whom the King was displeased did not only oppose the manner but the Liberty and yet King Iames contiâ—ued them in places of the greatest Trust and was at last Sacrificed by his too great Confidence in their Fidelity Besides this how came you to reproach King Iames with ingratitude since your Master has so signalized himself for it towards those that have served him in Holland England Scotland and Ireland Why should I name the Alâ—rins c. in the Vnited Provinces Halifax Shrewsbury Delamere Wildman Manleâ— c here One of those very men that brought him the Crowâ— of Scotland The Officers of Loâ—donâ—â—rry and Iniskiâ—ling c I say why should I name these when the whole Whigg-Party every day in every Coffee-House charge him with an Ignorance of his own Interest becausâ— he scarse rewards any body but those that have opposed him He seemâ— to have a Green-sickness Palate in that matter and to love Ingratitude aâ— young Wenâ—hes do Dirt and Charcoal because it is destructive to the Constituâ—ion of his Government King William has interwoven with his Pâ—lâ— ticks all the Faults that we complained of in the time of King Iames with out immixing that Oecâ—nomie that good Husbanery that application which must be allowed even by his worst Enemies to be King Iames's Talents and It 's oâ—d not to say Râ—diculous to see the Prince of Orange every where fiâ— the Commissions of the â—eacâ— and the Militia and almost all the Places oâ— Trust with men whose Principles aâ—e diâ—ectly opposite to his own Title anâ— who opposed his Election to the Crown This is as has been formerly saâ— by a Jacobite Pamphletâ—er a Sin against the Holy Ghost of this Revolutioâ— and I am sure is a monstrous and undeniable Instance of the Prince of Orangâ— Ingratitude to those that put the Crown on his Head There remains two or three things still to which I suppose you will eâ—pect an Answer Page the seventeenth you repeat the Words of a Speeâ— the King made to the Parliament 1685. where he told them that he pleasâ— himself with the Hopes that by Gods blessing their assistance he might carry the Râ—putation of this Nation higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any â— his Ancestors These Words of this Speech you think are Synonymous 〈◊〉 this clause He has set it before his Eyes as his noblest aim to do yet more for â— Constitution than the most renowned of his Ancestors Had you taken notice â— the word Câ—â—stitution and not overâ—â—â—ked the next clause of his Declaratioâ— which is and as our chiefest Interest to leave no umbrage in relation to Religioâ— Liberty and Property I say if you had observed the word Constitution as that clause you could not fallen into such a mistake It is plain the Kiâ— designed to make himself glorious and to secure his own Interest by giviâ— us good Laws and did not in his Declaration talk of Campaigning anâ— let me assure you the less a King of England loves Wars abroad the 〈◊〉 it is for his People at home But if it will not take up too much of your time I will give you my Seâ— of that very Expression in the King's Speech 1685. and be not surpriseâ— Doctor if I declare that I firmly believe that all the King said might haâ— been brought to pass if the People of England and particularly the Stâ— Wâ—ïggs had done their part Will you not grant that the Wealth the oâ— fluence of People the greatness of their Trade the number and strength their Shipping together with the plentiful Magazines of Naval and Maâ—tial Stores raise the highest Reputation to Islanders Did not our Conquests â—pon the Continent always cost us very deaâ— in Blood and Treasure And did they not end in loss and disgrace Whilst Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth were making a noise with their Victories poor England was lamenting that vast consumption of its People and Coyn which had very near destroyed this Nation whereas the Reputation which iâ— acquired by an increase of Trade and Riches is much more durable much more extensive and will upon an Island resist with greater vigour the rude and cross shocks of Fortune I shaâ—l make this more evident by compâ—ring the Reigns of three of our â—wn Princes Edward the Third and Henry the Fifth gained many 〈◊〉 glorious Vâ—ctories and conquered several Provinces in France by which they rendred their Names dreadful to France tho' their Influences were scarse felt or feared any where else but what Fruit did England nay even themselves reap from all this The disgraces of the latter part of Edward's Reign almost withered all his former Laurels and England was so drained of Money that its Treasure with that of the Conquered Provinces was not sufficient to pay that Army upon its return which under the conduct of the Black Prince had restored Don Pedro to his Kingdom of Castile neither can we discover any better fruits of the Conquest of Henry the Fifth his Reign was short and upon ballancing of Accounts nothing fell to our share but our loss of our bravest Officers and Souldiers and an immence mass of Money thrown away in that unfortunate War Upon the other hand Queen Elizabeth by applying her Councils and Thoughts to the Shipping and Trade of this Nation did so encrease the Wealth and Strength of it as enabled her to support the whole Protestant Interest to secure Scotland from the French Clutches to recover France out of the very Jaws of the Spaniard to defend and establish the Common-wealth of Holland against all the Power of Spain and at last to break the strength of and to humble that great Monarch to whose aspiring Thoughts all Europe seemed too mean a Quarry and whose Ambition could not be satisfied with less then the Empire of the Universe By these methods she out-did all the bravest Actions of our former Kings and extended the dread and reputation of the English Name hither to confined to our bordering States to the utmost corners of the Earth and hath withal thereby Established such a solid Foundation for our future greatness as hath already withstood without any sensible decay a greater effusion of Blood and Treasure in our last Civil Wars then was spent in France in the Reigns of Edward the third and Henry the fifth which Reigns nevertheless had alalmost anihilated this Nation From all this it doth evidently appear that whensoever a King of England applys his whole thoughts to the encrease of the Shipping and Trade of this Nation he must raise our Reputation Strength and influences proportionable to the advances he makes in them That this was and must be King Iames's design and what he meant in that Speech quoted by you is pretty plain to every body that has any knowledge of King Iames his Genius who is truly a Trading and Navall King and it is as plain to any man that reads Mr Pepy's Memoires which are
first yet the present Conservators of our Liberâ—y have transmitted to after Ages a president for Parliameâ—taâ—ily taking away that Liberty whensoever the caprice of a fearful or foolâ—sh Minister seâ—s up pretences of State for doing it Certainly Paâ—liaments â— begin to â—orget the design of their first Instituâ—â—on begin to forget they wâ—re to assist us against Arbitrary Ministers to secure our Rights and not to sacrifice them I believe had the old Custom oâ— instructing tâ—em been revived few Flectors would have given a power to their Râ—presentativesâ—â—o Imprison their peaceable Neighbours without proof for nothing â— no' â—t can admit of no good excuse yet something more like one might have â—een offered if that Act had been suspended only whilst they could examine the cause of their pannick fear but to repeat it to reiterate such a prostitution of what wiâ—h all due Reverence to that Assembâ—y â—e it spoken tâ—ey have so liâ—tle to do withal unless to secure it by more express Laws is of â—â—â—amous example and I would almost as soon have been oâ—e of the Regicides of King Charles the first as such a murderer such a staâ—er oâ— our â—uâ—dâ—menâ—al Rights Was any of the men that were by vertue I mean by the Villany of that Suspentiâ—n committed ever tryed to this day Nâ—y did the Gâ—vernmeâ—t eâ—er pretend to try any one man for Crimes committed before oâ— during that Suspâ—ntion The Nation remembers how many the Mâ—ssâ—â—gers then locked up how many were then Imprisoned in lâ—athsome Goals how many were sent to the expensive Tower 〈◊〉 a Member of that Parlâ—amâ—nâ— I would not think a private Repentance would obliterate my â—aâ—lt I would print my Recantation of so destructive a Vote I call it dâ—stâ—ucâ—iâ—e because it has given an Inlet to Prerogative that our Forefathers never knew that no King ever once imagined that a Parliament of England would countenance tho' it were but for the least point of time But let us come to the Articles of Limerick does not King William plainly act by that devouring Monster as Doctor Welwood calls it the Dispensing Pâ—â—eâ— Does he not grant them Indulgence for their Religion allow them Arms and a freedom from Oaths and Securiâ—y against prosecutions for â—â—eir Plundering and does not he do all this by his own single authoriâ—y tho' it was contrary to the Laws of the Land the Rights and Privileâ—gâ—s and the very Safety too of the Protestant Subjects of Ireland Did ouâ— Parliament take any notice of the Illegality of this Act nay did they not ratifie it I suppose the Parliament of Ireland was not so cram'd with men in Places nor had the Members of it been so much softned by Pentions as the Members of our House of Commons are for when an Act for confirming those Articles was proposed to them they could find that the first Article of that Treaty if confirmed would make an Established Religion and the sixth would deprive all Protestants of their Actions against the Papists by wâ—om they were plâ—ndered even whilst they lived in Peace with them This you may find in a little Pamphlet called an Account of the Sessions of Parliament in Ireland 1692. Which Pamphlet was put forth by some Members of that Parliament who are very fond of this Government tho' they are willing that the Settlement in Ireland may be Religiously observed and that the Proâ—estant and Brittâ—sh Interest there may be secured as the Prince of Orange worded it and promised in the last paragraph of his own Declaration Did we pay so many men to make War in Ireland and make at last such Conditions Could the Prince of Orange to Reduce one Town when hâ— had all the rest of these three Kingdoms assisting him to Reduce it promisâ— to enervate the Act of Settlement and yet must King Iames when he waâ— in the hands of the Irish when very few others of his Subjects appeared foâ— him when the greatest part of the Protestants in Ireland were actually in Arms against him or combining with his Enemies forever stand confounded because he was prevailed upon contrary to his own Inclinations and by a sort of fatal necessity to Repeal that Act of Settlement I believe if the Doctor will read Great Brittain's Iust Complaint and the Answer to Doctor King's Book he will not have Forehead enough to assert any more as he does page the 36 th that the King was Master and without controul when he passed that Act of Repeal and the King promises to consent to every thing that an English Parliament shall think necessary to reâ—establish that Act now he is really and properâ—y Master of his own Actions and tho' the King has good reason and is obliged in honour to recommend to the Parliament of England those Irish that have followed him to the last yet the rascally Irish as this mannerly Pupill of Titus Oates Doctor Welwâ—od calls them do not appear dearer to King Iames then to the Prince of Orange for King Iames will leave the method of recompensing those that have been Loyal to him to an English Parliament But King William falls out with the Parliament of Ireland because they are not willing those Irish Papists who plundered even while they lived in Peace with them should go unpunished which in plain English shews that King VVilliam to endear himself to the Natiâ—e Irish is willing to give an Instance that he thinks Robbery is no Crime but perhaps he remembred what the Pyrate said to Alexander may think that 〈◊〉 an Irish Popish Rapparee has no more natural conviction of the hainiousness of such a transgression then his Protestant Dutch Highness has shewn to his own Actions I am past Wondering at any thing King William does but Posterity will be astonished that a Parliament of England could ratifie such Articles To proceed to another Head it is notoriously known that several men were Executed by Martial Law before it was Enacted When an Army is no better paid then ours has been either in England Ireland or Flanders to empower a Commander to Shoot a man to Death because he demands the Money he has earned for himself and his Family with his Sweat and with his Blood is a Law that requires great subtilty and argumentation to prove it equal or just but to give this power to imperious and cholerick Officers without examining how many men had been before the settling of it murdered in their rage and to gratifie their own violence I say to enact this Law without such a retrospection and without guarding 〈◊〉 against a too vigorous execution of it for the future is what little becomes an English House of Commons who ought to have a tender regard to the Life of the meanest Subject Let us come to consider of the numerous Parliamentary Pardons bestowed upon Ministers who have falen foul upon our Laws have not the Subjects even the Peers of England been hunted by Proclamations clapt into Prisons for High Treason and refused the
A Reply to the Answer Doctor Welwood has made to King Iames's Declaration which Declaration was dated at St. Germaines April 17th S. N. 1693. and Published also in the Paris Gazett Iune 20th 1693. Aetas parentum pejor avis tulit Nos nequiores Horat. People endure Oppression with more Patience from an Usurper then one ascending through a long Succession as esteeming it more Natural and no less then they look'd for or as acknowledging to have deserved it for not seeing when they were well Osborne's Advice to his Son Second Part. The PREFACE I am so far from triumphing over our Misfortunes that I call God to witness England can receive none that do not sensibly wound me but the Wise Man in the Scripture advising us To consider in the day of Adversity I think it not unseasonable at this time to recollect the present State of our Affairs and under a few short Heads expose the Calamitous Condition of our Country to the view and the consideration of all disinterested and honest People Some of those things I shall offer here have been already mentioned in Print and others in private Conversation amongst such whose Judgments tho' in some particulars differed from mine yet who I have the Charity to believe are guided by Principles of Integrity and in the pursuit of the ends they drive at prefer the publick Good before any private Advantage of their own But tho I have sometimes discoursed to the same purpose with men in Place and Power and such too as have the reputation of good Sence yet what I have delivered with all the Sincerity man is capable of has generally met with the Fortune incident to such meagre Doctrines as won't make the Pot boyl and I have been listened to as Sermons are more for decency than application I have therefore restrained my self hitherto from publishing my thoughts so freely unwilling to oppose the rapid Tydes of Passion and Interest which for these last five Years have born down all before them and overflowing the defences of Law and Reason have brought a deluge of Miseries upon tâ—is distracted Nation But now that the Fulness of time is at hand and our Ruin almost quite accomplish't I think I am obliged to contain my self no longer within Table talk but to do my Country all the Service I am capable of from the Shade I live in by endeavouring to dispel those Miâ—ts of Prejudice from before their Eyes and demonstrating thaâ— a Duâ—ch Government that never was founded in any Religion has been much more destructive to us then a Popish one could have been tho' seasoned with too mâ—ch For I don 't in the least doubt but that most of those who were the chief Incendiaries in the Late Revolution and who scattered the Fears and Jealousies of Popery most would now acknowledge if they duâ—st speak out that all the Provocations of the last Râ—ign were in themselves as Impotent as Unjust and that it was impossible for so inconsiderable a Party to contrive any Mischiefs that required such violent Remedies as were preâ—cribed For whoever heard that a Country govern'd by Laws was enslaved by a Prince whom his Subjects had entertained inveterate apprehensions of even before his accession to the Crown or would not laugh at the pretence of five or six thousand Papists endangering our Religion and Property when there was a Million of Protestants keepers of the Liberties of England It was therefore a vain Phantome to imagine that a King whose Subjects were suspitious and watchful over could surprise us with any material Innovatiâ—ns in Religion or undermine the Fundamentals of our Government for as no man can be dangerously betrayed but by a Friend so no Government can be subverted but by a Magistrate in whom a Trust and Confidence is reposed agreeable to which is a Maxim of our modern Polititians That the English Liberties were never so much endangered as under vertuous Princes the meaning of which is that our People charmed with an Opinion of their Justice have been too unwarily apt to submit to such extensions of the Prerogative that by the abuse of evil Successors have become Presidents for a too exorbitant exercise of their Power This consequence is much worse because nearer at hand if the Prince be vertuous only in the giddy conceit of the Populace deluded by the fallacies of artificial men for such an one carries the secret Venom about him and is impatient of opportunities to profit himself upon the dupes of his own Reign And this is just our case for by starting at a Shadow we have embraced the very Substance that we feared in deposing a Lawful home-born Monarch who could not nor had a thought to hurt us and exalting with a popular but blind Zeal a little Forreign Prince who has imbibed by his Education a dislike for English men and has so modell'd his Affairs as if the King truckled to the Statholder and inâ—ended these three Kingdoms should be Provinces subservient to the Seven from whence he comes This may be deduced from every Act since the first Scene of this so fatal and expensive Reign but it not being the subject of this place to launch into a thorow Comentary I will only hint at what is freshest in our Memories and put you in mind of the late admirable Caution in the Conduct of our Fleets and Army Was it from his Love to England that he broke his Promise to the King of Spain to send a Squadron of men of War into the Mediteranean which was to be there before the beginning of last Spring to act in Conjunction with the Spanish Admiral in case the French attempted any thing in Naples or in Catalonia Was it from his love to our Merchants that he detained our Ships that had been a Year loaden at Spithead and might safely have ventured last November out without a Convoy But were kept in under an Embargo because the Dutch were not ready and and neither Sir G. Rook nor they permitted to sail until our Holland Friends were pleased to joyn them at such a time that it was true a Convoy became necessary but such a Convoy as ought not to have been less than the whole Naâ—al strength of England By this breach of Word with an Ally his Catholick Majesty owed the safety of his whole Fleet at Naples only to the Storm that dissipated Mr. d' Estrees Squadron but by it has since actually lost Roze and by his tender care of our Smirna Fleet in keeping them safe so long in Harbour and hugging them as Monkeys do their young ones to death our Turkey Trade nay and the whole Exchange of London were all at once upon the utmost precipice and brink of ruin I cannot but admire the Courage of our Sanguine Citizens that still bears up against so many repeated Losses for tho' the richest of their Tuâ—ky Ships were sunk at Gibâ—altar and Malaga and those that escaped have lost a whole years Trade and
Sunderlâ—nd was coming as the phrase is into play again I thought it a merryment and raillery both upon this King and him for who could think that he who was the Author of all the unanswerable 〈◊〉 methods of King Iames's Reign should be encâ—uraged and employed in this it being such a piece of Discretion as if a Sick man should send for the same Mountebanck to cure him that had kiâ—led his Father but a week before But this it seems is not more strange then true yet by this we may beâ—old the steddiness of this worthy Monarch of our Isle to the Princiâ—les by which he came and the Professions he then made since that only man whom he excepted against in his Declaration and who now stands excepted from Indemnity by Act of Parliament who for many years received a considerable Pension from the King of France and who in the space of six Months altered his Religion twice This very man in contempt of common Decency to say no more is coming in to be the Support and Pillar of our Church and State What Effects this will have upon the minds of men we must expect to see and wait the operations of hiâ— Councils but in the mean time we heartily congratulate this able Polititian with King William for an old Sayings sake That things must be worse before they will grow better I have liâ—tle more to add but apply my self to the people of England and hope that they will now awake out of the Lethargick Fit in which they have lain so long that they will make use of the few moments that are given them to manage their last Stake and that they will think it high time to grow weary of the scandalous and destructive War and labouring in vain to fill a Sieve When we consider the vast Treasure that has been given and mispent and that all the Returns we have are Beggary and disgrace we ought to be ashamed that we have deviated so long from the known Maxims of our Government which consists in Trade and keeping as even as the times will bear the Ballance of our Neighbouring States and not in runing blindly into a foolish and unprovoked War upon the Continent to please the humour of one man and to preserve a Barriar for the Dâ—tch I am amazed to hear men talk of the approaching Sessions of Parliament as if the War were now but just begun or that a Tax had not as in King Iames's days been Levied in all this Reign It is pitty our Ancestors had not provided effectually against corruption in our Parliaments which would have rendred them what they were designed the best form of Government in the world for we never had so much cause as now to lament the miscarriage of Sir William Coventry's and the late Self-denying Bill Without refleâ—â—ing with any Conscience upon the monstâ—oâ—s Sumâ— which have imâ—â—verisht us already theâ— threaten us with a General Excise and another Tax which must complâ—at a modest reckoning of six Millions for the next Campagnâ— How can Country Gentlemen or any who depend nâ—t on the Court subsist Tenants must throw up their Leases and Landlords quit their Houses and all the ready Cash our nâ—merouâ— Allies have left us mâ—st be engross't at last by those whose Sâ—â—maâ—hs never rise agâ—inst a Cloâ—â—ting that Lists them in the Pay of secret Service There is no man has a greater honour for Parliaments thâ—n I but they must excuse me from thinking any thing so very Sacred that I see so liable to be debaucht besides we know by our Histories and Records that several of them have been wholly repealed and many most irreverently nicknamed That Parliament that will give away all we have is as much a Tyrant as a Kâ—ng that will force it and therefore it not being imaginable that the Electors who are their Principals have delegated a power to them for their own undoing since they grow so extravagant I hope the collected Body of the Nation wâ—ll vindicate it self and by an universal Remonstrance rescind their Acts or disobey them It was extreamly well answered by a most ingeâ—ious and a learned Writer of our own to those who said that Councils could not err tho' private Persons may That at first sight it is a merry Speech as if a man should say that every single Souldier indeed may run away but a whole Army cannot especially having Hanniball for their Captain I must beg leave to think at least as ill of this our Civil Council as he did of an Ecclesiastical one for I suppose that no man will deny to me but that Sir Robert Howard and many more are capable not only of erring but of Acting something with a Câ—urser name either in the Pallace-Yard or in the Strand and therefore since I am sure the Walls of St. Stephen's Chappel have not the vertue of inspiring any more Probity then Infallibility into the minds of those who are equally prepossest against them both I will be so bold as to pronounce there never was a more Erring Council then our ownâ— at present which â—o carry the allusion a little farther has neither Hanniball nor Pope at the Head on 't but a false Anti-King himself chosen as they are called in direct opposition to the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom From what has been said I conceive that all intelligent and unbyassed People must conclude that our Safety and our Restoration to Peace to Trade and Plenty lies in our Return to our Duty and Allegiance to our Lawful King who has in his Declaration offered us those very Terms which we demand and think Essential to our Government They who promote a diffidence and distrust of his performance do but persue the Imposture they set out with to this Revolution and continue those Arts by which they have enriched themselves with the Ruins of the Innocent and laborious Farmers of the Country But I will prosecute this no farther here and hope all honest men will approve of these short â—nimadversions which I have laid down at least that they won't be ill received by such from one who neither hâ—s nor ever will have any thing else to do with so depraved a Generation as now governs The REPLY THe new Secretary having always had the reputation of good Sence and a very smart Elocution his Licencing Doctor Welwood's Answer to the Declaration of King Iames made everâ—body read it aâ— soon as it appeared but all that know the Secretary conclude he never took the pains to read it himself or he would so far have consulâ—ed his own credit as to have denyed his Pasport to so frivolous and so Scurrilâ—us a Pamphlet 〈◊〉 so remarkably both that it would be still as much neglected by me as it has been despised by others had I not at present more then ordinary leiâ—ure for it is stuffâ—d with such ignorant Assertions such weak and quibling Sophiâ—try it so plainly prevaricates from the Genuine and clear Sence of the