to call it A necessity imposed vpon the Lacedemonians of a Warre Which are the Words of a meere Defensiue Adding that the other Causes were but specious and Popular Verissimam quidem sed minimè sermone celebratam arbitror extitisse Belli Causam Athenienses magnos effectos Lacedemonijs formidolosos necessitatem illis imposuisse Bellandi Quae autem propalam ferebantur vtrinque Causae istae fuerunt c. The truest Cause of this Warre though least voyced I conceiue to haue beene this That the Athenians being growne great to the terrour of the Lacedemonians did impose vpon them a necessity of a Warre But the Causes that went abroad in speech were these c. Sulpitius Galba Consul when he perswaded the Romans to a Preuentiue Warre with the latter Philip King of Macedon in regard of the great Preparations which Philip had then on foot and his Designes to ruine some of the Confederates of the Romans confidently saith That they who tooke that for an Offensius War vnderstood not the state of the Question Ignorare videmini mihi Quirites non vtrum bellum an pacem habeatis vos consuli neque enim liberum id vobis permittet Philippus qui terrâ marique ingens bellum molitur sed vtrum in Macedoniam legiones transportetis an hostem in Italiam recipiatis Ye seeme to me ye Romans not to vnderstand that the Consultation before you is not whether you shall haue Warre or Peace for Philip will take order you shall be no choosers who prepareth a mighty Warre both by Land and Sea but whether you shall transport the Warre into Macedon or receiue it into Italy Antiochus when he incited Prusias King of Bithynia at that time in league with the Romans to ioyne with him in Warre against them setteth before him a iust Feare of the ouerspreading Greatnesse of the Romans comparing it to a Fire that continually tooke and spread from Kingdome to Kingdome Venire Romanos ad omnia Regna tollenda vt nullum vsquam orbis terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset Philippum Nabin expugnatos se tertium peti Vt quisque proximus ab oppresso sit per omnes velut continens incendium peruasurū That the Romans came to pull downe all Kingdomes and to make the State of Rome an vniuersall Monarchie That Philip and Nabis were already ruinated and now was his turn to be assailed So that as euery State lay next to the other that was oppressed so the fire perpetually grazed Wherein it is well to be noted that towards ambitious States which are noted to aspire to great Monarchies and to seeke vpon all occasions to enlarge their Dominions Crescunt Argumenta iusti Metus All particular feares doe grow and multiply out of the Contemplation of the generall Courses and Practice of such States Therefore in Deliberations of Warre against the Turke it hath beene often with great iudgement maintained That Christian Princes and States haue alwayes a sufficient Ground of Inuasiue Warre against the Enemie Not for Cause of Religion but vpon a iust Feare Forasmuch as it is a Fundamentall Law in the Turkish Empire that they may without any other prouocation make warre vpon Christendome for the Propagation of their Law So that there lieth vpon the Christians a perpetuall Feare of a Warre hanging ouer their heads from them And therefore they may at all times as they thinke good be vpon the Preuention Demosthenes exposeth to scorne Wars which are not Preuentiue comparing those that make them to country Fellowes in a Fence Schoole that neuer ward till the blow be past Vt Barbari Pugiles dimicare solent ita vos bellum geritis cum Philippo Ex his enim is qui ictus est ictui semper inhaeret Quod si eum alibi verberes illò manus transfert Ictum autem depellere aut prospicere neque scit neque vult As Country Fellowes vse to doe when they play at Wasters such a kinde of warre doe you Athenians make with Philip For with them hee that gets a blow streight falleth to ward when the blow is past And if you strike him in another place thither goes his hand likewise But to put by or foresee a blow they neither haue the skill northe will Clinias the Candian in Plato speaks desperately and wildly As if there were no such thing as Peace betweene Nations But that euery Nation expects but his aduantage to Warre vpon another But yet in that Excesse of Speech there is thus much that may haue a ciuill Construction Namely that euery State ought to stand vpon his guard and rather preuent than be preuented His words are Quam rem ferè vocant Pacem nudum inane Nomen est Reuera autem omnibus aduersus omnes Ciuitates bellum sempiternum perdurat That which Men for the most part call Peace is but a naked and empty Name But the truth is that there is euer betweene all Estates a secret Warre I know well this Speech is the Obiection and not the Decision and that it is after refuted But yet as I said before it beares thus much of Truth That if that generall Malignity and Predisposition to Warre which hee vntruly figureth to be in all Nations be produced and extended to a iust Feare of being oppressed then it is no more a true Peace but a Name of a Peace As for the Opinion of Iphicrates the Athenian it demands not so much towards a Warre as a iust Feare But rather commeth neare the Opinion of Clinias As if there were euer amongst Nations a Brooding of a War and that there is no sure League but Impuissance to doe hurt For he in the Treaty of Peace with the Lacedemonians speaketh plaine language Telling them there could be no true and secure Peace except the Lacedemonians yeelded to those things which being granted it would be no longer in their power to hurt the Athenians though they would And to say truth if one marke it well this was in all Memory the maine peece of Wisdome in strong and prudent Counsels To bee in perpetuall watch that the States about them should neither by Approach nor by Encrease of Dominion nor by Ruining Confederates nor by blocking of Trade nor by any the like meanes haue it in their power to hurt or annoy the States they serue And whensoeuer any such Cause did but appeare straight-wayes to buy it out with a Warre and neuer to take vp Peace at credit and vpon Interest It is so memorable as it is yet as fresh as if it were done yesterday how that Triumuirate of Kings Henry the eight of England Francis the first of France and Charles the fifth Emperour and King of Spaine were in their times so prouident as scarce a Palme of Ground could bee gotten by either of the Three but that the other Two would be sure to doe their best to set the Ballance of Europe vpright againe And the like diligence was vsed in the Age before by
that League wherewith Guicciardine beginneth his Story and maketh it as it were the Kalender of the good dayes of Italy which was contracted betweene Ferdinando King of Naples Lorenzo of Medici Potentate of Florence and Lodouico Zforza Duke of Milan designed chiefly against the growing Power of the Venetians But yet so as the Confederates had a perpetuall eye one vpon another that none of them should ouertop To conclude therefore howsoeuer some Schoolemen otherwise Reuerend Men yet fitter to guide Penkniues than Swords seeme precisely to stand vpon it That euery Offensiue Warre must be Vltio A Reuenge that presupposeth a precedent Assault or Iniurie yet neither doe they descend to this Point which we now handle of a iust Feare Neither are they of authority to iudge this Question against all the Presidents of time For certainly as long as Men are Men the Sonnes as the Poets allude of Prometheus and not of Epimetheus and as long as Reason is Reason A iust Feare will be a iust Cause of a Preuentiue War But especially if it be Part of the Case that there be a Nation that is manifestly detected to aspire to Monarchie and new Acquests Then other States assuredly cannot be iustly accused for not staying for the first Blow Or for not accepting Poliphemus Courtesie to be the last that shall be eaten vp Nay I obsetue further that in that passage of Plato which I cited before and euen in the Tenet of that Person that beareth the Resoluing Part and not the Obiecting part a iust Feare is iustified for a Cause of an Inuasiue Warre though the fame Feare proceed not from the fault of the forraine State to bee assailed For it is there insinuated That if a State out of the distemper of their owne Body doe feare Sedition and intestine Troubles to breake out amongst themselues they may discharge their owne ill Humours vpon a forraine Warre for a Cure And this kind of Cure was tendred by Iasper Coligni Admirall of France to Charles the ninth the French King when by a viue and forcible perswasion he moued him to a warre vpon Flanders for the better Extinguishment of the Ciuill Warres of France But neither was that Counsell prosperous Neither will I maintaine that Position For I will neuer set Politiques against Ethicks Especially for that true Ethicks are but as a Handmaid to Diuinity and Religion Surely Saint Thomas who had the largest heart of the Schoole Diuines bendeth chiefly his stile against the depraued Passions which reigne in making Warres speaking out of S. Augustine Nocendi Cupiditas vlciscendi Crudelitas implacatus implacabilis Animus Feritas Rebellandi Libido Dominandi si quae sunt similia haec sunt quae in Bellis iure culpantur And the same Saint Thomas in his owne Text defining of the iust Causes of a Warre doth leaue it vpon very generall Tearmes Requiritur ad Bellum Causa iusta vt scilicet illi qui impugnantur propter aliquam culpam Impugnationem mereantur For Impugnatio Culpae is a farre more generall word than vltio Iniuriae thus much for the first Proposition of the Second Ground of a War with Spaine Namely that a iust Feare is a iust Cause of a War And that a Preuentiue Warre is a true Defensiue The Second or Minor Proposition was this That this Kingdome hath Cause of iust Feare of Ouerthrow from Spaine Wherein it is true thaâ— Feares are euer seene in dimmer lights than Facts And on the other side Feares vse many times to be represented in such an Imaginary fashion as they rather dazell Mens eyes than open them And therefore I will speake in that manner which the Subiect requires That is probably and moderately and briefly Neither will I deduce thâ—se Feares to present Occurrences but point only at generall Grounds leauing â—he rest to more secret Counsels Is it nothing that the Crowne of Spaine hath enlarged the Bounds thereof within this last sixscore yeares much more than the Ottomans I speake not of Matches or Vnions but of Armes Occupations Inuasions Granada Naples Milan Portugal the East and West Indies All these are actuall Additions to that Crowne They had a mind to French Britaine the lower Part of Piccardi and Piemont but they haue let fall their Bit. They haue at this day such a houering possession of the Valtoline as an Hobby hath ouer a Larke And the Palatinate is in their Tallons So that nothing is more manifest than that this Nation of Spaine runnes a race still of Empire When all other States of Christendome stand in effect at a stay Looke then a little further into the Titles whereby they haue acquired and doe now hold these new Portions of their Crowne and you will finde them of so many varieties and such natures to speake with due respect as may appeare to be easily minted and such as can hardly at any time be wanting And therefore so many new Conquests Purchases so many Strokes of the Larum Bell of Feare and Awaking to other Nations And the Facility of the Titles which hand ouerhead haue serued their turne doth ring the Peale so much the sharper and the lowder Shall wee descend from their generall Disposition to inlarge their Dominions to their particular Disposition and Eye of Appetite which they haue had towards vs They haue now twice sought to impatronise themselues of this Kingdome of England once by Marriage with Queene Mary And the second time by Conquest in 88. when their Forces by Sea and Land were not inferiour to those they haue now And at that time in 88. the Counsell and Designe of Spaine was by many aduertisements reuealed and laid open to bee That they found the Warre vpon the Low-Countries so churlish and longsome as they grew then to a Resolution That as long as England stood in state to succour those Countries they should but consume themselues in an endlesse Warre And therefore there was no other way but to assaile and depresse England which was as a Backe of Steele to the Flemmings And who can warrant I pray that the same Counsell and Designe will not returne againe So as we are in a strange Dilemma of Danger For if wee suffer the Flemmings to be ruined they are our Out-worke and wee shall remaine Naked and Dismantled If wee succour them strongly as is fit and set them vpon their feet and doe not withall weaken Spaine we hazard to change the Scene of the War and to turne it vpon Ireland or England Like vnto Rheumes and Defluxions which if you apply a strong Repercussiue to the Place affected and doe not take away the Cause of the Disease will shift and fall straightwayes to another Ioynt or Place They haue also twice inuaded Ireland Once vnder the Popes Banner when they were defeated by the Lo. Grey And after in their owne name when they were defeated by the Lo. Mountioy So as let this suffice for a Taste of their Disposition towards vs. But it
will be said This is an Almanacke for the old yeare Since 88. all hath beene well Spaine hath not assailed this Kingdome howsoeuer by two seuerall Inuasions from vs mightily prouoked It is true but then consider that immediately after 88. they were imbroyled for a great time in the Protection of the Leaguâ— of France whereby they had their hands full After being brought extreme low by their vast and continuall Embracements they were enforced to be quiet that they might take Breath and doe Reparations vpon their former Wastes But now of late Things seeme to come on apace to their former Estate Nay with farre greater Disaduantage to vs. For now that they haue almost continued and as it were arched their Dominions from Milan by the Valtoline and Palatinate to the Low-Countries We see how they thirst and pant after the vtter Ruine of those States Hauing in contempt almost the German Nation and doubting little opposition except it come from England Whereby either we must suffer the Dutch to be ruined to our owne manifest preiudice Or put it vpon the hazard I spake of before that Spaine will cast at the fairest Neither is the point of Internall Danger which groweth vpon vs to be forgotten This That the Party of the Papists in England are become more knotted both in Dependance towards Spaine and amongst themselues than they haue beene Wherein againe comes to be remembred the Case of 88 For then also it appeared by diuers secret letters that the Designe of Spaine was for some yeares before the inuasion attempted to prepare a Party in this Kingdome to adhere to the Forrainer at his comming And they bragged that they doubted not but to abuse and lay asleepe the Queene and Counsell of England as to haue any feare of the Party of Papists here For that they knew they said the State would but cast the eye and looke about to see whether there were any Eminent Head of that Party vnder whom it might vnite it selfe And finding none worth the thinking on the State would rest secure and take no apprehension Whereas they meant they said to take a course to deale with the People and particulars by Reconcilements and Confessions and Secret Promises and cared not for any Head of Party And this was the true reason why after that the Seminaries beganne to blossome and to make Missions into England which was about the three and twentieth yeare of Queene Elizabeth at what time also was the first suspition of the Spanish Inuasion then and not before grew the sharpe and seuere Lawes to be made against the Papists And therefore the Papists may doe well to change their thanks And whereas they thanke Spaine for their Fauours to thanke them for their Perills and Miseries if they should fall vpon them For that nothing euer made their Case so ill as the Doubt of the Greatnesse of Spaine which adding Reason of State to Matter of Conscience and Religion did whet the Lawes against them And this Case also seemeth in some sort to returne againe at this time except the Clemencie of his Maiesty and the State doe superabound As for my part I doe wish it should And that the Proceedings towards them may rather tend to Security and Prouidence and Point of State than to Persecution for Religion But to conclude These Things briefly touched may serue as in a Subiect Coniecturall and Future for to represent how iust Cause of Feare this Kingdome may haue towards Spaine Omitting as I said before all present and more secret Occurrences The third Ground of a Warre with Spaine I haue set downe to be A iust Feare of the Subuersion of our Church and Religion Which needeth little Speech For if this Warre be a Defensiue as I haue proued it to be no Man will doubt That a Defensiue Warre against a Forrainer for Religion â—s lawfull Of an Offensiue Warre there is more Dispute And yet in that instance of the Warre for the Holy Land and Sepulcher I doe wonder sometimes that the Schoole Men want words to defend that which S. Bernard wanted words to commend But I that in this little Extract of a Treatise doe omit things necessary am not to handle things vnnecessary No man I say will doubt but if the Pope or King of Spaine would demand of vs to forsake our Religion vpon paine of a Warre it were as vniust a Demand as the Persians made to the Grecians of Land and Water Or the Ammonites to the Israelites of their Right Eies And we see all the Heathen did stile their Defensiue Wars Pro Aris Focis Placing their Altars before their Hearths So that it is in vaine of this to speake further Onely this is true That the Feare of the Subuersion of our Religion from Spaine is the more iust for that all other Catholique Princes and States content and containe themselues to maintaine their Religion within their owne Dominions and meddle not with the Subiects of other States Whereas the Practice of Spaine hath beene both in Charles the fifth's time and in the time of the League in France by Warre And now with vs by Conditions of Treaty to intermeddle with Forraine States and to declare themselues Protectors generall of the Party of Catholiques through the World As if the Crowne of Spaine had a little of this That they would plant the Popes Law by Armes as the Ottomans doe the Law of Mahomet Thus much concerning the first maine point of Iustifying the Quarrell if the King shall enter into a War For this that I haue said and all that followeth to be said is but to shew what he may doe The Second maine Part of that I haue propounded to speake of is the Ballance of Forces betweene Spaine and vs. And this also tendeth to no more but what the King may doe For what hee may doe is of two kinds What hee may doe as Iust And what he may doe as Possible Of the one I haue already spoken Of the other I am now to speake I said Spaine was no such Giant And yet if he were a Giant it will be but as it was betweene Dauid and Goliah for God is on our side But to leaue all Arguments that are Supernaturall and to speake in an Humane and Politique Sense I am led to thinke that Spaine is no ouermatch for England by that which leadeth all Men That is Experience and Reason And with Experience I will beginne For there all Reason beginneth Is it Fortune shall we thinke that in all Actions of Warre or Armes great and small which haue happened these many yeares euer since Spaine and England haue had any thing to debate one with the other the English vpon all Encounters haue perpetually come off with honour and the better It is not Fortune sure Shee is not so constant There is somewhat in the Nation and Naturall Courage of the People or some such thing I will make a briefe List of the Particulars themselues in
of their great Shipping besides 50. or 60. of their smaller Vessels And that in the sight and vnder the Fauour of their Forts And almost vnder the Eye of their great Admirall the best Commander of Spaine by Sea the Marquis de Santa Cruz without euer being disputed with by any fight of importance I remember Drake in the vaunting stile of a Souldier would call this Enterprise The Câ—ngeing of the King of Spaines Beard The Enterprise of 88. deserueth to bee stood vpon a little more fully being a Miracle of Time There armed from Spaine in the yeare 1588. the greatest Nauy that euer swam vpon the Sea For though there haue beene farre greater Fleets for Number yet for the Bulke and Building of the Ships with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Prouisions neuer the like The Designe was to make not an Inuasion only but an vtter Conquest of this Kingdome The Number of Vessels were 130. whereof Galliasses and Gallions 72 goodly Ships like floating Towers or Castles manned with 30000. Souldiers and Mariners This Nauy was the Preparation of fiue whole yeares at the least It bare it selfe also vpon Diuine Assistance For it receiued speciall Blessing from Pope Zistus and was assigned as an Apostolicall Mission for the reducement of this Kingdome to the obedience of the See of Rome And in further token of this holy Warfare there were amongst the rest of these Ships Twelue called by the names of the Twelue Apostles But it was truly conceiued that this Kingdome of England could neuer be ouer-whelmed except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides Therefore was there also in readinesse in Flanders a mightie strong Army of Land-Forces to the number of 50000. veterane Souldiers vnder the Conduct of the Duke of Parma the best Commander next the French King Henrie the fourth of his time These were designed to ioyne with the forces at Sea There being prepared a Number of flat bottomed boats to transport the Land-Forces vnder the Wing and Protection of the Great Nauy For they made no account but that the Nauy should be absolutely Master of the Seas Against these Forces there were prepared on our part â—o the number of neare 100. Ships Not so great of Bulke indeed but of a more nimble Motion and more seruiceable Besides a lesse Fleet of 30. Ships for the Custody of the Narrow Seas There were also in readinesse at Land two Armies besides other Forces to the number of 10000 dispersed amongst the Coast Townes in the Southerne Parts The two Armies were appointed One of them consisting of 25000. Horse and Foot for the Repulsing of the Enemy at their landing And the other of 25000. for safeguard and attendance about the Court and the Queenes Person There were also other Dormant Musters of Souldiers thorowout all Parts of the Realme that were put in readinesse but not drawne together The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals Noble Persons but both of them rather Courtiers and Assured to the State than Martiall Men yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders of great Experience Valour The Fortune of the Warre made this enterprise at first a Play at Base The Spanish Nauy set forth out of the Groyne in May and was dispersed and driuen backe by Weather Our Nauy set forth somewhat later out of Plimouth and bare vp towards the Coast of Spaine to haue fought with the Spanish Nauy And partly by reason of contrary Winds partly vpon aduertisement that the Spaniards were gone backe and vpon some doubt also that they might passe by towards the Coast of England whilest wee were seeking them a farre off returned likewise into Plimouth about the Middle of Iuly At that time came more confident Aduertisement though false not only to the Lord Admirall but to the Court that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that yeare Whereupon our Nauy was vpon the point of disbanding and many of our Men gone ashore At which very time the Inuincible Armada for so it was called in a Spanish ostentation thorowout Europe was discouered vpon the Westerne Coast It was a kinde of Surprise For that as was said many of our Men were gone to Land and our Ships ready to depart Neuerthelesse the Admirall with such Ships only as could suddenly bee put in readinesse made forth towards them In somuch as of 100. Ships there came scarce thirty to worke Howbeit with them and such as came dayly in we set vpon them and gaue them the chase But the Spaniards for want of Courage which they called Commission declined the Fight casting themselues continually into Roundels their strongest Ships walling in the rest and in that manner they made a flying march towards Callis Our Men by the space of fiue or six dayes followed them close fought with them continually made great Slaughter of their Men tooke two of their great Ships and gaue diuers others of their Ships their Deaths wounds whereof soone after they sanke and perished And in a word distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat We our selues in the meane time receiuing little or no hurt Neere Callis the Spaniards anchored expecting their Land-forces which came not It was afterwards alledged that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Comming But this was but an Inuention and Pretension giuen out by the Spaniards Partly vpon a Spanish Enuie against that Duke being an Italian and his Sonne a Competitor to Portugall But chiefly to saue the Monstrous Scorne and Disreputation which they and their Nation receiued by the Successe of that Enterprise Therefore their Colours and Excuses forsooth were that their Generall by Sea had a limitted Commission not to fight vntill the Land-forces were come in to them And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches and Ends of his owne vnderhand to crosse the Designe But it was both a strange Commission and a strange obedience to a Commission for Men in the middest of their owne Bloud and being so furiously assailed to hold their hands contrary to the Lawes of Nature and Necessity And as for the Duke of Parma he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprise by no lesse Promise than to be made a Feudatary or Beneficiary King of England vnder the Seignorie in chiefe of the Pope and the Protection of the King of Spaine Besides it appeared that the Duke of Parma held his place long after in the Fauour and Trust of the King of Spaine by the great Employments and Seruices that he performed in France And againe it is manifest that the Duke did his best to come downe and to put to Sea The Truth was that the Spanish Nauy vpon those proofes of Fight which they had with the English finding how much hurt they receiued and how little hurt they did by reason of the Actiuity and low building of our Ships and skill of our Sea-men And being also commanded by a Generall of small Courage and Experience And hauing lost
at the first two of their brauest Commanders at Sea Petro de Valdez and Michael de Oquenda durst not put it to a Battell at Sea but set vp their rest wholly vpon the Land-Enterprise On the other side the Transporting of the Land-forces failed in the very Foundation For whereas the Counsell of Spaine made full account that their Nauy should be Master of the Sea and therefore able to guard and protect the Vessels of Transportation When it fell out to the contrary that the Great Nauy was distressed and had enough to doe to saue it selfe And againe that the Hollanders impounded their Land-forces with a braue Fleet of 30. Saile excellently well appointed Things I say being in this State it came to passe that the Duke of Parma must haue flowne if he would haue come into England for hee could get neither Barke nor Mariner to put to Sea Yet certaine it is that the Duke looked still for the comming backe of the Armada euen at that time when they were wandring and making their Perambulation vpon the Northerne Seas But to returne to the Armada which we left anchored at Callis From thence as Sir Walter Rawlegh was wont prettily to say they were suddenly driuen away with Squibs For it was no more but a Stratagem of Fire-boats Manlesse and sent vpon them by the fauour of the Wind in the night time that did put them in such terrour as they cut their Cables and left their Anchors in the Sea After they houered some 2 or 3 daies about Graueling there againe were beaten in a great Fight at what time our second Fleet which kept the narrow Seas was come in and ioyned to our maine Fleet. Thereupon the Spaniards entring into further terrour and finding also diuers of their Ships euery day to sinke lost all courage in stead of comming vp into the Thames Mouth for London as their Designe was fled on towards the North to seeke their Fortunes Being still chaced by the English Nauy at the heeles vntill we were faine to giue them ouer for want of Powder The Breath of Scotland the Spaniards could not endure Neither durst they as Inuaders land in Ireland But only ennobled some of the Coasts thereof with shipwracks And so going Northwards aloofe as long as they had any doubt of being pursued at last when they were out of reach they turned and crossed the Ocean to Spaine hauing lost fourescore of their Ships and the greater part of their Men. And this was the End of that Sea-Giant the Inuincible Armada Which hauing not so much as fired a Cottage of ours at Land nor taken a Cockboat of ours at Sea wandered thorow the Wildernesse of the Northerne Seas And according to the Curse in the Scripture Came out against vs one way and fled before vs seuen wayes Seruing only to make good the iudgement of an Astrologer long before giuen Octuagesimus octauus Mirabilis Annus Or rather to make good euen to the astonishment of all Posterity the wonderfull Iudgements of God powred downe commonly vpon vast and proud Aspirings In the yeare that followed of 1589. we gaue the Spaniards no breath but turned Challengers and inuaded the Maine of Spaine In which Enterprise although we failed of our End which was to settle Don Antonio in the Kingdome of Portugall yet a Man shall hardly meet with an Action that doth better reueale the great Secret of the Power of Spaine Which Power well sought into will be found rather to consist in a Veterane Army such as vpon seuerall Occasions and Pretensions they haue euer had on foot in one part or other of Christendome now by the space of almost six score yeares than in the strength of their Dominions and Prouinces For what can be more strange or more to the Disualuation of the Power of the Spaniard vpon the Continent than that with an Army of a 11000. English Land Souldiers and a Fleet of 26. Ships of warre besides some weake Vessells for Transportation we should within the Houre-glasse of two moneths haue wonne one Towne of importance by Escalada Battered and assaulted another Querthrowne great Forces in the Field that vpon the disaduantage of a Bridge strongly barracadoed Landed the Army in three seuerall Places of his Kingdome Marched seuen dayes in the Heart of his Countries Lodged three nights in the Suburbs of his principall City Beaten his Forces into the Gates thereof Possessed two of his Frontire Forts And come off after all this with small losse of Men otherwise than by Sicknesse And it was verily thought that had it not beene for foure great Disfauours of that Voyage That is to say The failing in sundry Prouisions that were promised especially of Cannons for Battery The vaine Hopes of Don Antonio concerning the People of the Country to come in to his aid The Disappointment of the Fleet that was directed to come vp the Riuer of Lisbone And lastly the Diseases which spred in the Army by reason of the Heat of the Season and of the Souldiers Misrule in Diet the Enterprise had succeeded and Lisbone had beene carried But howsoeuer it makes proofe to the World that an Inuasion of a few English vpon Spaine may haue iust hope of Victory at least of Pasport to depart safely In the yeare 1591. was that Memorable Fight of an English Ship called the Reuenge vnder the Command of Sir Richard Greenuill Memorable I say euen beyond credit and to the Height of some Heroicall Fable And though it were a Defeat yet it exceeded a Victory Being like the Act of Sampson that killed more Men at his Deatly than he had done in the time of all his Life This Ship for the space of 15. hours sate like a Stagge amongst Hounds at the bay and was seiged and fought with in turne by 15. great Ships of Spaine Part of a Nauy of 55. Ships in all The rest like Abettors looking on a farre off And amongst the 15. Ships that fought the great Sant Philippo was one A Ship of 1500. tonne Prince of the twelue Sea Apostles Which was right glad when she was shifted off from the Reuenge This braue ship the Reuenge being manned only with 200. Souldiers and Mariners whereof 80. lay sicke yet neuerthelesse after a Fight maintained as was said of 15. houres and two Ships of the Enemy sunke by her side Besides many more torne and battered and great slaughter of Men neuer came to be entred but was taken by Composition The Enemies themselues hauing in admiration the Vertue of the Commander and the whole Tragedy of that Ship In the yeare 1596 was the Second Inuasion that we made vpon the Maine Territories of Spaine Prosperously atchieued by that Worthy and Famous Robert Earle of Essex in consort with the Noble Earle of Nottingham that now liueth then Admirall This Iourny was like Lightning For in the space of 14. hours the King of Spaines Nauy was destroyed the Town of Cadez taken The Nauy was no
followed immediately after the Defeat a present yeelding vp of the Towne by Composition And not only so but an Auoiding by expresse Articles of Treaty accorded of all other Spanish Forces thorowout all Ireland from the Places and Nests where they had setlâ—d themselues in greater strength as in regard of the naturall Situation of the Places than that was of Kinsale Which were Castle-hauen Baltimore and Beere-hauen Indeed they went away with sound of Trumpet For they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the Reproaches they could deuise against the Irish Land and Nation Insomuch as D' Aquila said in open Treaty That when the Deuill vpon the Mount did shew Christ all the Kingdomes of the Earth and the Glory of them hee did not doubt but the Deuill left out Ireland and kept it for himselfe I cease here omitting not a few other Proofes of the English Valour and Fortune in these later times As at the Suburbs of Paris at the Raueline at Druse in Normandy some Encounters in Britanny and at Ostend and diuers others Partly because some of them haue not beene proper Encounters between the Spaniards and the English And partly because Others of them haue not beene of that greatnesse as to haue sorted in company with the Particulars formerly recited It is true that amongst all the late Aduentures the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins into the West-Indies was vnfortunate Yet in such sort as it doth not breake or interrupt our Prescription To haue had the better of the Spaniards vpon all fights of late For the Disaster of that Iourney was caused chiefly by sicknesse As might well appeare by the Deaths of both the Generals Sir Francis Drake and Sir Iohn Hawkins of the same sicknesse amongst the rest The Land Enterprise of Panama was an ill measured and immature Counsell For it was grounded vpon a false account that the Passages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them But yet it sorted not to any Fight of importance but to a Retreit after the English had proued the strength of their first Fort and had notice of the two other Forts beyond by which they were to haue marched It is true that in the Returne of the English Fleet they were set vpon by Auellaneda Admirall of 20. great ships Spanish our Fleet being but 14 full of sicke men depriued of their two Generalls by Sea and hauing no pretence but to iourny homewards And yet the Spaniards did but salute them about the Cape de los Corientes with some small offer of Fight and came off with losse Although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receiue so little hurt vpon dealing with the English as Auellaneda made great bragges of it for no greater matter than the waiting vpon the English afarre off from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio Which neuerthelesse in the Language of a Souldier and of a Spaniard hee called a Chace But before I proceed further it is good to meet with an Obiection which if it bee not remoued the Conclusion of Experience from the time past to the time present will not bee sound and perfect For it will be said that in the former times whereof wee haue spoken Spaine was not so mighty as now it is And England on the other side was more aforehand in all matters of Power Therefore let vs compare with indifferency these Disparities of times and we shall plainly perceiue that they make for the aduantage of England at this present time And because we will lesse wander in Generalities we wil six the Comparison to precise Times Comparing the State of Spaine and England in the yeare 88. with this present yeare that now runneth In handling this Point I will not meddle with any Personall Comparisons of the Princes Counsellors and Commanders by Sea or Land that were then and that are now in both Kingdomes Spaine and England But only rest vpon Reall Points for the true Ballancing of the State of the Forces and Affaires of both Times And yet these Personall Comparisons I omit not but that I could euidently shew that euen in these Personall Respects the Ballance swayes on our part But because I would say nothing that may sauour of a spirit of Flattery or Censure of the presen Gouernment First therefore it is certaine that Spaine hath not now a foot of Ground in quiet possession more than it had in 88. As for the Valtoline and the Palatinate it is a Maxime in State that all Countries of new Acquest till they be setled are rather Matters of Burthen than of Strength On the other side England hath Scotland vnited and Ireland reduced to obedience and planted which are mighty Augmentations Secondly in 88 the Kingdome of France able alone to counterpoize Spaine it selfe much more in coniunction was torne with the Party of the League which gaue law to their King and depended wholly vpon Spaine Now France is vnited vnder a valiant young King generally obeyed if he will himselfe King of Nauarre as well as of France And that is no wayes taken Prisoner though he be tied in a double chaine of Alliance with Spaine Thirdly in 88 there sate in the See of Rome a fierce Thundring Frier that would set all at six and seuen Or at six and fiue if you allude to his Name And though hee would after haue turned his teeth vpon Spaine yet he was taken order with before it came to that Now there is ascended to the Papacy a Personage that came in by a chaste Election no wayes obliged to the Party of the Spaniards A man bred in Ambassages Affaires of State That hath much of the Prince and nothing of the Frier And one that though he loue the Chaire of the Papacy well yet hee loueth the Carpet aboue the Chaire That is Italy and the Liberties thereof well likewise Fourthly in 88 the King of Denmarke was a stranger to England and rather inclined to Spaine Now the King is incorporated to the Bloud of England and Engaged in the Quarrell of the Palatinate Then also Venice Sauoy and the Princes and Cities of Germany had but a dull Feare of the Greatnesse of Spaine vpon a generall Apprehension only of the spreading and ambitious Designes of that Nation Now that Feare is sharpened and pointed by the Spaniardâ— late Enterprises vpon the Valtoline and the Palatinate which come nearer them Fifthly and lastly the Dutch which is the Spaniards perpetuall Duellist hath now at this present fiue Ships to one and the like Proportion in Treasure and Wealth to that they had in 88. Neither is it possible whatsoeuer is giueÌ„ out that the Cofers of Spain should now bee fuller than they were in 88. For at that Time Spaine had no other Warres saue those of the Low-Countries which were growne into an Ordinary Now they haue had coupled therewith the Extraordinary of the Valtoline and the Palatinate And so I conclude my
years And as Tacitus noteth well That the Capitoll though built in the beginnings of Rome yet was fit for the great Monarchy that came after So that Building of Lawes sufficeth the Greatnesse of the Empire of Spaine which since hath ensued Lewis the eleuenth had it in his minde though he performed it not to haue made one constant Law of France Extracted out of the Ciuill Roman Law and the Customes of Prouinces which are Various and the Kings Edicts which with the French are Statutes Surely he mought haue done well if like as he brought the Crowne as he said himselfe from Page So he had brought his People from Lacquay Not to runne vp and downe for their Lawes to the Ciuill Law and the Ordinances and the Customes the Discretions of Courts discourses of Philosophers as they vse to doe King Henry the Eighth in the twenty seuenth yeare of his Reigne was authorized by Parliament to nominate 32. Commissioners part Ecclesiasticall and part Temporall To purge the Canon Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Land But it tooke not effect For the Acts of that King were commonly rather Proffers and Fames than either well grounded or well pursued But I doubt I erre in producing so many examples For as Cicero said to Caesar so may I say to your Maiestie Nil vulgare te dignum videri possit Though indeed this well vnderstood is farre from Vulgar For that the Lawes of the most Kingdomes and States haue beene like Buildings of many peeces patched vp from time to time according to occasions without Frame or Modell Now for the Lawes of England if I shall speake my Opinion of them without partiality either to my Profession or Country for the Matter and Nature of them I hold them Wise lust and Moderate Lawes They giue to God they giue to Caesar they giue to the Subiect what appertaineth It is true they are as mixt as our Language compounded of Brittish Roman Saxon Danish Norman Customes And surely as our Language is thereby so much the richer So our Lawes are likewise by that Mixture the more compleat Neither doth this attribute lesse to them than those that would haue them to haue stood out the same in all Mutations For no Tree is so good first set as by transplanting and Grafting I remember what happened to Callisthenes that followed Alexanders Court and was growne into some displeasure with him because he could not well brooke the Persian Adoration At a Supper which with the Grecians was a great part Talke he was desired the King being present because he was an Eloquent Man to speake of some Theme Which he did And chose for his Theme the praise of the Macedonian Nation Which though it were but a filling Thing to praise Men to their Faces yet he performed it with such aduantage of Truth and auoidance of Flattery and with such Life as was much applauded by the Hearers The King was the lesse pleased with it not louing the Man and by way of discountenance said It was easie to be a good Oratour in a pleasing Theme But saith he to him Turne your stile And tell vs now of our faults that we may haue the profit and not you the praise onely Which he presently did with such Quicknesse that Alexander said That Malice made him Eloquent then as the Theme had done before I shall not fall into either of these Extremes in this Subiect of the Lawes of England I haue commended them before for the Matter but surely they aske much Amendment for the Forme Which to reduce and perfect I hold to be one of the greatest Dowries that can be confer'd vpon this Kingdome Which Worke for the Excellency as it is worthy your Maiesties Act and Times So it hath some circumstance of Propriety agreeable to your Person God hath blessed your Maiesty with Posterity And I am not of opinion that Kings that are barren are fittest to supply Perpetuity of Generations by perpetuity of Noble Acts But contrariwise that they that leaue Posterity are the more interessed in the Care of Future Times That as well their Progeny as their People may participate of their Merit Your Maiesty is a great Master in Iustice and Iudicature And it were pity the fruit of that your Vertue should not bee transmitted to the Ages to come Your Maiestie also reigneth in learned times the more no doubt in regard of your owne Perfection in Learning and your Patronage thereof And it hath beene the Mishap of Works of this nature that the lesse Learned Time hath sometimes wrought vpon the more Learned Which now will not be so As for my selfe the Law was my Profession to which I am a Debter Some little Helps I haue of other Arts which may giue Forme to Matter And I haue now by Gods mercifull Chastisement and by his speciall Prouidence time and leisure to put my Talent or halfe-Talent or what it is to such Exchanges as may perhaps exceed the Interest of an Actiue Life Therefore as in the beginning of my Troubles I made offer to your Maiestie to take paines in the Story of England and in compiling a Method and Digest of your Lawes So haue I performed the first which rested but vpon my selfe in some part And I doe in all humblenesse renew the offer of this latter which will require Helpe and Assistance to your Maiestie if it shall stand with your good pleasure to imploy my Seruice therein THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF KING Henry the Eighth LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. THE HISTORY OF THE REIGNE OF King HENRIE The Eighth AFter the Decease of that Wise Fortunate King King Henry the 7 who died in the Height of his Prosperity there followed as vseth to doe when the Sun setteth so exceeding cleare one of the fairest Mornings of a Kingdome that hath beene knowne in this Land or any where else A young King about 18. yeares of Age for Stature Strength Making and Beauty one of the goodliest Persons of his time And though he were giuen to Pleasure yet he was likewise desirous of Glory So that there was a passage open in his Minde by Glory for Vertue Neither was he vn-adorned with Learning though therein he came short of his Brother Arthur He had neuer any the least pique Difference or Iealousie with the King his Father which might giue any occasion of altering Court or Counsell vpon the change but all things passed in a Still He was the first Heire of the White and the Red Rose So that there was no discontented Party now left in the Kingdome but all Mens Hearts turned towards him And not onely their Hearts but their Eyes also For he was the onely Sonne Of the Kingdome He had no Brother which though it be a comfortable thing for Kings to haue yet it draweth the subiects Eyes a little aside And yet being a married Man in those young yeares it promised hope of speedy Issue to succeed in the Crowne Neither was there any Queene Mother who might share any way in the Gouernment or clash with his Counsellours for Authority while the King intended his pleasure No such thing as any Great and Mighty Subiect who might any way eclipse or ouershade the Imperiall Power And for the people and State in generall they were in such lownesse of obedience as Subiects were like to yeeld who had liued almost foure and twenty yeares vnder so politique a King as his Father Being also one who came partly in by the sword And had so high a Courage in all points of Regalitie And was euer victorious in Rebellions and Seditions of the People The Crowne extremely rich and full of Treasure and the Kingdome like to be so in short time For there was no War no Dearth no Stop of Trade or Commerce it was onely the Crowne which had sucked too hard and now being full and vpon the head of a young King was like to Draw lesse Lastly he was Inheritour 〈◊〉 Fathers Reputation which was great 〈◊〉 ouâ— the World He had streight â—â—â—nceâ— with the two Neighbour States 〈…〉 Enemy in 〈◊〉 to times and an 〈…〉 Friâ—â—d Scotland and Burgundy He had Peace and Amitie with France vnder the Assuâ—â—â—â— not only of Treatie and League but of Necessâ—â—e and Inhabilitie in the French to doe him hurt in respect that the French Kings Designes were wholly bent vpon Italy So that it may be truly said there had scarcely beene seene or knowne in many Ages such a rare Concurrence of Signes and Promises of a happy and flourishing Reigne to ensue as were now met in this young King called after his Fathers name HENRY the Eighth c. FINIS