of families together within themselues how to demeane and order their matters best for the conseruation of themselues and ech of their families generally and particularly Thus a few being heades and the chiefe of their families equall in birth and nobilitie and not much different in riches gouerned their owne houses and the descendentes of them particularly and consulted in common vpon publike causes agreeing also vpon certaine lawes and orders to be kept amongst them So the best chiefest and sagest did rule and thother part had no cause to striue with them nor had no cause nor apparance to compare with anie of them neither for age nor discretion nor for riches or nobilitie The rulers sought ech to keepe and maintaine their posteritie as their sonnes and nephewes and such as shoulde succeede them and carie their names when they were deade and so render them being mortall by nature immortall by their fame and succession of posteritie hauing most earnest care to maintaine still this their cousinage and common familie aswell against forraigne and barbarous nations which were not of their progenie tongue or religion as against wilde and sanage beasts This seemeth the naturall sourse and beginning or image of that rule of the fewer number which is called of the Greekes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and of the Latines optimatum respublica The first originall or beginning of the rule of the multitude called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CHAP. 14. NOw as time bringeth an ende of all thinges these brethren being all dead and their offpring encreasing daily to a great multitude and the reuerence due to the old fathers in such and so great number of equals fayling by the reason of the death or doting of the Elders eche owing their merites of education apart to their fathers and grandfathers and so many arising and such equalitie among them it was not possible that they should be content to be gouerned by a fewe For two thinges being such as for the which men in society and league do most striue that is honour and profitte no man of free courage can be contented to be neglected therein so that they were faine of necessitie to come to that that the more part should beare the price away in election of magistrates and rulers So that either by course or by lot ech man in turne might be receaued to beare rule and haue his part of the honour and if any were of the profit which came by administration of the common wealth For whosoeuer came of that old great grandfathers race he accompted him selfe as good of birth as any other For seruice to the coÌ„mon wealth all or such a number had done it as they coulde not be accompted few And if a few would take vpon them to vsurpe ouer the rest the rest conspiring together would soone be master ouer them and ruinate them wholly Whereupon necessarily it came to passe that the common wealth must turne and alter as before from one to a few so now from a few to many and the most part ech of these yet willing to saue the politicke bodie to conserue the authoritie of their nation to defende themselues against all other their strife being onely for empire and rule and who shoulde doe best for common wealth whereof they would haue experience made by bearing office and being magistrates This I take for the first and naturall beginning of the rule of the multitude which the Greekes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Latines some Republica by the generall name some populi potestas some census potestas I cannot tell howe latinely That the common wealth or policie must be according to the nature of the people CHAP. 15. BY this processe and discourse it doth appeare that the mutations changes of fashions of gouernement in common wealthes be naturall do not alwayes come of ambitioÌ„ or malice And that according to the nature of the people so the commoÌ„ wealth is to it sit proper And as all these iii. kindes of common wealthes are naturall so when to ech partie or espece and kinde of the people that is applied which best agreeth like a garmeÌ„t to the bodie or shoe to the foote then the bodie politique is in quiet findeth ease pleasure and profit But if a contrary forme be giuen to a contrary maner of people as when the shoe is too litle or too great for the foote it doth hurt and encomber the conuenient vse thereof so the free people of nature tyrannized or ruled by one against their willes were he neuer so good either faile of corage and were seruile or neuer rest vntill they either destroie their king and them that would subdue them or be destroyed themselues And againe another sort there is which without being ruled by onâ—e prince but set at libertie cannot tell what they shoulde doe but either through insolencie pride and idlenes will fall to robbery and all mischiefe and to scatter and dissolue themselues or with foolish ambition and priuate strife consume one another and bring themselues to nothing Of both these two we haue histories enough to beare witnesse as the Greekes Romanes Samnites Danes Uandals and others Yet must you not thinke that al common wealthes administrations and rulinges began on this sort by prouining or propagation as is before written but many times after a great battle and long war the captaine who led a multitude of people gathered peraduenture of diuerse nations languages liking y e place which he hath by force conquered tarieth there beginneth a common wealth after this maner for the most part a kingdome As the Gothes Lumbardes in Italie the Frenchmen in Gaule the Sarasins in Spaine and part of Fraunce the Saxons in great Brittaine which is nowe called Englande of which when that one and chiefe prince is dead the nobler sort consult among themselues and either choose an other head and king or diuide it into more heads rulers so did the Lumbards in Italie and the Saxons in England or take at the first a common rule popular estate as the Zwisers did in their cantous do yet at this day or else admit the rule of a certaine fewe excluding the multitude and communaltie as the Paduans Veronenses and Venetians haue accustomed The diuision of the parts and persons of the common wealth CHAP. 16. TO make all thinges yet cleare before as we shal go there ariseth another diuision of the partes of the common wealth For it is not enough to say that it consisteth of a multitude of houses families which make stretes villages the multitude of the stretes villages make townes and the multitude of townes the realme that freemen be coÌ„sidered only in this behalf as subiects citizeÌ„s of the coÌ„monwealth not bondmen who can beare no rule nor iurisdiction ouer freemen as they who be taken but as instruments the goods and possessions of others In which consideration
also we do reiect women as those whom nature hath made to keepe home and to nourish their familie and children and not to medle with matters abroade nor to beare office in a citie or common wealth no more than children and infantes except it be in such cases as the authoritie is annexed to the blood and progenie as the crowne a dutchie or an erledome for there the blood is respected not the age nor y e sexe Whereby an absolute Quéene an absolute Dutches or Countesse those I call absolute which haue the name not by being maried to a king duke or erle but by being the true right next successors in the dignitie and vpon whom by right of the blood that title is descended These I say haue the same authoritie although they be women or children in that kingdome dutchie or earledome as they shoulde haue had if they had bin men of full age For the right and honour of the blood and the quietnes and suertie of the realme is more to be considered than either the tender age as yet impotent to rule or the sexe not accustomed otherwise to intermeddle with publicke affaires being by common intendment vnderstood that such personages neuer do lacke the counsell of such graue and discreete men as be able to supplie all other defectes This as I sayde is not enough But the diuision of these which be participant of the common wealth is one way of them that beare office the other of them that beare none the first are called magistrates the second priuate men Another the like was among the Romanes of Partricij plebei thone striuing with thother a long time the patricij many yeares excluding the plebes from bearing rule vntill at last all magistrates were made cōmon betweene thē yet was there another diuision of the Romanes into senatores equites and plebs the Greekes had also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Frēch haue also at this day les nobles la populare or gentils homes villaines we in England diuide our men commonly into foure fortes gentlemen citizens and yeomen artificers and laborers Of gentlemen the first and chiefe are the king the prince dukes marquises earles vicountes barrons and these are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the nobility and all these are called Lords and noblemen next to these be knights esquiers and simple gentlemen Of the first part of gentlemen of englande called Nobilitas maior CHAP. 17. DUkes marquises erles vicountes and barrons either be created by the prince or come to that honor by being the eldest sonnes as highest next in succession to their parentes For the eldest of dukes sonnes during his fathers lyfe is called an earle an earles sonne is called by the name of a vicount or baron or else according as the creation is The creation I cal the first donation and condition of the honour giuen by the prince for good seruice done by him and aduauncement that the prince will bestowe vpon him which with the title of that honour is commonly but not alwayes giuen to him and to his heires males only the rest of the sonnes of the nobilitie by the rigor of the lawe be but esquiers yet in common speeche all dukes and marquises sonnes and the eldest sonne of an earle be called Lordes The which name commonly doth agree to none of lower degree than barrons excepting such onely as be thereunto by some speciall office called The barrony or degree of Lordes doth answere to the dignitie of the Senators of Rome and the title of our nobilitie to their patricij when patricij did betoken senatores aut senatorum filios Census senatorius was in Rome at diuerse times diuerse and in Englande no man is created barron excepte he may dispend of yearly reuenue one thousand poundes or one thousand markes at the least Vicountes earles marquises and dukes more according to the proportion of the degree and honour but though by chaunce he or his sonne haue lesse he keepeth his degree but if they decay by excesse and be not able to maintaine the honour as senatores Romani were amoti senatu so sometimes they are not admitted to the vpper house in the parliament although they keepe the name of Lorde still Of the second sort of gentlemē which may be called Nobilitas minor first of knightes CHAP. 18. NO man is a knight by succession not the king or prince And the name of prince in england 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 betokeneth the kinges eldest sonne or prince of wales although the king himselfe his eldest sonne and all dukes be called by generall name princes But as in Fraunce the kinges eldest sonne hath the title of the daulphine and he or the next heire apparant to the crowne is monsire so in Englande the kinges eldest sonne is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the prince Knightes therefore be not borne but made either before the battle to encourage them the more to aduenture their liues or after the conflict as aduauncement for their hardinesse and manhood alreadie shewed or out of the warre for some great seruice done or some good hope through the vertues which do appeare in them And they are made either by the king himselfe or by his commission and royall authoritie giuen for the same purpose or by his liuetenaunt in the warres who hath his royall and absolute power committed to him for that time And that order seemeth to aunswere in part to that which the Romanes called Equites Romanos differing in some pointes and agreeing in other as their commō wealth and ours do differ and agree for neuer in all pointes one common wealth doth agree with an other no nor long time any one common wealth with it selfe For al chaungeth continually to more or lesse and still to diuerse diuerse orders as the diuersity of times do present occasion and the mutabilitie of mens wittes doth inuent and assay new wayes to reforme and amende that werein they do finde fault Equites Romani were chosen ex censu y e is according to their substance and riches So be knightes in England most commonly according to the yearely reuenew of their landes being able to maintaine that estate yet all they that had Equestrem censum non legebantur equites No more are all made knightes in Englande that may dispende a knightes land or fee but they onely whom the king wil so honour The number of Equites was vncertaine and so it is of knightes at the pleasure of the prince Equites Romani had equum publicum The knightes of England haue not so but finde their own horse themselues in peace time and most vsually in warres Census equester was among the Romanes at dinerse times of diuerse valew but in England whosoeuer may dispende of his free landes 40. l. sterling of yearely reuenue by an olde law of Englande either at the coronatiō of the king or mariage of his daughter or at the
both their owne liuing and parte of their maisters by these meanes doe come to such wealth that they are able and daily doe buy the landes of vnthriftie gentlemen and after setting their sonnes to the schoole at the Uniuersities to the lawe of the Realme or otherwise leauing them sufficient landes whereon they may liue without labour doe make their saide sonnes by those meanes gentlemen These be not called masters for that as I saide pertaineth to gentlemen onely But to their surnames men adde goodman as if the Surname be Luter Finch White Browne they are called goodman Luter goodman White goodman Finch goodman Browne amongest their neighbours I meane not in matters of importance or in lawe But in matters of lawe and for distinction if one were a knight they would write him for example sake sir Iohn Finch knight so if he be an esquier Iohn Finch esquier or gentleman if he be no gentleman Iohn Finch yeoman For amongest the gentlemen they which claime no higher degrée and yet be to be exempted out of the number of the lowest sort thereof be written esquiers So amongest the husbandmen labourers lowest and rascall sort of the people such as be exempted out of the number of the rascabilitie of the popular bee called and written yeomen as in the degrée next vnto gentlemen These are they which olde Cato calleth Aratores and optimos ciues in Republica and such as of whom the writers of cōmon wealthes praise to haue manie in it Aristoteles namely reciteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these tende their owne businesse come not to meddle in publike matters and iudgements but when they are called and gladde when they are delivered thereof are obedient to the gentlemen and rulers and in warre can abide trauaile and labour as men vsed to it yet within it soone at an ende that they might come home liue of their owne When they are foorth they fight for their Lordes of whom they hold their landes for their wiues and children for their countrey and nation for praise and honour against they come home and to haue the loue of their Lorde and his children to be continued towardes them and their children which have aduentured their liues to and with him and his These are they which in the old world gat that honour to Englande not that either for witte conduction or for power they are or were euer to be compared to the gentlemen but because they be so manie in number so obedient at the Lordes call so strong of bodie so heard to endure paine so couragious to aduenture with their Lorde or Captaine going with or before them for else they be not hastie nor neuer were as making no prosession of knowledge of warre These were the good archers in times past and the stable troupe of footemen that affaide all France that would rather die all than once abandon the knight or gentleman their Captaine who at those daies commonly was their Lorde and whose tenauntes they were readie besides perpetuall shame to be in danger of vndoing of them selues all theirs if they should showe any signe of cowardise or abandon the Lorde Knight or Gentlemen of whom they helde their liuing And this they haue amongest them from their forefathers tolde one to an other The gentlemen of France and the yeoman of Englande are renowned because in battle of horsemen Fraunce was many times too good for vs as we againe alway for them on foote And gentlemen for the most part be men at armes and horsemen and yeomen commonlie on foote howesoeuer it was yet the gentlemen had alwaies the conduction of the yeomen and as their captaines were either a foote or vppon a little nagge with them and the Kinges of Englande in foughten battles remaining alwaies among the footemen as the French Kinges amongst their horsemen Each Prince therby as a man may gesse did shew where he thought his strength did consist What a yeoman is I haue declared but from whence the worde is deriued it is hard to say it cannot be thought that yeomen should be said a young man for commonly wee doe not call any a yeoman till he be married and haue children and as it were haue authoritie among his neighbours Yonker in lowe dutch betokeneth a meane gentleman or a gay fellowe Possible our yeomen not beeing so bolde as to name themselues gentlemen when they came home were content when they had heard by frequentation with lowe dutchmen of some small gentleman but yet that would be counted so to be called amongest them yonker man the calling so in warres by mockage or in sport thone an other when they come home yonker man and so yeoman which worde now signifieth among vs a man well at ease and hauing honestlie to liue and yet not a gentleman whatsoeuer that worde yonker man yonke man or yeoman doth more or lesse signifie to the dutch men Of the fourth sort of men which doe not rule CHAP. 24. THe fourth sort or classe amongest vs is of those which the olde Romans called capite censij proletarij or operae day labourers poore husbandmen yea marcantes or retailers which haue no frée lande copiholders and all artificers as Taylers Shoomakers Carpenters Brickemakers Bricklayers Masons c. These haue no voice nor authoritie in our common wealth and no account is made of them but onelie to be ruled not to rule other and yet they be not altogether neglected For in cities and corporate townes for default of yeomen enquests and Iuries are impaneled of such manner of people And in villages they be commonly made Churchwardens alecunners and manie times Constables which office toucheth more the common wealth and at the first was not imployed vppon such lowe and base persons Wherefore generally to speake of the common wealth or policie of Englande it is gouerned administred manured by thrée sortes of persons the Prince Monarch and head gouerner which is called the king or if the crowne fall to a woman the Quéene absolute as I haue héeretofore saide In whose name and by whose authoritie all things are administred The gentlemen which be diuided into two partes the Baronie or estate of Lordes conteyning barons and all that bee aboue the degrée of a baron as I haue declared before and those which be no Lords as Knightes Esquires and simplely gentlemen The thirde and last sorte of persons is named the yeomanrie each of these hath his part and administration in indgementes corrections of defaultes in election of offices in appointing and collection of tributes and subsidies or in making lawes as shall appeare héereafter THE SECOND booke Of the Parliament and the authoritie thereof CHAP. 1. THe most high and absolute power of the realme of Englande consisteth in the Parliament For as in warre where the king himselfe in person the nobilitie the rest of the gentilitie and the yeomanrie are is y e force and power of Englande so in peace consultation where the Prince is
concerning such a matter say yea Then they which allowe the bill crie yea and as many as wil not say no as the crie of yea or no is bigger so the bill is allowed or dashed If it be a doubt which crie is the bigger they diuide the house the speaker saying as many as doe alowe the bill goe downe with the bill and as many as do not sitte still So they diuide themselues and being so diuided they are numbred who make the more part and so the bill doeth spéede It chaunceth sometime that some part of the bil is allowed some other part hath much contrariety and doubt made of it and it is thought if it were amended it would goe forwarde Then they chuse certaine cōmittees of them who haue spoken with the bil against it to amende it and bring it in againe so amended as they amongest them shall thinke méete and this is before it is engrossed yea some time after But y e agréement of these committees is no preiudice to the house For at the last question they will either accept it or dash it as it shall séeme good notwithstanding y ◠whatsoeuer the committees haue doone Thus no bill is an act of Parliament ordinaunce or edict of law vntill both the houses seuerallie haue agréed vnto it after the order aforesaide no nor then neither But the last day of that Parliament or session the Prince cōmeth in person in his Parliament robes and sitteth in his state all the vpper house sitteth about the Prince in their states and order in their robes The speaker with all the common house commeth to the barre and there after thankesgiuen first in the Lordes name by the Chaunceller c. and in the commons name by the speaker to the Prince for that hee hath so great care of the good gouernement of his people and for calling them together to aduise of such thinges as should be for the reformation establishing ornament of the common wealth the Chaunceller in y e Princes name giueth thankes to the Lords cōmons for their paines and trauailes taken which he saith the Prince will remember and recompence when time and occasion shall serue and y ◠he for his part is ready to declare his pleasure concerning their procéedings whereby the same may haue perfect life accomplishment by his princelie authoritie and so haue the whole consent of the Realme Then one reades the title of euerie act which hath passed at that session but only in this fashion An act cōcerning such a thing c. It is marked there what the Prince doth allowe and to such he sayth Le roy or la royne le veult And those be taken nowe as perfect lawes and ordinances of the Realme of Englande and none other and as shortlie as may be put in print except it be some priuate cause or lawe made for the benefit or preiudice of some priuate man which the Romans were wont to call priuilegia These be onelie exemplified vnder the seale of the Parliament and for the most part not printed To those which the Prince liketh not he answereth Le roy or la royne saduisera those be accounted vtterly dashed and of no effect This is the order and forme of the highest and most authenticall court of Englande by vertue whereof all those things be established whereof I spake before and no other meanes accounted vailable to make any new forfaiture of life member or landes of any English man where there was no lawe ordayned for it before Nowe let vs speake of the saide partes when they be seuerall Of the Monarch King or Queene of Englande CHAP. 3. THe Prince whom I nowe call as I haue often before the Monarch of Englande King or Quéene hath absolutelie in his power the authoritie of warre and peace to defie what Prince it shall please him and to bid him warre and againe to reconcile himselfe and enter into league or truce with him at his pleasure or the aduice onely of his priuie consell His priuie counsell be chosen also at the Princes pleasure out of the nobilitie or baronie and of the Knightes and Esquires such and so many as he shal thinke good who doth consult daily or when néede is of the weightie matters of the Realme to giue therein to their Prince the best aduice they can The Prince doth participate to them all or so many of them as he shall thinke good such legations and messages as come from forren Princes such letters or occurrentes as be sent to himselfe or to his secretaries and kéepeth so many ambassades and letters sent vnto him secret as he will although these haue a particular oth of a counseller touching faith and secrets administred vnto them when they be first admitted into that companie So that héerein the kingdome of Englande is farre more absolute than either the dukedome of Uenice is or the kingdome of the Lacedemonians was In warre time in the field the Prince hath also absolute power so that his worde is a law he may put to death or to other bodilie punishment whom he shall thinke so to deserue without processe of lawe or forme of iudgement This hath béene sometime vsed within the Realme before any open warre in sodden insurrections and rebellions but that not allowed of wise and graue men who in that their iudgment had consideration of the consequence and example asmuch as of the present necessitie especiallie when by anie meanes the punishment might haue béene doone by order of lawe This absolute power is called marciall lawe and euer was and necessarilie must be vsed in all campes and hostes of men where the time nor place do suffer the tariance of pleading and processe be it neuer so short and the important necessitie requireth spéedie execution that with more awe the souldier might be kept in more straight obedience without which neuer captaine can doe anie thing vaileable in the warres The prince vseth also absolute power in crying and decreeing the mony of the realme by his proclamation onely The mony is alwayes stamped with the pinces image and title The forme fashion maner weight finenesse and basenesse thereof is at the discretion of the prince For whom should the people trust more in that matter than their prince seeing the coine is only to certifie the goodness of the mettall and the weight which is affirmed by the princes image and marke But if the prince will deceaue them and giue copper for siluer or golde or enhaunce his coyne more than it is worth he is deceaued himselfe as well as he doth go about to deceaue his subiectes For in the same sorte they pay the prince his rentes and customes And in time they will make him pay rateably or more for meate drinke and victualles for him and his and for their labour which experience doth teach vs nowe in our dayes to be doone in all regions For there euer hath béene euer will be
serueth thefficacie of the worde Gens in Latine betokeneth the race and sirname so the Romaines had Cornelios Sergios Appios Fabios AEmilios Pisones Iulio Brutos Valerios of which who were Agnati and therefore kept the name were also Gentiles and remaining the memorie of the glorie of their progenitors fame were gentlemē of that or that race This matter made a great strife among the Romanes when those which were Noui homines were more allowed for their vertues new and newly showen than the olde smell of auncient race newly defaced by the cowardise and euill life of their nephewes and discendauntes could make the other to be Thus the Cicerones Catones and Marij had much adoe with those auncients and therefore said Iuuenalis Malo pater tibi sit Tersites dummodo tu sis AEacidi similis vulcaniaque arma capessas Quà m te Thersiti similem producat Achilles But as other common wealthes were faine to doe so must all princes necessarily followe that is where vertue is to honour it and although vertue of auncient race be earlier to be obtained aswell by the example of the progenitors which encourageth as also through habilitie of education and bringing vp which enableth and the lastly enraced loue of tenāts neybors to such noblemen and gentlemen of whom they holde and by whom they doe dwell which pricketh forward to ensue in their fathers steps So it all this doe faile as it were great pitie it should yet such is the nature of all humaine thinges and so the world is subiect to mutability that it doth many times faile but whē it doth the prince and common wealth haue the same power that their predecessors had and as the husbandmā hath to plant a new tree where the olde fayleth so hath the prince to honour vertue where he doth finde it to make gentlemen esquiers knights barons earles marquises dukes where he seeth vertue able to beare that honour or merits and deserues it so it hath alwayes bin vsed among vs. But ordinarily the king doth only make knights and create barons or higher degrees for as for gentlemen they be made good cheape in England For whosoeuer studieth the lawes of the realme who studieth in the vniuersities who professed liberall sciences and to be shorte who can liue idly and without manuall labour and will beare the port charge and countenaunce of a gentleman he shall be called master for that is the title which men giue to esquires and other gentlemen and shall be taken for a gentleman for true it is with vs as is saide Tanti eris alijs quanti tibi feceris and if neede be a king of Heraulds shal also give him for mony armes newly made and inuented the title whereof shall pretende to haue beene found by the said Herauld in perusing and viewing of olde registers where his auncestors in times past had bin recorded to beare the same Or if he wil do it more truely and of better faith he will write that for the merittes of that man and certaine qualities which he doth see in him and for sundrie noble actes which he hath perfourmed he by the authoritie which he hath as king of Heraldes armes giveth to him and his heires these and these armes which being done I thinke he may be called a squire for he beareth ever after those armes Such men are called sometime in scorne gentlemen of the first head VVhether the maner of England in making gentlemen so easily is to be allowed CHAP. 21. A Man may make doubt question whether this maner of making gentlemen is to be allowed or no for my part I am of that opinion y e it is not amisse For first the prince looseth nothing by it as he shoulde doe it it were as in Fraunce for the yeomen or husbandmā is no more subiect to taile or taxe in Englande than the gentleman no in every payment to the king the gentleman is more charged which he beareth the gladlier and dareth not gainesaie for to save and keepe his honour and reputation In any shew or muster or other particular charge of the towne where he is he must open his purse wider and augment his portion above others or else he doth diminish his reputation As for their outward shew a gentleman if he wil be so accompted must go like a gentleman a yeoman like a yeoman and a rascall like a rascall and if he be called to the warres he must and will whatsoever it cost him array himselfe and arme him according to the vocation which he pretendeth he must shew also a more manly corage tokens of better education higher stomacke and bountifuller liberallitie than others and keepe aboute him idle seruauntes who shall doe nothing but waite vpon him So that no man hath hurt by it but he himselfe who hereby perchance will beare a bigger saile than he is able to maintaine For as touching the policie and goverment of the common wealth it is not those that haue to do with it which will magnifie them selves and goe in higher buskins than their estate will beare but they which are to be appointed are persons tryed and well knowen as shall be declared hereafter Of Citizens and Burgesses CHAP. 22. NExt to gentlemen be appointed citizens and burgesses such as not onely be free and receiued as officers within the cities but also be of some substance to beare the charges But these citizens and burgesses be to serve the common wealth in their cities burrowes or incorporate townes where they dwell Generally in the thyres they be of none accompt saue onely in the common assembly of the realme to make lawes which is called the Parliament The aunciet cities appoint iiii and ech burrough ii to haue voices in it and to giue their consent or dissent in the name of the citie or burrough for which they be appointed Of Yeomen CHAP. 23. THose whom we call yeomen next vnto the nobilitie knightes and squires haue the greatest charge and doings in the common wealth or rather are more trauailed to serue in it than all the rest as shall appeare hereafter I call him a yeoman whom our lawes doe call Legalem hominem a worde familiar in writtes and enquestes which is a fréeman borne English and may dispend of his owne frée lande in yearly reuenue to the summe of xl s. sterling This maketh if the iust value were taken now to the proportion of monies vt l. of our currant mony at this present This sort of people confesse themselves to be no gentlemen but giue the honour to al which be or take vpon them to be gentlemen and yet they haue a certaine preheminence and more estimation than laborers and artificers and commonly liue welthilie kéepe good houses do their businesse trauaile to acquire riches these be for the most part fermors vnto gentlemen which with grasing frequenting of markettes and kéeping seruauntes not idle as the gentleman doth but such as get
a certaine proportiō betwéene the scarcity and plentie of other thinges with gold and siluer as I haue declared more at large in my booke of monie For all other measures and weightes aswell of drie thinges as of wet they haue accustomed to be established or altered by the Parliament and not by the princes proclamation only The prince vseth also to dispence with lawes made whereas equitie requireth a moderation to be had and with paynes for transgression of lawes where the payne of the lawe is applyed onely to the prince But where the forfaite as in popular actions it chaunceth many times is part to the prince the other part to the declarator detector or informer there the prince doth dispence for his owne part onely Where the criminall action is intended by inquisition that maner is called with vs at the princes suite the prince giueeth absolution or pardon yet with a clause modo stet rectus in curia that is to say that no man obiect against the offendor Whereby notwithstanding that he hath the princes pardon if the person offended will take vppon him the accusation which in our language is called the appeale in cases where it lieth the princes pardon doth not serue the offendor The prince giueth all the chiefe and highest offices or magistracies of the realme be it of iudgement or dignitie temporall or spirituall and hath the tenthes and first fruites of all Ecclesiasticall promotions except in the Uniuersities and certaine Colledges which be exempt All writtes executions and commaundementes be done in the princes name We doe say in England the life and member of the kinges subiectes are the kinges onely that is to say no man hath hault nor moyenne iustice but the king nor can hold plea thereof And therefore all those pleas which touche the life or the mutilation of man be called pleas of the crowne nor can be dooke in the name of any inferior person than he or shée that holdeth the crowne of Englande And likewise no man can giue pardon thereof but the prince onely Although in times past there were certaine countie Palatines as Chester Durham Clie which were hault iusticers and writtes went in their name and also some Lorde marchers of Wales which claymed like priuiledge All these are now worne away The supreme iustice is done in the kinges name and by his authoritie onely The Prince hath the wardshippe and first mariage of all those that hold landes of him in chiefe And also the gouernement of all fooles natural or such as be made by aduenture of sicknes and so continue if they be landed This being once graunted by act of Parliament although some inconuenience hath béene thought to grow thereof sith that time it hath béene thought verie vnreasonable yet once annexed to the crowne who ought to go about to take the clubbe out of Hercules hand And being gouerned iustly rightly I see not so much inconuenience in it as some men would make of it diuerse other rights and preeminences the prince hath which be called prerogatiues royalles or the prerogatiue of the king which be declared particularly in the bookes of the common lawes of England To be short the prince is the life the head and the authoritie of all thinges that be doone in the realme of England And to no prince is doone more honor and reuerence than to the King and Queene of Englande no man speaketh to the prince nor serueth at the table but in adoration and kneeling all persons of the realme be bareheaded before him insomuch that in the chamber of presence where the cloath of estate is set no man dare walke yea though the prince be not there no man dare tarrie there but bareheadded This is vnderstood of the subiectes of the realme For all strangers be suffered there and in all places to vse the manner of their countrie such is the ciuilitie of our nation The chiefe pointes wherein one common wealth doth differ from an other CHAP. 4. NOw that we haue spoken of the parliament which is the whole vniuersall and generall consent and authoritie aswell of the prince as of the nobilitie and commons that is to say of the whole head and bodie of the realme of England and also of the prince which is the head life and gouernor of this common wealth there remaineth to shewe how this head doth distribute his authoritie and power to the rest of the members for the gouernment of this realme and the commō wealth of the politique bodie of England And whereas as all common wealthes and gouernmentes be most occupyed and be most diuerse in the fashion of fiue thinges in making of lawes and ordinaunces for their owne gouerment in making of battel peace of truce with forraine nations in prouiding of mony for the maintenance of themselues within thēselues defence of themselues against their enemies in choosing and election of the chiefe officers and magistrates and fiftly in the administration of iustice The first and thirde we haue shewed is doone by the prince in parliament The seconde and fourth by the prince himselfe The fift remaineth to be declared Of the three maners and formes of trialles or iudgementes in England CHAP. 5. By order and vsage of Englande there is three wayes and maners whereby absolute and definite iudgement is giuen by parliament which is the highest and most absolute by battle and by the great assise Triall or iudgement by parliament CHAP. 6. THe matter of giuing iudgement by parliament betweene priuate and priuate man or betweene the prince and any priuate man be it in matters criminall or ciuill for land or for heritage doth not differ frō thorder which I haue prescribed but it proceedeth by bill thrise read in ech house and assented to as I haue saide before and at the last day confirmed and allowed by the prince Howbeit such bils be seeldome receaued because that great counsell being enough occupyed with the publique affaires of the realme will not gladly intermedle it selfe with priuate quarels questions Triall of iudgement by battle CHAP. 7. THis is at this present not much vsed partly because of long time the Pope and the cleargie to whom in times past we were much subiect alwayes cryed against it as a thing damnable and vnlawful and partly because in all common wealthes as to the tongue so to the maners fashions habites yea and kindes of trials and iudgmentes and to all other thinges that is therein vsed time and space of yeares bringeth a chaunge But I could not yet learne that it was euer abrogated So that it remaineth in force whensoeuer it be demanded The maner of it is described in Briton The triall by affise or xij men first of the three partes which be necessary in iudgement CHAP. 8. THe two first iugdementes be absolute supreme and without appeale and so is also the iudgement by the great affise And because our manner of iudgementes in England is in
those haue force and be kept according to the firmitie and strength in which they are made And this is ynough of wiues and mariage Of Children CHAP. 7. OUr children be not in potestate parentum as the children of the Romans were but as soone as they be puberes which we call the age of discretion before that time nature doth tell they be but as it were partes parentum That which is theirs they may giue or sell purchase to themselues either landes and other moueables the father hauing nothing to doe therewith And therefore emancipatio is cleane superfluous we knowe not what it is Likewise sui heredes complaints de in-officioso testamento or praeteritorum liberorum non emancipatorum haue no effect nor vse in our lawe nor wee haue no manner to make lawefull children but by mariage and therefore we knowe not what is adoptio nor arrogatio The testator disposeth in his last will his moueable goods fréely as he thinketh méete and conuenient without controlement of wife or children And our testamentes for goods moueable be not subiect to the ceremonies of the ciuill lawe but made with all libertie and fréedome and iure militari Of landes as ye haue vnderstoode before there is difference for when the owner dieth his lande discendeth onely to his eldest sonne all the rest both sonnes daughters haue nothing by the common lawe but must serue their eldest brother if they will or make what other shift they can to liue except that the father in life time doe make some conueiance and estates of part of his land to their vse or els by deuise which word amongest our lawiers doth betoken a testament written sealed and deliuered in the life time of the testator before witnesse for without those ceremonies a bequest of landes is not auailable But by the common lawe if hee that dieth hath no sonnes but daughters the lande is equally diuided among them which portion is made by agréement or by lotte Although as I haue saide ordinarily and by the common lawe the eldest sonne inheriteth all the lands yet in some countries all the sonnes haue equall portion and that is called ganelkinde and is in many places in Kent In some places the youngest is sole heire and in some places after an other fashion But these being but particular customes of certaine places and out of the rule of the common law doe little appertain to the disputation of the policie of the whole Realme and may be infinite The common wealth is iudged by that which is most ordinarily and commonly doone through the whole Realme Of Bondage and Bondmen CHAP. 8. AFter that we haue spoken of all the sortes of frée men according to the diuersitie of their estates and persons it resteth to say somewhat of bondmen which were called serui which kinde of people the disposition of them and about them doth occupie the most part of Iustinians Digestes and Code The Romans had two kindes of bondmen the one which were called serui and they were either which were bought for money taken in warre left by succession or purchased by other kinde and lawefull acquisition or else borne of their bonde women and called vernae all those kinde of bondmen be called in our lawe villens in grosse as ye would say immediatly bonde to the person and his heires An other they had as appeareth in Iustinians time which they called adscripticij glebae or agri censiti These were not bond to the person but to the mannor or place and did followe him who had the manors in our lawe are called villaines regardants for because they be as members or belonging to the manor or place Neither of the one sort nor of the other haue we any number in England And of the first I neuer knewe any in the realme in my time of the seconde so fewe there be that it is not almost worth the speaking But our lawe doth acknowledge them in both those sortes Manumission of all kinde of villaines or bondmen in Englande is vsed and done after diuerse sortes and by other and more light and easie meanes than is prescribed in the ciuil lawe and being once manumitted he is not libertus manumittentis but simply liber howbeit sith our Realme hath receiued the Christian religion which maketh vs all in Christ brethren and in respect of God and Christ conseruos men began to haue conscience to hold in captiuitie and such extreme bondage him whome they must acknowledge to be his brother and as we vse to terme him Christian that is who looketh in Christ and by Christ to haue equall portion with them in the Gospel and saluation Vpon this scruple in continuance of time and by long succession the holie fathers Munkes and Friers in their confession and specially in their extreme deadly sicknesses burdened the consciences of them whom they had vnder their hands so that temporall men by little and litle by reason of that terror in their conscience were glad to manumit all their villaines but the said holie fathers with the Abbots and Priors did not in like sort by theirs for they had also conscience to impouerish and dispoyle the Churches so much as to manumit such as were bond to their Churches or to the mannors which the Church had gotten and so kept theirs still The same did the Bishoppes also till at the last and now of late some Bishoppes to make a péece of money manumitted theirs partly for argent partly for slaunders that they séemed more cruell than the temporaltie after the monasteries comming into temporall mens handes haue béene occasion that now they be almost all manumitted The most part of bondmen when they were yet were not vsed with vs so cruelly nor in that sort as the bondmen at the Romane ciuill law as appeareth by their Comedies nor as in Gréece as appeareth by theirs but they were suffered to enjoy coppieholde lande to gaine and get as other serues that nowe and then their Lordes might fléese them and take a péece of money of them as in France the Lords doe taile them whom they call their subiectes at their pleasure and cause them to pay such summes of money as they list to put vpon them I thinke both in France and England the chaunge of religion to a more gentle humane and more equall sort as the christian religion as in respectes of the Gentiles caused this olde kinde of seruile seruitude and slauerie to be brought into that moderation for necessitie first to villaines regardants and after to seruitude of landes and tenures and by litle and litle finding out more ciuill and gentle meanes and more equall to haue that doone which in time of heathenesse seruitude or bondage did they almost extinguished the whole For although all persons christians be brethren by baptisme in Iesu Christ and therefore may appeare equally frée yet some were and still might be christianed being bond and serue and whom as the