d to Bruges in order to march from thence to Willemstadt one after another as Transport Ships could be got ready to bring them into England and the Life-Guards being the first to go over march'd directly to this place The Dutch Infantry incamp'd at Cockelberg separated to go into Quarters in the Frontiers of Holland as Maestricht Boisleduc Breda and Bergen-op-Zoom except 7 or 8 Battallions which with those of the Flanders Army above-mention'd were to go into Spanish Garrisons The Danes were Quarter'd at Dendermonde Alost and Ninove where they remain'd till their accounts were made up and clear'd out of His Majesty's Service in order to march from thence overland by the Meuse and the Rhine and so through Germany into Denmark The four Battallions of Hanover in the Flanders Army left the Camp near Bruges on the 5th and were to be joyn'd in their march by the Regiments of Wolfembuttle Guards and Hering then in Garrison at Audenarde to go into their own Countrey and those of Nassau and Brandenbourg out of the Brabant Army and Willekens out of that of Flanders which had been upon English pay all this War march'd into Holland and were taken back in the States Service All the Dutch Troops began to break up at the same time on all sides the Cavalry under the command of Lieutenant General Opdam march'd towards Ghendt on the outside of the Canal in order to march into the States Dominions The English and Dutch Guards and some other English Battallions came down the Canal in Bilanders the 6th from Ghendt to Bruges and the 7th all the Dutch Foot that was to march to Garrison in the Frontiers of Holland were sent to Ghendt by Water in the same Bilanders that brought the English to Bruges being the Regiment of Nassau Walloon to go to Boisleduc Marquet and Willekens to Heusden and Bommel Nassau-Friseland consisting of two Battallions were to imbark at the Sas of Ghendt to be carried by Water through Holland and over the Zuyder Sea to Leewarden c. Keppel being the Regiment which lately was Lieutenant General Tettau's was to go to Zutphen the two Battallions of Cappol and one of Lochman and the Regiment of young Holstein to Maestricht and that of Fagel to the Grave The 9th the Prince of Nassau Saarbruck went to Holland and left the Command of the Forces remaining about Bruges to Major General Lindeboom or in his absence to the Duke of Holstein-Norbourg consisting of 17 Battallions which were all to enter into the King of Spain's Service except two or three that were to Quarter in the Holland-Flanders as Sluys the Sas of Ghendt Hulst and the Fort of Lillo of these 17 Battallions Four were incamp'd at Plassendale being those of Weed Rantsaw Obergen and Schack Four at Newport viz. Soutlandt St. Amand Beyma and Swansbeck Six in the Retrenchments of Bruges being the Regiments of Lindeboom Holstein-Norbourg Dedem the two Battallions of Swerin and that of Carles and Three more incamp'd behind the Canal of Bruges viz. the Regiments of
Campagnes and Voyages Battles and Sieges with the Olive-branch of a Happy and Honourable Peace in his Hand and the Lord-Mayor and Citizens of London had made it their particular Request to receive His Majesty publickly to express thereby their Affection Duty and Gratitude upon such an Occasion in a manner suitable to the Wealth and Grandeur of that Famous and Renowned City in the Particulars of which Magnificent Reception 't is not my Business to enter at present as belonging properly to the History of England I shall only add that His Majesty receiv'd afterwards Congratulatory Addresses from all Parts of his Dominions for his safe Return after having Happily terminated a most Obstinate and Expensive War carried on for so many Years by our late Enemies chiefly and on purpose to bereave him of a Throne he fills with so much Fame and Renown and to deprive us of his most Just and Equitable Government and of what has a necessary Dependence upon it all that can be Dear and Precious to a People our Religion Laws Priviledges and Liberties These are Exploits which require the utmost Gratitude of all True Patriots and Lovers of their Religion and Country which can do no less than express it self in hearty Prayers to the King of Kings that he would Bless His Majesty with a Long Happy and Prosperous Reign over us as a Just Reward of so many Glorious Atchievements for our Safety and Preservation All this while the French were not yet ready to Evacuate any of the Places they were oblig'd to restore to the King of Spain by the late Treaty of Ryswick being first by vertue of it to carry away all their own Artillery Ammunitions Provisions and Stores and leave behind them the Artillery and quantity of Stores they found in these places at the taking of them 'T is true the Evacuating of these Towns requir'd some time upon this account but 't is very probable that the French delay'd the fulfilling of this Article purposely till they saw what Success the Treaty they had Sign'd on the 22th of October with the Empire should have at Ratisbone where 't was likely to meet with a considerable Opposition from the Protestant Princes in the Ratification for if the Treaty instead of being Ratified there had been declar'd Illegal and Derogatory to the Treaty of Westphalia and to the Articles provided therein in behalf of the Protestant Religion it would not have been very convenient for the French King's Affairs that Luxembourg and other places to be restor'd by the Treaty of the Tenth of September should be in the King of Spain's hands The Plenipotentiaries of the Protestant Princes having refus'd to Sign the Treaty between the Empire and France on the 22th of October had still some Conferences with those of France to find a temper for the fourth Article so as they might Sign joyntly with the rest of the Empire but they were all to no purpose England and Holland had bor'n the Burden of a long and very Expensive War and their Trade and Commerce the very Springs of all their Wealth had been considerably impaird and therefore were not able to meddle at present in that Affair and vindicate the Interest of the Protestant Religion in Germany against these Incroachments upon it so contrary to the Westphalian Treaty so that the Protestant Princes wanting Power for this Reason to maintain and carry on their Opposition against the Treaty lately concluded between the Empire and France the Ratification was Sign'd in the Imperial Dyet at Ratisbone without any Alteration to the Fourth Article by which the Popish Religion is to continue in several Towns and Places of the Palatinate according as it was Establish'd by the French King whilst in his Possession where before the War were none but Protestant Churches to the great Oppression of the Protestants and the Violation of the Treaty of Munster in their behalf and France has gain'd this Advantage over the Empire as to Sow the Seeds of such Divisions in this Treaty between the Protestant and Popish States as may in time be very Fatal to Germany and increase very much the Greatness and Power of the Most-Christian Kings which for several Years last past has been found so Prejudicial to the Peace and Quiet of Europe The Treaty between France and the Empire being Ratified within the Term prefix'd in the Articles it was thereupon exchang'd at Ryswick the beginning of December and the French having secur'd this Point restor'd immediately after the Towns of Mons At h Charleroy and Courtray in the Low-Countries and Barcelona Gironne Roses and Belver in Catalonia to the Spaniards but they did not quit the Dutchy of Luxembourg till the Month of January following when la Roche and Arlon little Fortresses upon the Frontier towards the Pays de Liege were deliver'd up to Spanish Garrisons on the 17th and the 19th they took Possession of the Town of Luxembourg whereof the Count d'Autel General of the Palatine Troops had been appointed Governour by the King of Spain through the Queen's Interest being the Elector Palatine's Sister By this time all or most of His Majesty's National Forces Horse and Foot had left Flanders and were pass'd the Seas and got over into England Scotland or Ireland except six Scots Regiments of Foot which the States have taken into their Pay and Service being those of Lauder Murray Walter Collier Ferguson Strathnaver and George Hamilton and the three French Battallions of Refugies of la Meloniere Belcastel and Marton My Lord Gallway's Horse and the Marquis de Mirmont's Dragoons which are still kept in His Majesty's Service in Flanders And the French were then working to demolish the Works on the Rhine and elsewhere which are to be Raz'd by the Treaty and to evacuate those which they are to restore to the Empire but as yet have not perform'd it however we need not doubt but they will and News are daily expected of their having begun with Philipsbourg and deliver'd it up to an Imperial Garrison but these Affairs do not come directly within the compass of this History and therefore I need not speak any more about them lest that should swell this Account to too great a Bulk which is long enough already and longer than I would have made it if it could have been done conveniently without omitting some Material Passages I have no more to add but some few short Reflexions upon the Peace lately agreed upon at Ryswick which brings this History to a most happy Period and to it s wish'd for Conclusion the Negociations whereof have been carried on with more Calmness Tranquility and Expedition than any General Treaty we can read of before notwithstanding several Occasions which have offer'd themselves seasonably enough to take hold of them thereby to disturb or prolong this great Work We have seen the King of Sweden Charles the Eleventh who by his Mediation had so wisely manag'd Affairs as to bring the Plenipotentiaries of the
and the Allies are fallen very short of their Expectations in the last War France propos'd to it self at least to have chang'd the Twenty Years Truce into a perpetual Treaty in pursuance of the repeated Instances made by the French Ambassadour at the Dyet of Ratisbone for that purpose and nothing in the World could have prevented not only this but even the Ruin of the Protestant Religion every where and with it the Truckling of the Empire the Spanish and United Netherlands to the Power of France save the Happy Wonderful and Sudden Revolution in England when in all Humane Probability His Majesty's Expedition with so considerable a Body of the States Forces in that Kingdom must have created such Civil Wars as would have been rather Subservient to carry on the great Designs of France instead of hindering them which I think is a sufficient Argument to convince any Man unless he is byass'd by his Passions Prejudices and Interest that it was the doing of that over-ruling Providence who as the Psalmist tells us * Psal 33. Maketh the Devices of the People to be of none effect and casteth out the Counsels of Princes As for the Allies they had sufficiently felt the Effects of that Great Power which the French had come to by the Treaty of Nimeguen and whilst the Court of England was ingag'd in the Interests of France that turn'd the Scale so much that there could be no resistance for them But that powerful Kingdom having been so happily and suddenly drawn out of the Interests of France or rather deliver'd out of its Power by the late Revolution in the Government and brought over by it to the side of the Allies in whose Cause the Religion Laws Priviledges and Liberties of that Kingdom were so nearly concern'd as the Liberties of Europe were reciprocally involv'd in the Destiny of that Nation so the Allies conceiv'd very great Hopes thereupon of reducing France to much lower Conditions than the Treaty of Nimeguen and of hindering it hereafter from disturbing so often the Peace and Quiet of Christendom But several Accidents have stop'd the Progress of the Allies Affairs thus far the first has been the War of Ireland which hinder'd England from bending the Force of its Arms against France at the beginning to imploy them for the three first Campagnes to recover a Kingdom which so undoubtedly belongs to it and in which it was certainly the Interest of the French to maintain the War as long as possibly they could not to mention the persidious Malice of a Party of Men and unnatural Patriots we have at Home which has weaken'd our Efforts very much and clogg'd the Progress of our Affairs so as to make them often drive heavy The second has been the Over-sight of the Imperial Court in not making a Peace with the Grand Seignior after the Siege of Belgrade as the Turks so earnestly sollicited it at that time And the third The Obstinacy of the Turks so prejudicial at last to their true Interest in carrying on so unsuccessful a War in Hungary when by the necessity of the Emperour's Affairs whilst ingag'd in a War against France they could have made a very Advantageous Peace for themselves which they ought to have done chiefly when they found that notwithstanding the great Diversion they expected from the French upon the Rhine the Imperialists could give them an intire Rout at Salankement and take in the Campagnes following Guyla and Great-Waradin from them for which ill Policy they find at present but too much reason to repent when they see themselves left in the Lurch and to deal with a Powerful Confederacy which now that there is a General Peace in Christendom can bend all its Forces against a weaken'd and drooping Empire The first of these Obstacles being at length happily surmounted by the Reduction of Ireland France contriv'd an Invasion in the Year 1692. to make us look to our own defence at home instead of increasing the strength of the Allies abroad by which though it miscarried in the main yet it gain'd the Town of Namur And the defeat of Landen in 1693 having shew'd the necessity there was for England and the States to augment considerably their Land Forces the Scale begun to turn the Campagne following and the weight of England appear'd very considerable in the Ballance chiefly in the Campagne of 1695 by the Glorious Recovery of Namur which if it be true that France offer'd to treat upon the Foot of Nimeguen before upon the Issue of the Campagne of 1694 sufficiently justified the Conduct of the Allies in the rejecting of it when the French lost Cazal in Italy at the same time And there is a great deal of reason to think that the carrying of the War by the Allies thereafter would have been attended with many other Glorious Advantages and very Fatal to the French had it not been for the Duke of Savoy's deserting of the Common Interest in the Campagne of 1696 and what was may be in some measure the Cause of it the Money difficulties which happen'd in England at that time and oblig'd us to Reform our Coin which had been Clipp'd and Debas'd almost to nothing so that it could bear no Price abroad but must have hinder'd our Armies at last from Subsisting in Flander's and drawn the loss of the Spanish Netherlands after it without a speedy Remedy And as we could not carry on the War nor indeed our Trade without Reforming our Coin so France expected we should be reduc'd to such Extremities in the doing of it as might have put a People together by the Ears that is not us'd to want which would have made it worth its while to continue a War in which it would once more have had a fair Chance to subdue the League and Compass its great Designes by the Ruine of England This may be reckon'd the true Cause both of the inaction and weakness of the Allies for the two last Campagnes and of the continuing of the War then by the French King But though our Money difficulty's occasion'd in a great measure this prolonging of the War by the French yet our overcoming of them so happily and in so little a time which demonstrated the vast and unexpected Wealth of a Nation they reckon'd altogether impoverish'd and which was represented as such by our Domestick Enemies has made amends for it in opening the Eyes of our late Enemies and letting them see that the Continuation of the War would Ruin France before it could Beggar England which has contributed very much to facilitate and bring about that Universal Peace which Christendom now Enjoys And though the Allies have fallen short of their Expectations in the War and that France still continues in the main upon the Foot of the Treaty of Nimeguen yet England having so successfully rcover'd its Liberties and maintain'd and vindicated the Liberties of all Europe at the same time it is thereby in a Condition to ballance
Affairs enough to keep France quiet and to make it observe the Terms of the last Treaty unless it would run the Risk of an Alliance which hereafter would be more fatal to it than ever My last Reflexion shall be about the Advantages which England has gain'd by the present Peace As for the King he has rais'd an Eternal Monument of Fame and Glory to himself by it in bringing of a War in which he had already gain'd an Endless Renown in exposing his Person so freely to all the Dangers and Fatigues of it every Campagne to so happy a Period in spight of all the difficulties which seem'd rather to intail it upon himself and his Dominions in steering all along so justly and nicely among all the different Parties Nations Religions and Interests that made up the Body of the Allies as to bring them to joyn and Center together in effecting his Peaceable and quiet Settlement upon the Throne of these Realms even notwithstanding too many ill Successes in the Course of the War both for his and their Affairs and by this Union among the Chief Powers of the League so strictly carried on and so happily manag'd of which the French themselves when Enemies gave the * Father la Rue his Funeral Oration upon the Marechal of Luxembourg Applause to our Great Prince to compass an Honourable Peace for his Allies as well as for himself But the Glory of Kings does not alwayes make the Happiness of Subjects this would not amount to so much for us if the welfare of England was not joyn'd with it and here it is that we must take a view of the Advantages which England reaps at present by that Peace it owes to the Wisdom and Valour of our Good and Gracious as well as Great Sovereign in which case it would be enough to say that England has gain'd its cause by it and compass'd the great and noble design it did chiefly aim at in the War of recovering under His Majesty's Government its Rights Priviledges and Liberties which had been so notoriously violated before and of securing thereby the Protestant Religion not onely amongst us but in the rest of Christendom which was then in so manifest and apparent a danger by the violent Irruptions of a Popish Government so as for the future we might intail both our Religion and Liberties to Posterity upon a surer and more solid Foundation then they could have when in the reach of Tyranny and Arbitrary Power But over and above which indeed is but a necessary consequence of the former England is again re instated in its prerogative of holding the Ballance of Europe and keeping a due aequilibrium among the contending Powers of Christendom as it is its true interest for Popery nor Arbitrary Power can hardly be introduc'd amongst us but by a pernicious Adherence or rather Servility to one side or t'other to render it formidable thereby to the rest of the World by this means to compass such Tyrannical designs under the shelter of it and I think we have had but too much experience already to vouch for the Truth of this Assertion And as England has so gloriously recover'd itself and is reinstated in the Umpireship of the Affairs of Europe by gaining of our Cause in the happy Conclusion of a War in which we were so necessarily ingag'd so consequently is it in our Power to make the present Peace Solid Lasting and Durable for neither side will think it their advantage to be troublesome whilst a powerful Umpire is resolv'd to maintain the Ballance of Affairs Whilst England is in this Condition it is in its true Posture and as it should be but in order to keep and maintain our selves in it these two things seem to be absolutely necessary The first is a Careful regard to the State of Affairs abroad not to look upon them with an indifferency because we are in an Island happily divided from the rest of the World which frees us from a great many of its Commotions and Disturbances but whenever this point of the Umpireship in which our own Safety as well as Glory is so nearly concern'd lies at Stake then to ingage heartily and freely for the Liberty of Europe for otherwise we must at length become a Prey our selves or be involv'd in a War at last which will then cost us more Millions than in taking things at the beginning it would have cost us Hundred Thousands of Pounds for the Truth of which I need but appeal to the vast Expences of the late War The Second is Peace and Unity among our selves for besides that this Umpireship of the Affairs of Christendom wholly depends upon it which will always shelter us from Enemies abroad at the same time that it makes us great in the World it is the onely bottom that the present Government and with it our Religion Priviledges and Liberties can stand upon for their Fate is at present inseparable and I may boldly venture to say that as Affairs are now in Europe if our unhappy Divisions should work to that height as to produce a Change which God forbid no Revolution can happen in England from the present Government but for Popery and Tyranny without a very great Miracle to prevent it which is a Risk no wise Protestant can expose the Common Interest of all that call themselves Reformed to And therefore whatever Designes too many people amongst us may directly propose to themselves in carrying off of Factions and Divisions to work a Change of Affairs either in Church or State to their own Advantage of what side soever they may be yet in effect they onely work for their own Destruction and must of Course be involv'd in the Ruines of that very Fabrick which they endeavour to pull down and thus open the only remaining Inlet to Popery and Slavery And I pray God that all that call themselves Protestants may lay these things seriously to their Hearts that so our own Divisions may not one day effect what all the Power of France prompted and incouraged by the Treacherous and base Contrivances of an Unnatural Party of Men at home has not been able to perform and to this End may the God of Peace guide our judgements in all things and endow our Hearts with a healing Christian Charity among our selves which is the onely Bond of Peace so that though we cannot bring Matters to an exact Uniformity of Sentiments in Matters of Religion yet thereby we may at least be hinder'd from biting and devouring one another which cannot end otherwise but in a Common Ruin and united in the Methods of a mutual defence as we have at present more than over an Unity of Interest against the Common Adversary FINIS Books printed for Matthew Wotton at the Three Daggers in Fleet-street Numb 7. Shewing the Usefulness of Humane-Learning in Matters of Religion Numb 8. Shewing the Necessity of such a Christian Discipline as is Consistent with Civil Power in Opposition to the Extreams on both sides Books printed for John Newton at the Three Pigeons in Fleet-street THE Honourable Hugh Hare Esq has Charge at the General Quarter-Sessions of the Peace for the County of Surrey held at Darking The Second Edition Corrected Dr. Falle's Account of the Isle of Jersey with a new Map dedicated to the King His Three Sermons on several Occasions Sir Francis Bacon's Essays A Discourse of Natural and Revealed Religion in several Essays Or The Light of Nature a Guide to Divine Truth By Mr. Tim. Nurse The Anatomy of the Earth By Thomas Robinson Rector of Baâ—by in Cumberland
Tedious Cruel and Destructive War that has been known for many Ages in Christendom if we consider the Universalness of its Extent with the Duration of it and wherein his Thoughts could be entertain'd with nothing but Toilsom and Fatiguing Marches and Countermarches between Opposite Armies some to Execute others to Frustrate Designes and others barely to subsist at the Cost and Charges of the Poor Husbandmen and of a Miserable Countrey For what else makes up the Subject of such Histories can contain little besides the unwelcom account of the Effusion of but too much Christian Blood in Cruel Battles Bloody Sieges and Barbarous Bombarding Burning and Destroying of Towns and Villages some to satisfie and others to withstand the Ambition of Princes I have thought I could do no less than bring those Accounts to that happy Period we find in the present Blessings of a General Peace especially when for this very reason the History of the last Campagne must yet be the most acceptable that has been given to the Publick concerning the late War I must Confess nevertheless that little can be said in this Relation to the Advantage of the Allies for the most that could have been expected during the last Campagne from them considering how much they were over power'd of the French by the separate Peace of Savoy and Italy had been to have stood effectually upon their Defence which I believe could yet have been done if the Germans had taken the Field as early upon the Rhine as we did in Flanders or that the Spanish Government were capable of any manner of Vigour to have provided by times for the Defence of Barcelona the only place they had to look after in Catalonia by which they could have baulk'd at once the whole designes of the French for the Campagne on that side However this very thing includes more Real Glory than all the Triumphs and Victories our Great Monarch could have reap'd in the Bloody Fields of War besides the great Happiness it is attended with for all his People that at the End of it we can see the most Formidable Power of Christendom a Power that for many years had resisted the Confederate Attempts of most of the Princes and States of Europe a Power that seem'd to have tir'd the Allies more than it self by a long and expensive War a Power that with all these Advantages design'd no less than our Kings Ruin with that of our Religion Lawes and Liberties oblig'd to seek Peace with us and yield to his Majesty the just and quiet possession of the Crown 's he wears to the great Comfort and Happiness of His People under his Easie and Auspicious Government which with the security of all that can be dear to a Nation must promise us all the Blessings that can be expected from Peace abroad and a great and flourishing Trade at home And that even all the advantages which this great and formidable power has had over the Allies in the Course of the last Campagne have only serv'd as a means to procure it a quicker and more speedy accommodation with them instead of prolonging a then unsuccessful War on their side This is what I am now to Relate and which must give much more Satisfaction to the Honest Reader than if I were to speak of Battles won and other Warlike Triumph's and Victory 's and therefore a Subject which without any farther preface I shall enter immediately upon The Campagne of 1696. had produc'd nothing extraordinary besides the extraordinary though not new proceedings of the Court of Savoy in making an underhand Treaty with France separate from the Allies expresly contrary to the Tenour of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance the Duke had enter'd in with them besides other Obligations he had to them And though the Conditions offer'd him by the French were very Advantagious yet it has so evidently appear'd since in the whole Course of Affairs that France wanted Peace all its Successes during the last Campagne having been made use of to no other purpose than to oblige the Allies to this very thing that we need not doubt but the Duke of Savoy would at least have had as good Terms in a general Treaty and the Allies certainly much better when France by the diversion of the War of Italy would have been frustrated of those Successes it has had in Catalonia and Flanders which have inabled it in a manner to give the Law in the General Treaty of Ryswick But 't is not the first time the Court of Savoy has made use of such Politicks we shall find the same Management in the War about the Succession of Mantua and the putting of Pignerol in the hands of the French contrary to the Treaty of Quierasque which place has now been rescued out of their hands by the very same Methods when as the event has shew'd it 't is plain enough he could have had the same Condition by sticking to the Obligations of the Offensive and Defensive Alliance and leaving things to the fair and just Issue of a General Treaty And yet notwithstanding this separate Treaty 't is the Opinion of several people that France would not have been much the better for it but certainly Savoy much the worse if the Emperour and King of Spain had continued the War in Italy as it seems to have been their Interest especially at a time when there were Overtures of a General Peace The most that France could have done in such a Case would have been the taking of Valence whereas the Spaniards would have had the whole Winter before them in putting the Milane's in a posture of Defence in getting Forces from the Empire and increasing their own Troops by the help of England and Holland who t is to be presum'd would have given the same assistance upon the account of Milan as they had done before to the Duke of Savoy By this means Italy would have had a greater share in the Burden of the War and whatever Success the French could have propos'd to themselves the Campagne following on this side yet 't is evident that Spain would have had this advantage by it that it would have sav'd Barcelona and warded that great blow it has receiv'd at home and the Allies would have been able by the diversion of Italy to have acted offensively both upon the Rbine and Flanders These were the visible Consequences of a War in Italy and therefore because the Emperor and King of Spain agreed to the Peace on that side contrary to their Interest and that of the Allyes in General several persons begun to suspect the Popish Princes as if they had a design to leave the Protestants in the Lurch and the Bigots of the Church of Rome fed themselves with hopes of a Religious War in which they thought of nothing less than the Extirpation of what they are pleas'd to call Heresie But the Emperour and King of Spain could not be impos'd upon by this pretext of
Religion they knew very well that if England and Holland had been left ingag'd in a War with the French King all the advantages he would have had by it would onely have made more firm and lasting Fetters for themselves and 't is therefore probable that the Emperour and King of Spain joyn'd in this Peace of Italy at the Popes most earnest Sollicitations who though his Mediation signified little on the other side of the Alpes yet was very desirous of seeing Peace at his own doors and us'd consequently all his Industry and Interest to bring it about And if such were the vain and groundless hopes of the Popish Bigots abroad our Jacobites were no less elevated at home upon this separate Treaty of Savoy and the consequent Treaty for the Peace of Italy they could imagine no less than that the French King would force every one of the Allies in the Continent of Europe one after another to make up an accommodation and thus that nothing would remain for him but to deal with England and bend all his Forces upon it for the reestablishment of the late King But they both have been very much deceiv'd in the event which does now convince the World that the French King aim'd particularly at coming by this means the sooner to a General Peace with all the Allyes and to have so much the better Terms for himself And indeed at that very time that these things were Transacting in Italy so much to the prejudice of the General Interest of the Allyes the French King had an Agent in Holland to make overtures of a General Peace and the Duke of Savoy made use of this very pretext to excuse the Treaty he had made apart with France in his Letter to the Elector of Brandenbourgh he was jealous or rather pretended to be so of the States having receiv'd an Agent from France to treat with them and therefore he thought that he might very well treat for himself Monsieur de Callieres as we have said it in our precedent History had come to Holland with a passe from the States at the very opening of the Campagne and resided privately at Delft the whole Summer to negotiate Affairs with some of the States Ministers in order to come to a General Treaty this occasion'd so many Journeys which Monsieur Dyckvelt made between Holland and the Camp in Brabant to give an account to the King and receive His Majesty's instructions But whether the uncertain state of the King of Spain's Health who had a most dangerous fit of sickness the latter end of the Summer made the French delay and spin away time in their Offers or that the Imperialists and Spaniards were unwilling to hear of reducing things no farther than the Treaty of Nimeguen the King of Swedens Mediation was not accepted in due Form by the French King and the Congress of the Allies at the Hague till the Campagne was over or rather till the beginning of the Winter upon which the Baron de Lillienroot the Swedish Minister at the Hague receiv'd full powers from Stockholme to manage the Mediatour's part in the Congress that should be held for the concluding of a General Peace between France and the Allies Things being brought thus far towards a Treaty the several Princes concern'd begun to appoint Ambassadors and Plenipotentiaries for it of which I shall onely mention the Principal On the Emperours side were nam'd the Count de Caunitz his Ambassadour and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague Count Straatman and the Baron de Zeilern On his Majesty of Great Britains the Earl of Pembrook my Lord Viscount Villiers now E. of Jersey His Majesty's Ambassador to the States and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and Sir Jos Williamson to whom was joyn'd afterwards in Commission as third Plenipotentiary Ambassador my L. Lexinton His Majesties Ambassador at Vienna as 't were provisionally for during the whole Congress he did not leave the Imperial Court. On the French Kings behalf were nam'd M. de Harlay Boneuil Monsieur de Courtin who not being able to attend upon this great imployment by reason of his great age and a blindness that seiz'd him immediately after his Nomination Count de Crecy Verjus was appointed in his stead as second and the third Monsieur de Calliere before hand in Holland as his Most Christian Majesty's Agent to make the Overtures of a Treaty On the behalf of Spain were nam'd Don Barnardo de Quiros the King of Spain's Ambassadour to the States General and Plenipotentiary at the Congress of the Allies at the Hague and the Count de Tirimont to whom the Elector of Bavaria joyn'd the Baron de Preylmeyer to take care of his own particular Interest For the States General were nam'd Messieurs Boreel Dyckvelt and Van Haren all these had the Character of Ambassadours Extraordinary and Plenipotentiaries as well as the Mediatour The rest I shall leave to those who write particularly the Account of the Negotiations of this Peace to account for After the accepting the Mediation of Sweden and the naming of Plenipotentiary Ambassadours by the Chief Powers concern'd Monsieur de Callieres who hitherto had kept up very privately in Holland and mostly at Delft took upon him the publick Character of the French Kings Minister and had very frequent Conferences with the Ministers of the States in the presence of the Mediatour or particularly among themselves to settle the Preliminaries in order to come to a place of Treaty Monsieur d'Avaux the French Ambassadour at Stockholm had made several offers to the Court of Sweden in order to open the way to a General Treaty by the Mediation of that Crown not onely during the Campagne of 1696. but also in the Winter 1694. which the Allies pretended to have been more advantagious than those given by Monsieur de Callieres at the Hague This created some contest about settling the Preliminaries and therefore retarded that Business for some time however the French Court having insisted upon Monsieur de Callieres offers as the onely authentick ones the Preliminaries were at last agreed upon and sign'd by the Mediatour in presence of Monsieur de Callieres and Messieurs Boreel and Dyckvelt the 31th of January old Style of which this was the Substance Monsieur de Callieres having communicated his full power from the French King for this purpose to the Mediatour did declare in the French King his Masters Name that in order to a General Treaty of Peace his Most Christian Majesty Consented and Agreed 1. That the Treaties of Westphalia and Nimoguen should be the Basis and Foundation of the Treaty to be made with the Allies 2. To Restore to the Empire the Town of Strasbourg in the Condition it was when taken by his Majesty 3. To Restore to the King of Spain the Town of Luxembourgh in the state 't is now in 4. The Towns of Mons and Charloroy as they are at present
Convoy and as if all the Ministers concern'd in this great Congress had onely waired for His Majesty's coming to begin their Conferences the first was held at Ryswick the 29th being the I hursday following the Emperour having at last consented to Treat in this place without insisting any longer to have the Business of Lorrain agreed upon in the Preliminaries and the Palace of Ryswick made up very Commodious for the Congress There was before but one Gate upon the Center of the Court towards the Hague which was appointed for the Mediatour leading up to the great Stairs of the House in the middle Pavillon or Apartment but to prevent disputes in the going out or coming in there was a Gate made at each end That at the West being appointed for the French and that the East for the Allies which is the Right according to the facing of the Palace North towards the Hague The States appointed a Guard to be kept here upon Congress days with an equal number of Sentinels upon each Apartment where the Allies were receiv'd and introduc'd in this first Congress by a Gentleman Commission'd thereto from the States and the French by another having cast Lots for their Post to prevent any manner of distinction in this matter The Conferences were contriv'd by the Mediatour and not Personally there being large Antichambers on each side of the Mediatours Room where the Plenipotentiaries came the Allies on one side and the French on the other and the Mediatour communicated the Writings and Memorials from one side to another In this first Conference the Ambassadours produc'd their full Powers which were reciprocally communicated and authentick Copies deliver'd The full Powers of the French directed them to Treat with the Emperor and Empire the King of Spain and the States of Holland and their Allies which caus'd some Contestation because the Elector of Brandenbourg's Ministers alledg'd that the Elector their Master had declar'd War personally against the French King and therefore that it was necessary the French Plenipotentiaries should be directed in their full Powers to Treat with his Electoral Highness by Name The English Plenipotentiaries made no Objection against it because the King not being to be acknowledg'd by the French till the Concluding and Signing of the Peace it was not necessary they should produce full Powers to Treat with England till then which they accordingly did before the Ratification This Affair took up some of the first Conferences and afterwards the Congress proceeded to regulate the Ceremonial which I shall not meddle withall resolving to say nothing more of those Negociations than what relates to the Operations of War or the Forwarding of the Peace The King having assisted at the Assembly of the States General and Council of State at the Hague to conferr upon the present State of May. Affairs intended to have gone the first of May for Loo but His Majesty having met with an Indisposition the over-night was oblig'd to deferr it and to be Let-blood the next Morning which had so good an effect that the King rid that very Evening in his Coach about the Voorhout the third His Majesty being recover'd set out from the Hague for Loo and came this day to Zuylenstein beyond Vtrecht it prov'd an extraordinary hot day and for about nine or ten days together about this time the Weather was as hot and settled as it has been the whole Summer this made the King hot and restless in the Night but was again pretry well the next Day however His Majesty thought it convenient to tarry some Days in this place where the Herons afforded very good Divertisement in this set of fine Weather But in the mean time the French began to be very busie upon our Frontier and were like to allow His Majesty but a short stay here the French and Swiss Guards had been come to Tournay ever since the 22d of April where the Marechal of Bouflers being Colonel of the French Guards came from Lisle to re-view them all the other Troops were come by the beginning of May to their general Rendezvous upon the Sambre Tournay and about Courtray and wanted only the Presence of the Marechals of Villeroy and Catinat who were expected at this time from Paris with the last Resolutions of the Court concerning the Operations of the Campagne to march and take the Field as for the Marechal of Bouflers his Government of the French Flanders kept him upon the Frontier We have shew'd above that our being in the Field before the French quite broke their Measures which as we have given very good Presumptions for were laid against Namur else why must our being first in the Field bring the Marechal of Catinat from his Department assign'd upon the Moselle and the Lower Rhine clear to the Lys as for the Germans they were still in their Winter-Quarters and not likely yet to take the Field and therefore there was as good a Prospect on that side for the Marechal of Catinat as when the French King appointed him to command an Army there But the Marechal of Catinat was thought necessary for Flanders whatever reason there was for this Change though France had onely At h and Audenarde left open to feel the Efforts of its Arms and indeed they have been so most part of the War since the French have broke in upon the Barriere given to the Spanish Territories on this side in the Treaty of Nimeguen by the taking of Mons and Charleroy their having secur'd and fortify'd Courtray and made a Line from thence to the Scheld which has brought these two Towns especially the first in the very Line of their Conquests for this reason we have been forc'd to leave them expos'd almost every Campagne without being able to cover them and yet the French themselves have seemd to neglect them having incamp'd and march'd backward and forwards about At h several Campagnes for in Truth the taking of At h or Audenaerde could not extend their Contributions an inch farther which since the taking of Mons they have rais'd every where between the Scheld and the Canal of Brussels and by their having Courtray all the Countrey between the Scheld and the Lys and Ghend and Bruges has been brought under Contribution and therefore Audenarde could not give them a farther advantage upon this account Neither could At h and Audenarde do much mischief in raising Contribution upon them because onely a small and inconsiderable dependance of Tournay Conde and Mons remain'd expos'd on this side of the Scheld and the Haisne and all the rest was cover'd by these two Rivers as for the Countrey between the Scheld and the Lys it was cover'd with a strong Line from the one River to the other From whence it appears that in relation to Contributions and advantage of the Countrey neither At h nor Audenarde could do them much harm whilst in the Hands of the Allies nor much good by their taking of them However the French
have a great deal of Honour allow'd them upon this account 'T is true that they ransack'd all the Forts and Garrisons in Languedor and Provence whereby they got a Reinforcement of six or seven thousand Men to repair their Losses and were by this means almost as strong at the end of the Siege as at the beginning of it but if the number of Burghers that were in Barcelona who no doubt had a hand in the Defence of it be consider'd this will not very much lessen the Glory of taking of it I do not know the Situation of Barcelona yet it can hardly be imagin'd but if the Spaniards having no other place to defend to put a stop to the Progress of the French Conquests in a Country where they could not subsist with great Armies had made by times a good and strong Retrenchment on one side of Barcelona for to cover their Army and at the same time good Fortifications and Out-works on the other that if the French had besieg'd it in such a Posture of Defence Barcelona could have taken by them and even as Barcelona was if Spain had transported the Troops they had to spare in Italy since the Peace on that side it would have been an Attempt above their Power As to this last the Spaniards say that the Duke of Savoy kept still the Forces on foot he had during the War and therefore that they could not leave the Milane's open and expos'd to an arm'd Neighbour if it was so the Duke of Savoy has done in that a signal piece of Service to the French King as to the first the Spaniards pretend that the English and Dutch were to send a good Squadron to their Assistance and then that Barcelona would have been in no Danger for the French Army before this place could not subsist but by the Communication it had by Sea with Provence and Languedoc and the Sea-ports they were Masters of in Catalonia and if we had sent a Fleet in the Mediterranean at that time the French must not only have rais'd the Siege but the Army could not have got off but with very great difficulty Whatever reason the Spaniards might have to expect a Fleet from England and the States yet no Man can say that this does excuse them from acting their part in providing for the Safety of the Place and putting of it in a good Posture of Defence chiefly considering that we had already a Squadron of about twenty Men of War in the West-Indies to watch Pointy's Motions and protect the Galleons which must otherwise have fallen into the hands of the French and may be this was as much as England could do at that time considering our late Money Difficulties Notwithstanding the great Advantages which the French had over the Allies by this great Conquest and that the French Plenipotentiaries had given in their Project the Tenth of the foregoing Month in the very middle of this Siege and that no Relief could be expected for the Place but purely from the vigorous Defence of the Besieged yet this did not seem to hasten the Negociations amongst them at Ryswick Copies of this Project had been given to the Plenipotentiaries of the Empire Spain and Holland according to the Tenour of it and the Project as well as full Powers of the French being directed to treat with the Emperor and Empire the Empire had therefore in the Dyet at Ratisbonne made a Solemn Deputation to treat on the behalf of all the States and Princes of Germany with the French King in which among the Ecclesiastical Electors that of Mentz the Secular those of Bavaria Saxony and Brandenbourg and out of the College of Princes for the Catholicks the Arch bishop of Saltsburg the Great Master of the Teutonick Order the Bishops of Wortzburg Spire Constance Hildersheim Liege and Munster the Princes of the House of Austria Palatine and Newbourg c. and for the Protestants Brandenbourg for the Dutchy of Magdebourg Sweden for the Dutchies of Bremen and Deuxponts Saxen-Cobourg Saxen-Gotha Brandenbourg-Cullenbach Brunswick-Zell Brunswick-Wolfembuttle Hesse-Cassel Wirtemberg Holstein Anhalt and the Counts of Wetteravia out of the Imperial Towns for the Catholicks Cologne and Augsburg and for the Protestants Francfort and Nuremberg were appointed by their Plenipotentiaries at Ryswick to represent the whole Body of the German Empire and to treat in its Name with the French King's Ambassadors These having a Copy of the Project laid before them gave in their Answer to it wherein they insisted upon the full and entire Restitution of every thing as it had been establish'd in the Treaty of Westphalia reserving a Power to the Emperour and Empire of keeping a Garrison in the Town of Straisbourg for which they could not accept of an Equivalent neither could they allow the French King to keep Saar-Louis with the pretended District about it in the Dutchy or Lorrain but that the whole must be restor'd to that Duke This was the chief Substance of their Answer when at this time the French were pressing the Siege of Barcelona very hard that they had taken At h in Flanders and that Prince Lewis of Baden was still on the other side of the Rhine notwithstanding the Weakness of the French that way This Answer seem'd to raise great Obstacles to the forwarding of the Treaty if the Empire would insist upon it to the last and yet notwithstanding these Difficulties 't was about this time * The first Conference August the Sixth that they began to treat personally at Ryswick in the Mediatour's Chamber whereas hitherto the Conferences had been carried on in Writing by the Mediatour the Allies and the French keeping to their respective Apartments The Term given by the French in their Project was now drawing near but in the mean while 't is fit to see what the Armies were doing in the Field The two French Armies commanded by the Marechals of Villeroy and Bouflers were now advanc'd a great way from any of their Frontier Towns which made Convoys tedious and every thing but Forrage very scarce in their Camps and had it not been for the Conveniency of Water carriage from Tournay to Renay upon the Scheld and from Grammont to Alost by the Dender no Land carriage remaining but from the Scheld to Grammont and from Alost to the Armies which were just by it had been impossible for them to have subsisted where they were and the great Rains that fell about this time so broke the ways that the little Land-carriage they had became extreamly difficult and the Boats could hardly for the same reason be drawn by Horses If this made Provisions scarce and dear in the French Armies it created no less an Inconveniency for the bringing in of Forrage and they were forc'd at this time to cut down vast Quantities of Fascines for the repairing of the Ways and the making of Bridges over the Ditches being all fill'd with Water by the excessive Rains The 12th the two Brigades of Foot
that had been commanded to Grammont were order'd to return to the two Armies and the 11 Battallious detach'd from Montrevel came back from Helchin to their former Post because the Brandenbourg Troops had not march'd to Rousselar with the Elector but continu'd in the Pays de Waes and therefore the Marechal of Catinat did not want Assistance for the defence of the Lines But the French having consum'd by this time all the Forrage hereabouts and being oblig'd to Forrage the last time on the other side of the Dender towards Ghendt began to think of retreating with their Armies and coming nearer to their Frontiers and thereupon order'd this day 8000 Men to go and cut Fascines under the cover of a Brigade of Swissers and some other Battallions for the Reparation of the Ways and making Bridges over the Dender which were carried to the places appointed by the Horse and Dragoons for the Weather was so bad at this time that we thought the French could not stir at present because they as some suppos'd could not carry off their Artillery but by the help of vast quantities of Fascines and of Trees cut down and laid a-cross under them in the most dangerous places they compass'd this Difficulty The Marquis de Harcourt who had left Bossu to come and incamp at Solre lower upon the Sambre was driven by the Rains from the Banks of this River to incamp between Walcourt and Florennes The 14th The French having repair'd the Ways and finish'd the Bridges over the Dender the Artillery and heavy Baggage was commanded away out of both Armies that of the Marechal of Villeroy pass'd the Dender and that of Bouflers kept on the right side of it The 15th The Marechal of Villeroy's Army march'd upon the Left to pass the Dender and Prince Vaudemont who had Information of their Design and of the March of their Artillery the overnight order'd then a Detachment of 1500 Horse and 1000 Foot to be ready the next Morning with which he went betimes to observe the Marching off of the French and see if any Attempt could be made upon their Rear-guard having advanc'd for this end between Zellich and Asche but the French march'd off in such order that no advantage could be taken and no other Action happen'd but that of some Pickeering of our Hussars amongst them and thus pass'd the Dender upon several Bridges at and about Alost and incamp'd with the Right near this Town and the Left at Denderleuwe where the Marechal of Villeroy had his Quarter The same day the Marechal of Bouflers march'd upon the Right to change Post again with Villeroy and came to incamp at Alost the Dender remaining between them and 16 Boats came down that River this day from Grammont to Alost laden with Bisket for the use of the Armies which wanted it very much at present The 16th the Artillery and heavy Baggage march'd on before because of the badness of the Ways having a strong Escorte of several Squadrons and Battallions commanded by the Marquis de Crequi Lieutenant General The Marechal of Villeroy's Army halted this day but that of Bouflers march'd from Alost up the Dender which River was upon the right Colomn of the March and came to incamp at Ninove keeping still on the same side of the Dender The 17th The Marechal of Villeroy's Army march'd on upon the Left towards Audenarde and the Scheld and came to incamp with the Right beyond Esche the Left at Ste Marie-Oudenhove and General Quarter at Steinhuys to destroy the Forrage and subsist between the Scheld the Dender and Ghendt where the Armies had not yet incamp'd this Year but Bouflers Army halted this day and march'd on the 18th upon the Right higher up the Dender towards Grammont where it incamp'd for the Conveniency of Forrage on both sides of the River with the Right at Stanberg towards Gamerage and the Left on the other side towards the Scheld The 19th the Marechal of Villeroy remov'd his Quarter from Steinhuys to Ste Marie-Oudenhove upon the Left where the French and Swisse Guards and the Dragoons of Fimareon had Orders to come and incamp to cover his Quarter The Marechal of Bouflers Army being now posted near Grammont Monfiour de Montrevel was order'd to incamp at Helchin with the Body under his command consisting of 16 Battallions and 20 Squadrons These Motions of the French seem'd to threaten Audenarde and we were apprehensive of it for the Marechal of Villeroy had gone at his first coming to this Ground to view all the Posts and Avenues about this place and the Banks of the Scheld both above and below with a strong Detachment of the King's House Light-Horse and Dragoons as if he design'd to Invest it and the Siege of Audenarde was discours'd of very hotly upon this occasion in case the Peace was not Sign'd by the 20th Iustant according to the Time prefix'd by the French in their Project and it being now just upon the time every Body long'd to know the Event of that day at Ryswick The Affairs relating to the Differences between France England and Holland were adjusted and the Treaty ready to be Sign'd Spain had just now lost all Catalonia in the loss of Barcelona and therefore had no reason to stand upon very high Terms and the Empire had as little Prospect of bringing the French to the Treaty of Westphalia this made most People expect that a General Peace would be Sign'd that day but when it came to the very nick of time the Imperialists pretended to have a longer time for their Instructions which they could not have time enough to Sign at present and insisted upon having better Terms than those offer'd by the French which in several cases derogated from the Treaty of Westphalia and thereupon refus'd to Sign Our Plenipotentiaries and those of Spain and Holland having no Instructions to Sign separately from the rest of the Allies were therefore oblig'd to stand out too The French who had their Measures ready as if they expected this from the Imperialists gave in a Memorial to the Mediator the very next day in which they laid out the great Advantages their Master had gain'd over the Allies in the whole Course of the Campagne and especially by the taking of Barcelona which could not do otherwise than give him great Hopes of gaining considerably by the farther Prosecution of the War and although the Allies had let the Term given in their late Project pass and consequently that they had a Right to enter upon new Propositions yet the French King to shew his great Moderation to the World and that in the midst of his Conquests he sincerely desir'd the Peace and Repose of Christendom was contented notwithstanding all his Advantages to change and alter nothing in the said Project but in relation to Strasbourg which he did now pretend to keep to himself and that the Emperour and Empire should be oblig'd to take the Equivalent without any farther liberty of
has been preferr'd to the Equivalent and the French who to be sure expected that it would be so and therefore were aware of it resolv'd to retain Saar-Louis and Longwy to have still a Bridle upon the Empire and Luxembourg and also for a Defence to France it self in case of such another Alliance against it as the last Immediately after the Signing of the Peace at Ryswick the 10th or rather 11th of September Expresses were dispatch'd to all the Courts in Christendom to give notice of it and our Plenipotentiaries at the Hague thought it convenient to send one to Prince Vaudemont at Brussels who commanded all His Majesty's Forces and Armies in Chief in the Low Countries the Express pass'd by Antwerp at Nine of the Clock at Night and Mr. Hill His Majesty's Envoy at the Court of Brussels who was then at his Pay-Office at Antwerp had the first News of it before the Elector about Twelve the Express came to the Prince at the Camp and the good News were all over the Army next Morning our Express was follow'd by two Spanish Couriers going to Madrid the first with the News of the Signing and the second with the Treaty in due Form to be Ratified who both receiv'd the Elector's Orders at Antwerp in their way And as if Providence had design'd this to be mark'd for a Happy day in the Calender the Elector receiv'd soon after the passing of the first Spanish Courier an Express from the Emperour with the News of the Great and Glorious Defeat which Prince Eugene of Savoy had given the Turks at Zanta near the Theysse in Hungary on the First of September which as it appears by the Accounts of it was as compleat and entire a Victory as has been gain'd for many Ages and so much the more Welcome that it was gain'd in a time when Men were very apprehensive for the Emperour's Affairs in Hungary the Grand Seignior having a much more powerful Army with which he had already driven the Imperialists from Titul and was now passing the Theysse to march towards Peter-Waradin when his Army being imprudently divided by the River either for want of Boats to make several Bridges or Conduct Prince Eugene attack'd that part which had pass'd under the Command of the Grand Visier and gave it an entire Rout and in the Pursuit over the Bridge which occasion'd the loss of most of the Infidels put that part which was commanded by the Grand Seignior on the other side into no less Confusion and Disorder The Elector having receiv'd this joyful News by the Express dispatch'd immediately the Count de Milan to the Electrice and Prince Vaudemont at Brussels with the Letter he had receiv'd from the Emperour upon this occasion Several People wish'd that this Victory had happen'd a little sooner for the sake of the Allies who if the Turks had been brought to make a Peace which would have been much more Honourable than what they at present can expect could then have given the Law in the Congress of Ryswick and oblig'd the French to much greater Restitutions or else have carried on a War that must have been Fatal to them but the French Court has known so well how to manage the Turks upon this Point in all the Misfortunes they have had for these seven or eight Years last past that there was no more reason to expect the Turks would seek for a Peace after this Defeat than after that of Salankement or the Losses of Guyla and Great-Waradin The 12th in the Evening the Elector follow'd the good News and came to Brussels and the next day he sent the Marquis d'Vsiés a Serjeant General de Battaille in the Spanish Troops to the Marechal of Villeroy and Baron Simeoni to the Marechal of Bouflers to give them an account of the Signing of the Peace on the Tenth at Night and to know what Orders they had from the French Court about their Armies between this and the Ratification which was to be made within three Weeks after Count Monasterol was sent at the same time by Count d'Arco from the Army near Bruges to the Marechal of Catinat upon the same account they were receiv'd with great Civilities in the French Camps and nobly entertain'd but return'd with this Answer That no Orders were yet come from Court to them upon the Signing of the Peace but that as soon as they did receive any they would give an account of it to His Electoral Highness thereby to regulate Affairs on both sides accordingly The 14th all the Artillery was drawn out before the Camp upon the Height uear the Wind mill of Ganshoren and all the Army drew out in the Evening to fire three Volleys for the great Victory obtain'd over the Turks by Prince Eugene of Savoy but it fell a Raining very hard and all the Troops were dismiss'd to their Tents and the Artillery commanded back to its former Post which may be was not the true Reason but rather it was not thought convenient to have any publick Rejoycing about it the Peace being Sign'd between England and France which made England to have no Interest in the Emperour's Affairs that way For I do not remember that there were any publick Rejoycings in England for the raising the Siege of Vienna in King Charles the Second's Reign or even for the taking of Buda in King James's though a Popish Prince But Te Deum was Sung this Evening in the Elector's Chappel and all the Cannon fir'd thrice round the Ramparts of Brussels with abundance of Illuminations and Fire-works and Count d'Arco the Bavarian General who commanded at present the Army of Flanders in Chief had Te Deum Sung in his Quarter by the Chaplains of the Spanish and Bavarian Troops and the Army and Artillery being drawn out fir'd three rounds for this Victory The 17th Prince Vaudemont left the Camp to go and wait upon His Majesty at Loo not only to regulate the Marching of the English Troops out of the Country but chiefly to Thank His Majesty for the great Honours he had receiv'd in commanding of his Armies in Flanders the three last Campagnes and to pass as much time as he could with the King before His Majesty went for England now that the parting would be for some time the Prince being appointed by the King of Spain for Governour of Milan in the Room of the Marquis de Leganés where we may expect from so Brave and Wise a Prince that he will manage Affairs so as to conserve the Peace and Repose of Italy and contribate thereby to maintain that of Christendom in General The Prince being now gone to Loo the Duke of Wirtemberg became in course General in Chief of the Army near Brussels The 19th the Marechal of Bouflers sent Monsieur de Pracontal a Merechal de Camp or Major General of his Army to the Elector of Bavaria at Brussels to give His Highness an account that the French King had sent Orders for his Armies
several Princes and States ingag'd in the War together in order to open their Conferences * April 5. 1697. dye as 't were upon the very Threshold of the Congress and yet the Treaty not delay'd at all by so Fatal an Accident The Regency under his Successor Charles the Twelfth who was then a Minor carried on the Mediation without any Intermission by dispatching new full Powers to the Swedish Minister at the Hague and both the Allies and France receiv'd it without any Wrangling or Hesitation which as on the one hand it redounded very much to the Glory and Honour of the Crown of Sweden so on the other it demonstrated plainly the Sincerity of the most Powerful Parties concern'd in the War and that they desir'd in earnest the Peace and Quiet of their own Dominions and the General Repose of Christendom We have seen France gain considerable Advantages over the Allies both in Land and Sea Expeditions the last Campagne and yet not stand upon much higher Terms for it in the Treaty unless it was the keeping of Strasbourg and the giving an Equivalent for it which if duly consider'd was as much for the Advantage of the Empire as Strasbourg was for that of France for Strasbourg an Imperial Town would have made but a very weak Barriere to the Empire but as it is now that the Empire has the Fort of Kehl opposite to Strasbourg and all the Forts and strong Places on the right side of the Rhine it seems to be in a better Condition to hinder the French from passing of the Rhine than in the State 't was left by the Treaty of Nimeguen And indeed 't was well for the Peace and Quiet of Europe that those met with most Success the last Campagne who wanted Peace the most else a General Peace could not have been negociated with so much Expedition and so few Difficulties to overcome And for this reason we find no Losers in the Treaty but it seems at once Advantagious for all the Parties concern'd Spain has reduc'd the French by its strict Union with the Allies more than by any Efforts of its own within the Bounds and Limits of the precedent Treaty notwithstanding that the French were Masters of the whole Dutchy of Luxembourg before the War whereas before in all the precedent Treaties since that of Vervins the Spaniards were always giving up considerable Towns and Provinces to France and especially in those of the Pyrenees Aix la Chappelle and Nimeguen The Empire has a much stronger Frontier by this Treaty than by that of Nimeguen considering the better Conditions given at present to the Duke of Lorraine and that France has quitted all the Country Towns and strong places it had on the other side of the Rhine before by vertue of the Westphalian Treaty and that of Nimeguen and although the Empire has quitted Strasbourg and deliver'd it up to the French in lieu of Brisach Fribourg and all that France had beyond the Rhine yet having the Fort of Kehl by vertue of this Treaty on the opposite side of the Rhine to Strasbourg it will always be a Curb and a Bridle upon the French and will hinder them from Subsisting beyond the Rhine with an Army as long as this Place is in the hands of an Imperial Garrison which Strasbourg of it self could not have done if it had been restor'd to the Empire in the Condition wherein 't was taken by the French The States General have plainly gain'd their Cause about the Electorate of Cologne which was one of the Articles upon which France declar'd War against Holland and by regaining with it the Dutchy of Luxembourg to Spain in the late Treaty they have remov'd the French altogether from their Frontier especially from the Rhine whereby they made that Fatal Irruption upon them in the Year 1672. They have likewise Parried a Mortal Stroke to their Religion Commerce and Liberties by the Happy and Miraculous Turn of Affairs in England just at the beginning of the Wars which in a great Measure was due to their Assistance and their Liberty laying upon the same Stake with ours and the Protestant Interest all over Christendom but especially in the United Provinces being imbark'd upon the same Bottom with the Fate of the Church of England we may say that they have been together with us deliver'd from Popery and Slavery As for the Advantages of France in this Peace notwithstanding that it has lost all Footing in Italy by the Separate Treaty with Savoy by giving back Pignerol after a Possession of above Sixty Years to obtain it that Lorrain is restor'd upon much better Terms for that Duke and the Empire than those agreed upon in the Treaty of Nimeguen and notwithstanding the great and prodigious Expences to which the French King has been oblig'd to carry on so long and tedious a War which in truth he began himself against so many Confederates and yet that he is still reduc'd to the Bounds and Limits of the precedent Peace which for this reason looks like so much Blood shed and Treasure spent to no purpose that Cazal has been taken by the Allies Lorrain and Dinant restor'd both which were in his Possession even at the Treaty of Nimeguen and Luxembourg given back to the Spaniards all which Places were in the hands of the French before the beginning of the War and that he has been oblig'd to evacnate all the Towns and Fortresses he has taken since at the Expence of so much Blood and Money and all the Country he was Master of beyond the Rhine in Exchange for Strasbourg Yet it must be own'd that the French King has manag'd the whole War with abundance of Art and Wisdom that he has gain'd very great Advantages over the Allies that he has brought them to make a Peace upon his own Terms and extricated himself very gloriously thereby out of all the Difficulties which a Powerful Confederacy had brought his Kingdom to not so much by the Vigour of their Efforts as by the Necessity of his own Affairs the Consequence of a Burdensome and Expensive War carried on by himself against so many Potent Enemies which had reduc'd most of the Provinces of France to an Universal Poverty and Misery and at last he remains Master of Strasbourg in Alsatia Longwy and Saar-Louis in Lorrain much more to his Advantage than the Equivalents he gives being thereby in a Condition to hinder Lorrain though restor'd from being troublesome to France and still to keep the Rhine and the Empire in awe and has Power enough left by it to be still formidable to the rest of Europe and to disturb the Peace and Quiet of Christendom as soon as his Coffers are replenish'd unless his Adherence to the Publick Faith and Sacredness of Treaties constrains him more than the Apprehension of the Power and Greatness of any of his Neighbours Yet notwithstanding these Advantages on both sides in the Treaty of Ryswick it is certain that both France