the Canon devested of the power of Doing it such vendition and emption being by the Common-Law preserved unto them though now very commendably long disused And whereas the Clergy in their Answer pretend all their Canons grounded on the Word of God I would fain be informed where they finde in the New-Testament which ought to regulate their proceedings that the power of the Church extendeth to life limb or estate Sure I am her censures appear spiritual on the soul by those expressions Binde on Earth Cast out Deliver to Satan c. But because the Reader reserveth a lager prosecution of this point for another time we will also respit our larger answer hereunto Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 24. Indeed 1. Davids had been Christian some hundred of years whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan Not many hundred years I am sure of that nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammer Kent being conquered by the Saxons who brought in Paganism Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin Anno 569. Not much more than 140. years betwixt the one and the other Fuller The Christian Antiquity of St. David bare a double Date one native or inherent the other adopted and Reputative 1. The Inherent from the time that St. David fixed there on which account I believe it was no more than 140. years senior to Canterbury 2. The Reputative from the first founding of a Bishoprick at Carleon by King Lucius which indifferently stated was about the year of our Lord 169 which was four hundred years before Canterbury Now it is notoriously known that the antiquity of Carleon whence the See was removed in computation of the seniority is adjected to St. Davids her adopted Daughter Hence was it that the Abbot of Bancar in his Answer unto Austin acknowledged himself and his Convent under the Government of the Bishop of Carleon upon Uske though then no Bishop therein meaning St. Davids thereby as Dr. Hammond and others doe unanimously allow Thus grafting St. Davids as it ought on the Stock of Carleon it is senior in Christianity to Canterbury four hundred years and FOUR may be termed Some in the stricktest propriety of Language Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 29. To whose honour he viz. King Stephen erected St. Stephens Chappel in Westminster neer the place where lately the Court of Requests was kept Our Author is here mealy mouth'd and will not parler le tout as the French men say For otherwise he might have told us that this Chappel is still standing and since the surrendry of it to King Edward the sixth hath been used for a Parliament House imployed to that purpose by the Commons as it still continueth What might induce our Author to be thus reserved I can hardly tell unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations which by some wanton wits might be made upon it Fuller I hope rather some gracious hearts will make pious improvement thereupon praying to God that seeing so many signal persons are now assembled therein the very place once dedicated as a Chappel to St. Stephen may be their more effectual Remembrancer to imitate the purity and piety of that renowned Saint That so God may be invited graciously to be present amongst them to over-rule all their consultations to his Glory the Good of the Church and State and the true honour of the Nation And to this let every good man say Amen Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet be possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine than some fair Lands onely his Father Ieffrey Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou Maine and Toureine not a titular onely succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons Richard and Iohn till lost unhappily by the last with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea From this Ieffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet the name not yet extinguished though it be improverished Our Author speaking of one of them who was found not long since at the Plow Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of New-Albion Anno 1646. or not long before Fuller The frequent and familiar figure of MOISIS will rectifie all wherby lesse is said than meant and therefore more must be understood than is said Besides it made me mince my expression being loath to exceed because this Ieffery did not to me appear though the Earl so intire in those Dominions but that the Kings of France and England had Cities and Castles interposed therein Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 53. King John sent a base degenerous and unchristian Embassage to Admitalius Mutmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco then very puissant and possessing a great part of Spain This Admiralius Murmelius as our Author and the old Monks call him was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser the Miramomoline of Morocco to whom if King Iohn sent any such Message it was as base unchristian and degenerate as our Author makes it Fuller I will ingenuously confesse that the first time I found this Story was in the Doctors Miâ—ro-cosm the novelty making me take the more notice thereof Though since I have met with it in M. Paris the fountain and other Authors the channels thereof I conceive it was as lawfull for me to relate it as for the Animadvertor who epitheis this Embassy BASE DEGENEROUS and UNCHRISTIAN the words which in me he reproveth Dr. Heylin But being the credit of the Tale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors to which brood of men that King was known to be a prosessed Enemy hating and hated by one another it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha and much lesse to be held for Gospel Fuller Here he rather speaks aliter than alia from what I had written on the same Subject who thus concluded the Character of King Iohn Church-Hist Book 3. pag. 54. We onely behold him Him thorough such a Light as the Friers his foes shew him in who so hold the candle that with the Shadow thereof they darken his virtues and present onely his Vices yea and as if they had also poysoned his memory they cause his faults to swell to a prodigious greatnesse making him with their pens more black in conditions than the Morocco King whose aid he requested could be in complexion Here I desire to give the Reader a â—aste of what doth frequently occur in this Book and of what I justly did complain viz. the Animadvertor sometimes not liking my language as not proper and expressive enough substituteth his own with little or no variation of matter I confesse he is not bound to use my words and such variations simply in it self is no wrong unto me but it becometh
principal Articles and main branches of it Fuller It is an hard question and yet perchance more dangerous than difficult to answer but the reason I dare alledge is this Even so Father because it pleased thee Let me add that such conscientious observers thereof which have proved unsuccessefull may esteem their losses as Sweet-Bryar and Holy-Thistle and more cordially comfort themselves in such sanctified afflictions than the Infringers of their Charter could content themselves in their successefull oppression I cannot part from this point till I have inserted that Sir Robert Cotton one who had in him as much of the Gentleman Antiquarie Lawyer good Subject and good Patriot as any in England was the Author in his short view of the long reign of King Henry the third who made the observation of those most successefull Kings by whom the Grand-Charter was most conscienciously observed Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 88. The poor Jews durst not goe into France whence lately they had been solemnly banished but generally disposed themselves in Germany and Italy The poor Iews are more beholding to our Author for his commiseration than the high Royalists as he cals them in the former passage But poor or rich they might have passed safely into France had they been so minded For though he tell us that they had been solemnly banished out of France before this time yet either such banishment was repealed or temporary only or as I rather think not so much as sentenced Certain I am our learned Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise than our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendome whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Philippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fuller I wonder any good Christians would be offended with me for pittying them by the name poor Iews If any High royalist as I fear there is too many be in low Estate would it were as well in my power to relieve as to pitty them Till when they shall have my prayers that God would give them patience and support them in their deepest distresse The Author will find that though the Great General and Final banishment of the Jews out of France was Anno 1307. under Philip the Fair yet formely there had been Edicts for their Exile thence Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spencers whom he speaks this off were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the ancientest Barony of the Kingdome at that time then being These two Hughâ—he â—he Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert de Clare became Earl of Glocester Men more to be commended for their Loyalty than accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fuller The two Spencers fall under a double consideration and are beheld in History for their extraction either as Absolutely in themselves Comparatively with others Absolutely they were of honourable parentage and I believe the Elder might be born a Baron whose Baronry by the Heir general is still extant in Mildmay Fane Earl of Westmorland and from the younger House of a Male Heir the Lord Spencer of Wormelayton now Earl of Sunderland doth as I have seen in his Pedigree derive himself Comparatively So were they far inferiour to most of those great persons over whom they insulted being originally Earls and some of them of Royall extraction Again the Two Spencers may and ought by an Historian to be considered as to be 1. Commended for their Loyalty 2. Condemned for their Insolency On the first account they deserve just praise and it is probable enough that they finde the lesse Favour from some Pens for being so Faithfull to so unfortunate a Soveraigne The latter cannot be excused appearing too plain in all our Histories Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to imploy any other therein And on the other side if he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not onely misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not onely men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to consult the Catalogue of the Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry Spelman in which appear not onely some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiastical Title or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Lay-men Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Laws and of good affections and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fuller May the Reader take notice that this complaint was made by the Commons in the 11th of Edward the 3d Anno 1336. Now Ever I here restrain to the oldest man alive then present in Parliament who could not distinctly remember the contrary from the first of King Edward the first who began his Reign 1272. so that for full 64. years an uninterrupted series of Bishops except possibly one put in pro tempore for a moneth or two possessed the place of Chancellors This complaint of the Commons occasioned that the King some three years after viz. in the fifteenth year of his reign conferred the Chancellors place on a Layman But it was not long before things returned to the old channel of Clergy-men and so generally for many years continued with some few and short interpositions of Lay-men Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 116. This year viz. 1350.
at this present Fuller It is a sad Truth which the Animadvertor sayeth And here I cannot but remember David his expression when flying from Absalom If I shall find favour in the Eyes of the Lord he will bring me again But if he say I have no delight in thee behold here I am c. If it be coâ—sistent with the good will and pleasure of God in due time he will Boy up again the sunk credit of the Clergy if not all must submit to him whose wayes are often above reason never against right Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 156. Yea this very Statute which gave power to a Bishop in his Diocess to condemn an Heretick plainly proveth that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in Cases of Heresie The Bishops and Clergy in their Convocations had anciently the power of declaring Heresie the Bishops singly in their Consistories to proceed against them by injoyning penance and recantation or otherwise to subject them to Excommunication The Statute which our Author speaks of being 2 H. 4. c. 15. proceedeth further and ordain'd in favour of the Church that the Ordinary might not onely convent but imprison the party suspected of Heresie and that the party so convented and convicted of Heresie and continuing obstinate in the same should upon a certificate thereof made and delivered to the Secular Judge be publickly burned before the People In order whereunto as in a matter which concern'd the life of a Subject the King with the advice of his Parliament might lay down some rules for the regulating the proceedings of the Bishops and other Ordinaries Fuller There be two distinct things which in this Point must be severally considered 1. To declare and define what shall be accounted Heresie 2. To condemne to Death a declared Heretick The Power of the former was in this Age fixed in the Bishops without any competition and is so clear none can question it Yea by the same Power they might proceed against a declared Heretick without any leave or liceence from King or Parliament so far as Church-Censures Suspensions Excommunications c. could extend But as for the latter to condemn them to Death herein the Common-Law began where the Cannon Law ended and regulated their proceedings accordingly Dr. Heylin But certainly it is a sorry piece of Logick to conclude from hence that generally in all cases of Heresie the King with advice of his Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Courts A piece of Logick shall I call it or a Fallacy rather a Fallacy à dâ—cto secundum quid ad dictum simpliciter committed commonly when from a proposition which is true onely in some respect with reference to time place and other circumstances the Sophister inferreth something as if simply true though in it self it be most absolutely false As for example The Pope even in matters of spiritual cognisance for so it followeth in our Author had no power over the life 's of the English Subjects and therefore had then no power to proceed against them in point of Heresie Fuller I intended not nor have I abused the Reader with any fallacious argumentation It is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the King and Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresie I mean not to decide which were Heresies but to order the Power of the Bishop over declared Hereticks without the direction of the Statute not to proceed to Limb and Life And I believe my words will be found transcribed out of Sir Edward Coke his most elaborate Report of the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 161. Henry the seventh born in the Bowels of Wales at Pembroke c. some years after plucked down the Partition Wall betwixt them Neither so nor so For first Pembroke doth not stand in the Bowels of Wales but almost on the outside of it as being situate on one of the Creeks of Milford-Haven Fuller Pembroke though verging to the Sea may properly be called in the Bowels of Wales beholding the Marches next England as the outward Skin thereof Bowels are known to the Latines by the name of Penetralia à penetrando one must pierce and passe so farre from the outward skin before one can come at them So is Pembroke placed in the very Penetrals of Wales seeing the Travailer must goe six-score miles from England before he can come thither Dr. Heylin And secondly King Henry the seventh did not break down the Partition Wall between Wales and England That was a work reserved for King Harry the eighth in the 27. of whose Reign there past an Act of Parliament by which it was enacted That the Country of Wales should be stand and continue for ever from thenceforth incorporated united and annexed to and with this Realm of England And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said Principality Country or Dominion of Wales shall have enjoy and inherit all and singular Freedoms Liberties Rights Priviledges and Laws within this Realm and other the Kings Dominions as other the Kings Subjects naturally born within the same have and injoy and inherit And thirdly between the time which our Author speaks of being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth there passed above an hundred and twenty years which intimates a longer time than some years after as our Author words it Fuller Far be it from me to set variance betwixt Father and Son and to make a Partition Wall betwixt them which of them first did break down the Partition Wall betwixt Wales and England The intentions of King Henry the seventh were executed by King Henry the eighth and all shall be reformed in my Book accordingly Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearnesse of this Universitie where seventeen weeks cost me more than seventeen years in Cambridge even all that I had The ordinary and unwary Reader might collect from hence that Oxford is a chargeable place and that all commodities there are exceeding dear but that our Author lets him know that it was on some occasion of disturbance Fuller He must be a very Ordinary and unwary Reader indeed or an Extraordinary one if you please of no common weakness or willfulnesse so to understand my words which plainly expound themselves Dr. Heylin By which it seems our Author doth relate to the time of the War when men from all parts did repair to Oxford not as a University but a place of safety and the seat Royal of the King at which time notwithstanding all provisions were so plentifull and at such cheap rates as no man had reason to complain of the dearnesse of them No better argument of the fertility of the soil and richnesse of the Country in which Oxford standeth than that the Markets were not raised on
the accession of such infinite multitudes as resorted to it at that time and on that occasion Our Author therefore must be thought to relate unto somewhat else than is here expressed and possibly may be that his being at Oxford at that time brought him within the compass of Delinquency and consequently of Sequestration Fuller I commend the carefulnesse of the Animadvertor tender of the honour of Oxford and Oxfordshire his native Country as I have heard from his own mouth But herein his jealousie had noâ— just cause nothing derogatory thereunto being by me intended herein Oxfordshire hath in it as much of Rachel aud Leah fairnesse and fruitfulnesse as in any County in England and so God willing in my description of the English Worthies I shall make to appear Dr. Heylin And were it so he hath no reason to complain of the University or the dearnesse of it but rather of himself for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him He might have tarried where he was for I never heard that he was sent for and then this great complaint against the dearness of that University would have found no place Fuller I was once sent up thither from London being one of the Six who was chosen to carry a Petition for Peace to his Majesty from the City of Westminster and the Liberties thereof though in the way remanded by the Parliament As for my being sent for to Oxford the Animadvertor I see hath not heard of all that was done I thought that as St. Paul wished all altogether such as he was except these bonds so the Animadvertor would have wished all Englishmen like himself save in his sequestration and rather welcomed than jeered such as went to Oxford But let him say and doe as he pleaseth Dr. Heylin Our Author proceeds Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence that it is pity it should be seen save onely on holydayes c. Our Author is somewhat out in this in fathering that saying on Charles the fifth Emperor and King of Spain which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria that is to say to Charles of Inspruch one of the younger Sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth Fuller Nihil dictum quod non dictum prius And it is very probable that the one first made the other used the same expression Dr. Heylin Nor is our Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence Fol. 178. Especially saith he if as I take it by Provensis Aix be meant sited in the farthermost parts of Provence though even now the English power in France was waning For first the English never had any power in Provence no interest at all therein nor pretentions to it as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of Provence in those dayes was independent of that Crown an absolute Estate and held immediatly of the Empire as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy and in the actual possession of the Dukes of Anjou on the expiring of which House by the last Will and Testament of Duke Rene the second it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France by him his Successors to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine as it was accordingly And secondly that Bernard whom the Latine calls Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or Aux in Guinne called anciently Aquae Augustae from whence those parts of France had the name of Aquitain and not of Aix which the ancient Writers called Aquae Sextiae in the Country of Provence Now Guinne was at that time in the power of the Kings of England which was the reason why this Bernard was sent with the rest of the Commissioners to the Councel of Basil and being there amongst the rest maintained the rights and preheminences of the English Kings Fuller There is nothing more destructive to Truth than when Writers are peremptory in affirming what seems doubtfull unto them Errant Hypocrisie for the Hand to be positive in a Point when the Head is as I may say but suppositive as not sufficiently satisfied therein Such men because they scorn to doubt lead others quite out of the way To prevent this mischief I onely said if as I take it by Aquensis Aix be meant for it seemed to me too long a stride or straddle rather for the legs of our English Armies to have any power in Provence And now seeing it was but halâ— a fault in me it doth not deserve the Animadvertors whole reproof Dr. Heylin In agitating of which controversie as it stands in our Author I finde mention of one Iohannes de Voragine a worthlesse Author fol. 181. Mistook both in the name of the man and his quality also For first the Author of the Book called Legenda aurea related to in their former passage was not Iohannes but Iacobus de Voragine In which book though there are many idle and unwarrantable â—ictions yet secondly was the man of more esteem than to passe under the Character of a worthlesse Author as being learned for the times in which he lived Archbishop of Genoa a chief City of Italy moribus dignitate magno precio as Philippus Bergomensis telleth us of him Anno 1290. at what time he liv'd most eminent for his translation of the Bible into the Italian tongue as we read Vossius a work of great both difficulty and danger as the times then were sufficient were there nothing else to free him from the ignominious name of a worthlesse Author Fuller I here enter my publique thanks to the Animadvertor Iacobus de Voragine so it seems was his name was a better Author than I took him for indeed having read that Melchior Canus called the author of some Legends a man ferrei oris et plumbei cordis one of an Iron face and leaden heart I conceived him incended therein But if he did translate the Bible into Italian as I have cause to believe knowing nothing to the contrary it was as the Animadvertor saith well a work of great both difficulty and danger as the times then were I confesse I have formerly in the Table of my Esteeme placed this Voragine as the very lag at the lowest end thereof But hereafter I shall say to him come up hither and provide a higher place for him in my Reputation Dr. Heylin A greater mistake than this as to the person of the man is that which follows viz. Fol. 185. Humphry Duke of Gloster son to King Henry the fifth This though I cannot look on as a fault of the Presse yet I can easily consider it as a slip of the Pen it being impossible that our Author should be so farre mistaken in Duke Humphry of Gloster who was not son but brother to
death b. 10. p. 4. ¶ 12. Iohn ELMAR Bishop of London his death and Character b. 9. p. 223. ¶ 10. ELVANUS sent by King Lucius to Eleutherius Bishop of Rome Cent. 2. ¶ 5. EMDEN a Congregation of English Exiles therein in the Reign of Q. Mary under I. Scory their Superintendent b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶ 41. Q. EMMA the miraculous purgation of her chastity Cent. 11. ¶ 14 15. EAST-ANGLES their Kingdome when begun how bounded Cent. 5. ¶ 27. converted to Christianity Cent. 7. ¶ 44. EAST-SAXONS the beginning and bounds of their Kingdome Cent. 5. ¶ 17. converted to Christianity by Mellitus Cent. 7. ¶ 23. after their apostasy reconverted under King Sigebert ¶ 81. ENGLAND when and why first so called Cen. 9. ¶ 5 6. the Kingdome thereof belongeth to God himself Cent. 11. ¶ 24. ENGLISHMEN drunk when conquered by the Normans b. 3. ¶ 1. EOVES a Swine-heard hence Eovesham Abbey is so called Cent. 8. ¶ 8. ERASMUS Greek Professour in Camb. complaineth of the ill Ale therein Hist. of Camb. p. 87. his Censure of Cambridge and Oxford p. 88. too tart to Townsmen ibid. ERASTIANS why so called and what they held b. 11. p. 21. ¶ 55. and 56. favourably heard in the assembly of Divines ¶ 57. ERMENSEWL a Saxon Idoll his shape and office b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶ 6. ETHELBERT King his Character b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶ 6. c. converted to Christianity ¶ 11. his death and the decay of Christianity thereon Cent. 7. ¶ 32. ETHELBERT the VVest-Saxon Monarch his pious valour Cent. 9. ¶ 23. King ETHELRED his Fault in the Font Cent. 10. ¶ 43. why Surnamed the unready ¶ 49. EXCOMMUNICATING of Q. Elizab. by Pius quintus displeasing on many accounts to moderate Papists b. 9. p. 59. ¶ 25. EXETER the description thereof b. 7. p. 393. ¶ 4. Loyall and Valiant against the Rebells though oppressed with faction p. 394. ¶ 7. and famine p. 396. ¶ 12. seasonably relieved p. 397. ¶ 14. F. FAGANUS sent by Eleutherius Bishop of Rome to King Lucius to instruct him in Christianity Cent. 2. ¶ 8. FAMILIE of LOVE their obscure original b. 9. p. 112. ¶ 36. worse in practise then opinion p. 113. ¶ 39. their Abjuration before the privy Councell Their tedious petition to King James b. 10. ¶ 18. desire to separate themselves from the Puritans to whom their looseness had no relation ¶ 19. turned into Ranters in our dayes ¶ 22. John FECKNAM Abbot of Westminster the Chronicle of his worthy life his courtesie and bounty b. 9. p. 178 179. FELIX Bishop of Dunwich instrumentall to the Conversion of the East-Angles Cent. 7. ¶ 45. and to the founding of an University in Cambrid ¶ 48. Nâ—cholas FELTON Bishop of Ely his death and commendation b. 11. ¶ 77. FENNES nigh Cambridge Arguments pro and con about the feacibility of their drayning Hist. of Camb. p. 70. 71. The design lately performed to admiration ibid. p. 72. FEOFFES to buy in improprâ—ations b. 11. p. 136. ¶ 5. hopefully proceed p. 137. ¶ 6. questioned in the Exchequer and overthrown by Arch-bishop Laud p. 143. ¶ 26 c. The FIFTH PART ordered by Parliament for the Widows and children of sequestred Ministers b. 11. p. 229. ¶ 34. severall shifts to evade the payment thereof p. 230. John FISHER Bishop of Rochester tampereth with the holy Maid of Kent b. 5. p. 187 ¶ 47. imprisoned for refusing the Oath of supremacy ¶ 47. his pitifull letter out of the Tower for new Cloaths p. 190 ¶ 12. the form of his inditement p. 191 ¶ 19. made Cardinal p. 201. ¶ 1. the whole Hist. of his birth breeding death and burial p. 202 203 204 205. Barnaby FITZ-PATRICK proxy for correction to King Edward the sixth b. 7. p. 411. ¶ 47. the said Kings instruction unto him for his behavâ—our â—n France ibidem FLAMENS in Bâ—itain mere flammes of J. Monmouths makâ—ng Cent. 2. ¶ 9. FOCARIAE of Priests who they were b. 3. p. 27. ¶ 40. FORMOSUS the Pope interdicteth England for want of Bâ—shops Cent. 10. ¶ 1. On good conditions absolveth it again ¶ 3. Richard FOX Bishop of VVinchester foundeth Corpus Christi Colledge b. 5. p. 166. ¶ 11. John FOX flâ—es to Franckford in the Reâ—gn of Q. Mary b. 8. Sect. 2 ¶ 41. Thence on a sad difference removes to Basiâ— Sect. 3. ¶ 10. returning into England refuseth to subscribe the Canons b. 9. ¶ 68. Is a most moderate Non-conformist ibidem his Latine Letter to Queen Elizabeth that Anabaptists might not be burnt p. 104. ¶ 13. another to a Bishop in the behalf of his own Son p. 106. ¶ 15. his death p. 187. ¶ 63. FRANCISCAN Friers b. 6. p. 270. ¶ 16. their frequent Subreformation ¶ 17. admit boyes into their order Hist. of Camb. p. 54. ¶ 46 47 48. whereat the University is much offended ibid. FRANCKFORD the Congregation of English Exiles there in the Reign of Q Mary b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶ 41. They set up a new discipline in their Church ¶ 42 43. invite but in vain all other English 〈◊〉 to ioyn with them ¶ 44 45. FREEZLAND converted to Christianity by VViâ—hâ—d a â—axon Bishop Cent. 7. ¶ 97. FRIDONA the first English Arch-Bishop C. 7. ¶ 85. FRIERS and Monks how they differ b. 6. p. 269. FRIGA a Saxon Idoll her name shape and office b. 2. Cent. 6. ¶ 6. John FRITH his Martyrdome b. 5. p. 190 ¶ 11. Tho. FULLER unjustly hang'd and saved by miracle b. 4. p. 154. ¶ 25. John FULLER Doctor of Law pitifull when alone but when with others a persecutor b. 8. p. 22. ¶ 28. see Jesus Colledge of which he was master Nich. FULLER a Common Lawyer prosecuted to death by Bishop Bancroft b. 10. p. 55 56. ¶ 29 30. leaves a good memory behind him ibid. Nicholas FULLER a Divine his deserved commendation b. 11. ¶ 15. Robert FULLER last Abbot of Waltham a great preserver of the Antiquities thereof History of VValt p. 7. passeth Copt-Hall to King Henry 8. p. 11. his legacy to the Church p. 14. Thomas FULLER Pilot who steered the Ship of Cavendish about the world b. 11. p. 231. G. GANT COLL. in Flanders for English fugitives b. 9. p. 91. STEPHAN GARDINER Bishop of Winchester getteth the six bloudy Articles to be enacted b. 5. p. 230. ¶ 17 18. brâ—ngeth in a List of Latine words in the N. Test. which he would not have translated p. 238. for his obstinacie first sequestered then deposed from his Bishoprick b. 7. p. 400. and 401. a politick plotting Persecuter b. 8. Sect. 2. ¶ 6. yet courteous in sparing Mistris Clerk the Authors great Grandmother ¶ 7. his threatning of the English Exiles Sect. 3. ¶ 22. dieth a Protestant in the point of Iustification ¶ 42. Henry GARNET Iesuite his education and vitiousnesse b. 10. p. 39. ¶ 45. canvased in the Tower by Protestant Divines ¶ 46 c. overwitted with an equivocating room ¶ 48. his arraignment and condemnation p.
assistance no emphatical word nor syllable shall pass without its respective reply Nor hath the Reader any cause to suspect that by such shifting I intend any Evasion by pleading in the Preface that I will answer objections in the Body of my Book and alledging in the Body of my Book that I have answered them in the Preface For I have to do with the Animadvertor so cunning and so exacting a Merchant that it is impossible for one indebted unto him to escape without full payment by changing the place of his habitation However the Animadvertor hath dealt severely to say no worse with me who to render me the more culpable and my Book of the less credit hath represented all my faults in a Duplicating Glass And whereas the Best of Beings non bis judicat in id ipsum doth not punish the same faults twice he hath twice taxed every supposed mistake in my History once in his Preface and again in the Body of his Book Dr. Heylyn Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. Mr. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State in the Preface whereof he letâ— us know that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprâ—ntiships God spinning out the 〈◊〉 thread of his life so long in writing the Ecclesiastical History from Christâ— time to our daies And so much time it seems he had spent upon it excepting some 〈◊〉 for recreation in the Holy Land before he had finisht and expos'd it to pubâ—â—ck view the Book not comming out untill the year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectâ—tion we are now to see Fuller My words are by the Animadvertor given-in deâ—ectively and as to me disadvantageously this â—assage which ought to have been inserted immediatly preceding my Promise If I may be so happy as to see these gloomy dayes disclouded with the beams of Gods mercy I appeal to the Conscience of the Animadvertor himself whâ—ther in his Soul he conceiveth these days disclouded or no. Gloomy they were when I wâ—ote those words before any war rained in the Land and since such bloody showers have ended they continue louring gloomy and dark unto this day My promise therfore being thus but Conditional and the condition on which it was grounded not as yet performed I have no neâ—d Liberare fidem to free my Faith which was never bound though I had ever since utterly quitted all thoughts of writing any Church-History For the first five years during our actual Civill Wars I had little list or leasure to write fearing to be made an History and shifting daily for my safety All that time I could not live to study who did onely study to live So soon as Gods goodness gave me a fixed habitation I composed my Land of Canaan or Pisgah-Sight This though I confess it be no part of Church-Building yet it is the clearing of the floore or Foundation thereof by presenting the performances of Christ and his Apostles in Palestine I perceive the Animadvertor hath a months mind to give me a Jeere for my fallying into the Holy-Land which I can bear the better seeing by Gods goodness that my Book hath met with generall reception likely to live when I am dead so that friends of quality solicite me to teach it the Latine-Language Dr. Heylyn For first the Reader might expect by the former passage that he designed the Generall History of the Church from the first preaching of Christ and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Brittain which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles of any of the Seventy Disciples or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times Fuller Charity begins but doth not end at home The same Method was embraced in my Church-History It began with our own Domestick affairs to confute that accusation commonly charged on Englishmen that they are very knowing in forrain parts but ignorant in their own Country I intended God willing to have proceeded to forrain Churches but I am discouraged by the causless caviling at what I have written already My Church-History beginneth for point of Time Indeterminately before the Birth of Christ lapping in or folding over part of Paganisme and presenteth the dolefull condition of the Britons whilest yet unconverted and grievious Idolaters Determinately my History begins Anno Dom. 37. which is but four years after Christs Passion and that is very early I assure you Christianity in this Island being a Timely riser to be up so soon and dressing it Self whilest as yet and many years after most Countreys were fast asleep in Pugan Impiety I deny not but that Apostolical men were the first founders of Religion in our Land But as for such Apostles St. Peter St. Paul c. who without probability of Truth and against proportion of Time are by some Authors obtruded on us those I do reject I hope without the least â—ault rendring my reasons for the same Dr. Heylyn And secondly Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Brittain yet he pursues not his Design agreeable to that Title neither there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Brittain and less if any thing at all of the Church of Ireland which anciently past in the account of a Brittish-Island Fuller I will render the Reader a true account why I entitled my Book The Church-History of Brittain First the Church-History of England I might not call it the five first Centuries therein belonging wholly to the Brittains before the Name and Notion of England was ever heard of in any Author Secondly The Church-History of Great-Brittain I did not call it for fear of bringing in Scotland within the Latitude thereof a compass too large for my weak Endeavours Thirdly The Church-History of Brittain I did and might call it in a double respect tam à parte Majore quà m meliore both from the bigger and better the fairer and fruitfuller part of Brittain the Ecclesiastical affairs whereof were therein contained Yea the Animadvertor knows full well that the South of this Island by way of Eminence is so called To give one Instance of many from the Title-page of a passage of State Nobilissima disceptatio super Dignitate magnitudine Regnorum Britannici Et Gallici habita ab utriusque Oratoribus Legatis in Concilio Constantiensi Lovanii anno 1517. Typis excusa The most noble Dispute about the Dignity and greatness of the Kingdomes of Brittain and France betwixt the Embassadors and Legates of both Sides in the Councell of Constance Anno 1517. printed at Lovaine Here the contest only was betwixt the Crowns of England here termed Brittain and France Scotland not at all
for a brace of notorious falshoods and see who will shed a tear to quench the fire As for the Apparition to Thomas Fuller of Hammersmith seeing afterwards the Animadvertor twitteth me therewith we will till then defer our Answer thereunto Dr. Heylyn Less opposition meets the preaching of St. Ioseph of Arimathea though it meeteth some For notwithstanding that this Tradition be as generall as universally received as almost any other in the Christian Church yet our Author being resolved to let fly at all declares it for a piece of Novel superstition disguis'd with pretended Antiquity Better provided as it seems to dispute this point than the Ambassadours of Castile when they contended for precedency with those of England in the Council of Basil who had not any thing to object against this Tradition of Iosephs preaching to the Brittains although the English had provoked them by confuting their absurd pretences for St. Iames his preaching to the Spaniards Fuller I never denyed the Historicall ground-work but the Fabulous varnish of Arimathean Ioseph here preaching My words run thus Church-History Pag. 6. Part 12. Yet because the Norman Charters of Glassenbury refer to a Succession of many antient Charters bestowed on that Church by severall Saxon Kings as the Saxon Charters relate to Brittish Grants in Intuition to Joseph's being there We dare not wholly deny the substance of the Story though the Leaven of Monkery hath much swollen and puffed up the circumstance thereof And to the impartiall peruser of the connexion of my words Novell Superstition disguised with pretended Antiquity relate not to the substance of the Story but as it is presented unto us with fictitious embellishments And here I foretell the Reader what he shall see within few pages performed namely that after the Animadvertor hath flung and flounced and fluttered about to shew his own activity and opposition against what I though never so well and warily have written at last he will calmly come up and in this controversie close with my sense though not words using for the more credit his own expressions Dr. Heylyn For first our Author doth object in the way of scorn that fol. 6. The relation is as ill accoutred with tacklings as the Ship in which it is affirmed that St. Phillip St. Joseph and the rest were put by the Iews into a Vessell without Sails or Oars with intent to drown them and being tossed with tempests in the midland Sea at last safely landed at Marcelles in France and thence afterwards made for England No such strange piece of Errantry if we mark it well as to render the whole truth suspected Fuller Not by way of scorn Sir but by way of dislike and distrust The more I mark it the more strange piece of Errantry it seemeth so that I cannot meet with a stranger Dr. Heylyn For first we find it in the Monuments of elder times that Acrisius King of Argos exposed his daughter Danae with her young son Perseus in such a vessell as this was and as ill provided of all necessaries to the open Seas who notwithstanding by divine providence were safely wafted to those parts of Italy which we now call Puglia Fuller Monuments of elder times What be your Acts if these be your Monuments Ask my fellow if I be a thief ask a Poeticall Fable if a Monkish Legend be a lyar And what if Danae the self-same forsooth which had a golden shoure rained into her lap crossed from Argos in Peloponesus to Apulia now Puglia almost in a streight line and the narrowest part of the Adriatick This doth not parallel the improbability of Ioseph his voyage in an un-accoutred Ship from some Port in Palestine to Marselles the way being ten times as far full of flexures and making of severall points which costs our Sea-men some months in sailing though better accommodated I confess Gods power can bring any a greater distance with cordage of cobweb in a nut-shell but no wise man will make his belief so cheap to credit such a miracle except it be better attested Dr. Heylyn And secondly for the middle times we have the LIKE story in an Author above all exception even our Author himself who telleth us lib. 6. fol. 265. of our present History that King Athelstane put his brother Edwin into a little Wherry or Cock-boat without any tackling or furniture thereunto to the end that if the poor Prince perished his wickedness might be imputed to the waves Fuller Thanks for the jeer premised I am not the Author but bare Relater of that story obvious in all our English Chronicles Nor is the story LIKE to that of Ioseph's except he had been drowned in his Waftage to Marelles as this exposed Prince Edwin was in our Narrow Seas whether wilfully or casually not so certain his corps being taken up in Flanders The resemblance betwixt stories chiefly consists in similitude of success And what likeness betwixt a miserable death and a miraculous deliverance Dr. Heylyn Our Author objecteth in the next place that no writer of credit can be produced before the Conquest who mentioneth Joseph 's comming hither For answer whereunto it may first be said that where there is a constant uncontrolled Tradition there is most commonly the less care taken to commit it to Writing Fuller Less care implyeth some care whereas here no care but a pannick silence of all Authors Brittish Saxon and Christian for a thousand years together Secondly the Animadvertor might have done well to have instanced in any one Tradition seeing he saith it is most commonly done which is constant and uncontrolled yet attested by no creditable Author and then let him carry the cause Dr. Heylyn Secondly that the Charters of Glassenbury relating from the Norman to the Saxâ—n Kings and from the Saxons to the Brittains being all built upon St. Ioseph's comming hither and preaching here may serve instead of many Authors bearing witness to it And thirdly that Frier Bale as great an enemy to the unwarrantable Traditions of the Church of Rome as our Author can desire to have him hath vouch'd two witnesses hereunto that is to say Melkinus Avalonius and Gildas Albanus whose Writings or some fragments of them he may be believed to have seen though our Author hath not Fuller Nor the Animadvertor neither Bale doth not intimate that he ever saw any part of them and he useth to Cackle when lighting on such Eggs. But we collect from him and other Authors that no credit is to be given to such supposititious fragments Dr. Heylyn As for some circumstances in the story that is to say the dedicating of Iosephs first Church to the Virgin Mary the burying of his body in it and the inclosing of the same with a large Church-yard I look upon them as the products of Munkish ignorance accommodated unto the fashion of those times which the writers liv'd in There is scarce any Saint in all the Calendar whose History would not be subject to the like
under a Stall no Father being found or Mother to maintaine it A Presumption that this Letter of Elutherius is supposititious I confesse this pretended Letter of Lucius hath something in it which doth act and personate primitive simplicity as that passage of Regal power in Church-matters but more which doth practise the Monkish ignorance of later times There were lately false twenty Shilling pieces commonly called Morgans coyned by a cunning and cheating Chymist whose part without the Rind was good Gold and would endure the touch whilst that within was base as but double guilded Brasse Such this Letter of Lucius some part whereof will endure the Test the other not the Monk who made it pretending something of antiquity so to palliate the deceit but having more of the Novelty of the middle age He lived in some six hundred years since May the Reader be pleased to take notice that the Animadvertor hath silently passed by the strongest Argument to shatter the credit of this Letter alledged by me and taken from a phrase unknown in that Age yet used in the Letter even MANU TENERE to Maintain or defend This the Animadvertor slips over in silence and that I believe for nineteen reasons whereof this was one because He himselfe was unable to answer it and knew Criticks would laugh at him if affirming those words in that sense contemporary with Pope Eleutherius Herein He appears like a Dunkerker who delights to prey on poore Marchants Ships passing on in their Calling but meeting an English Man of War He can look Big and fairly give him the goe-By He finds it more facile to carpe an easie inoffensive passage then to confute what hath difficulty and strength of reason therein I resume what I said before and what the Animadvertor hath gain-said to no purpose viz. that this Story of K. Lucius is not to be Refused but Refined and the drosse is to be put from the good Metall or as my own words also are the good Corn therein sifted from the Chaffe and amongst the Chaffe I have cast away this Letter But if the Animadvertor loves to eat both Corn and Chaffe much good may his Diet do him and let Him and Horse feed on their Loafe together Dr. Heylyn Our Author tells us fol. 9. that he had ventured on this story with much aversnesse and we dare believe him He had not else laboured to discredit it in so many particulars and wilfully that I say no worse suppressed c. Fuller Can he say worse than wilfully except it be Maliciously Seeing in my conscience I believe the Story of the conversion of K. Lucius though this Letter and some other circumstances seem to me improbable I enter'd on this story with this much aversenesse as finding much difficulty and fearing not to give satisfaction therein to my self and others I see not how it can be inferred from such my aversenesse that I therefore laboured to discredit the story in so many particulars If this be a good consequence I desire the Reader to remember what the Animadvertor hath written in the latter end of the introduction to his Animadversions on my Book viz. I must needs confesse withall that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking then I did on this May I not then by the same Logick conclude his endeavouring to disparage my Book because he entered thereon so unwillingly Dr. Heylyn The best part of the Evidence in the words of Beda who being no friend unto the Brittains hath notwithstanding done them right in this great businesse And from him take the story in these following words Anno ab Incarnatione Domini 156. c. In the 156. year after Christs Nativity Marcus Antonius Verus together with Aurelius Commodus his Brother did in the fourteenth place from Augustus Ceasar undertake the government of the Empire In whose times when as Eleutherius a godly man was Bishop of the Church of Rome Lucius King of the Brittains sent unto him Obsecrans uâ— per eius mandatum Christianus efficeretur intreating by his means to be made a Christian. Whose vertuous desire herein was granted and the faith of Christ being thus received by the Brittains was by them kept inviolate and undefiled untill the time of Diocleâ—ian This is the substance of the story as by him delivered true in the main though possibly there may be some mistake in his Chronology as in a matter not so canvassed as it hath been lately Fuller I entered a grand Jury of Authors which mentioned the Conversion of Lucius amongst whom Bede is one I expressed none of them as I had no cause in their words at length neither can I properly be said to suppress any of them solemnly giving in their names and their severall Dates which they assigne to that memorable action Dr. Heylyn Now to proceed unto our Author he tells us Fol. 10. out of Ieffery of Monmouth That at this time there were in England twenty eight Cities each of them having a Flamen or Pagan Priest and three of them namely London York and Caer-lion in Wales had Arch-flamens to which the Rest were subjected and Lucius placed Bishops in the Rome of the Flamens and Arch-bishops Metropolitans in the places of Arch-flamens concluding in the way of Scorne that his Flamines and Arch-flamines seem to be Flams and Arch-flams even notorious False-hoods Fuller I would not willingly sit in the seat of the Scorner and if the Animadvertor by his force will thrust me down into it I will God willing rise up againe and leave the place empty to himselfe to stand or sit therein Pro libero suo Arbitrio I say no more nor so much as that Worthy Knight Sr. Henry Spelman so great an Antiquary that it is Questionable whether his Industry Iudgment or Humility were the Greatest hath said on the same Subject Who having learnedly confuted this Report of Geffery of Monmouth concludeth with the cause of his Mistake relying on some supposititious Epistles Sr. H. Spelman de Concilijs Page 13. Gaufrido autem atque alijs qui Flaminum Archiflaminum et Protoflaminum Commento capiuntur imposuisse videtur Gratiani authoritas Epistolis munita S Lucij c. See! He calleth that Commentum which our Dictionaries English a Flat Lye which I have mitigated into a Flamme as importing in common Discourse a Falshood which hath more of vanity then Mischiefe therein Dr. Heylyn And it is well they do but seem so it being possible enough that they may seem Falshoods to our Author even notorious Falshoods though they seem true enough to others even apparent Truths Fuller They seem so also to learned Sr. Henry Spelman lately alledged and to the Reverend Arch-bishop of Armagh and many others Dr. Heylyn And first though Ieffery of Monmouth seem to deserve no credit in this particular where he speaks against our Author's sense yet in another place where he comes up to his Desires he is otherwise thought of and therefore made