performed yf the Admiral for his own particular had not layd a block in his vvays But aboue all others it is memorable and worthie to be remembred vvhat a bloodie quarrel it vvas mayd that king Edvvard the sixt the first protestant king in England might not marrie Quene marie of Scotland vvho was euer honored and esteamed a Catholik and yet the protector vvould haue mayd no scruple of Conscienc in that Caluinisme and Lutheranisme ar as opposite as Antipodes and yet they haue matched oft together and ther Issews ar the records thereof And was it then tollerable in the reformed churches and is it intollerable vvith Spayne what then is the cawse of this great scrupulositie and feare Is it for the state of the kingdome or feare of alterations The husband is head of the vvyfe and tho the Infanta vvear born in familia Imperatrice yet ther is no soverainetie invested in her she can maik no mutation of State without the censent of the state And yovv haue the les cavvse to distrust that hauing a president before of king Philip vvho being king of England yet neither could nor vvould attempt anie alteration And yf the protestants ar sure to hould ther religion it is inhumanitie to repyne that she shall be suffred to enioye hers No man of honor vvil offend a ladie of such honor for a quarrel to her sovvle to her faithe and her vvorship of god What then is the reason vvhy this match is so distaist full Is it for the hate and odiousnes of the name and qualities of a Spanyard surelie ab initio non fuit sic that is neither an anciēt quarrel nor a naturall impression in the English For in the tyme of king Edvvard the 3. Ther vvas a firm and fixed amitie betvvean England and Portingal and of Lancaster ther king ar discended And for Castil they matched Constance the Daughter and heyr of king Peter to Iohn of Gaunt by vvhose right the crovvn appertained to hym And his daughter Catharin married vvith Henry the third king of Castil and therby the vvhich remaineth in the Sauoye records resignation of that crovvn vvas mayd by Iohn of Gannt and so all the controuersie vvas ended betwean them and the kings of Spaȳne as floorishing brainches of the tree and stock of Lancaster haue peacablie possessed that kidgdome So as Prince Charles shal by this match vvarme his bedd with his own blood I may add further that king Henry the seuenth married his sonn̄ to king Ferdinando his daughter to continew the succession of amitie I might remember the treaties of 1505. betvvean k. Henry the 7. and king Philip for the preseruation and noorishment of that league and frend ship And hovv much and hovv tenderly Charles the 5. embraced and esteamed yt vvell appeareth by the Treatie arctioris amicitiae 1543. And by the renoumed treatie of Callice the greatest honor that was evver doon to the crovvn of England and by the treatie 1507. bevvean Maximilian the Emperor Charles king of Spayne and king Henry the 8. by the treaties for entercourse 1515. and 1520. by the treatie of Cambray 1529. and by that famous treatie 1542. Thus the tvvo kings and kingdomes still renewed and noorished mutuallie and vvarmelie a perfect frendship and kind correspondencie till the schisme of Henry the 8. the diuorce disgrace and dishonor of Quene Katharin and the cōfederation therupon with France cooled the zealle of this seruent affection So as ther vvas at that tyme no such cavvse of hatred disfauor or vnkindnes bevvean these tvvo kingdomes nor anie national dislike or contention vvhich first brake out end appeared in England in Quene Maries tyme principallie for the quarrel of a new religion then fiuee yarres old For ther vvas no pretenc but onelie that to maik the breach which Wyat desired Yet this is not the trevv and sole motiue of the grudg ther is and impostume vvhich can not be cured till it be lanched The hatred and remembranc of 1588. Manet alta mente repostum It is trew Hinc illae lachrimae But let vs be indifferent look vpon the wrongs doone to them aswel as ther attemps for reueng And vnpartially consider who gaue the cawse and forced them to taik armes The Moonie intercepted which the king had sent to the Duke of Alua the Assistanc of the princ of Oreng by Gilbert Morgan and others ther seconds the first voiage of Syr Frances Drake the inuasion and sacking of S. Domingo the protection of Holland by the Earl of Leicester the infinite depredations and letters of mart to the wnspeakable dammage of Speyne the Philippicae and inuectiues in euerie pulpit ballets and libels in euerie press against king Philip wear such prouocations as flesh and blood nay crovvnes and scepters could hardlie disgest I speak nothing of the Portingal vorage of the surprize of Cales nor of the Iland viage and can anie vvise man imagin that the king of Spayn vvas not sensible of such indignities vvas it not probable that he vvould send a futie to Kinsale to reuenge that Yet for all this hostilitie vvhen his maiestie cam to the crovvne how frendly and quicklie ded the king of Spayne alter his course and send the high Constable of Castil as the doue owt of the Ark to see yf the flood of mallice vvear fallen and vvith an Oliue brainch in his hand to seak for peace to maik an Amnestia and perpetual obliuion of all vnkyndnes past to couer all offences to burie all quarrels and to reconcile the two crovvnes and the subiects thereofs And surelie Cursed vvil he be vvho shal seak to violate that peace and vnder the coolor of religion to banish peace and Charitie the badges of religiō a malicions Cayn he is that maiks all contentions perpetuall and searsehe can he be holden loyal that remēbreth onelie the sudes and quarrels vvith Scotland and not what and how dear wnto vs it is now and so should be euer embraced and esteamed Furthermore the Crovvn of England shal hearby be thus more beautified and magnified But staye My pen shall intrude no further into the secret Cabbienet of counsel wthowrt warrant Bycause I kow not whether it be agreable to the kings pleasure or whether it be sit to be discoursed and speciallie bycause I hold it impossible forme to satisfie so profovvnd a Iudg vvithovvthis ovvn instructions and directions For I consider vvel hovv vnsearchable the secrets of princes art vvhich lie oft in abisso and ar too deape to be sovvnded by euerie shallow discourser And I remember also both what praying and preaching vvas vsed against the match of Quene Elizabeth vvith Monsieur in the like case and for feare of alteration and afterclaps and yet some vvho ded then most impugn it vnder pretenc of religion ded in dead least of all other counsellors regard religion Syr Philip Sydnie like a noble and vvourthie courtier laboured by a short treatise to present to her Maiesties iudgment the
and there he prouided for his rest and securitie and in the interim setled and planted Lutheranism in all his dominions notwithstanding the decree and entered into the league of Smalcald for maintenanc thereof All which actions that yovv mayÌ„ vnder staÌ„d how directlie they ar against lawe and Iustice Let Andrew Gayle deliuer his opinion Libro de Pace publica cap. 10. § 36. Receptores Bannitorum perinde puniantur atque Banniti Domini praediorum tenentur reos exhibere and learned Brunus lib. 1. de haeres c. 4. In excommunicatis qui bannitis comparari solent vnica receptio noxia est Now Luther was both banished and excommunicated And Gayle in an other place Qui bannito Commeatum annonam suppeditat paena receptorum ordinaria tenetur Per aduenture yovv may think that the Duke Luthers Mecenas was not tyed with in this tedder these lavves vvear in force for meaner subiects ther for that learned Gayle shall maik his own comment lib. 1. c. 1. § 9. de Pace publica saith he Conditio pacis publicae omnes omnium ordinum status Imperij maiorum minorum geÌ„tium cuiuscunque dignitatis personas aequè obligat etsi contra Potentiores sit promulgata So as the greater the person is the more he is bovvnd to obey the lavve But the Duke not obeying the law and kovving that Caesar had oft vvritten ovt of Spayn to haue the edict of vvormes strictlie executed fearing Cesars indignation intred into a league took armes and so ded aggrauate both his ovvn and his fathers offenc and thought them vnpardonable Yet after that league the Emperors Embassador 1529. at Spyres offred vnto the leaguers most aequall and moderate articles viz. vtrinque ab omni iniuria damno conuitijs abstinerent quod transgressores contrahaec sint proscribendi Who vvould not thing this a reasonnable offer from the supreme magistrate to the inferiors that stood in dainger of lawe the Catholiques could never hope for so much in Q. Elizabeths tyme. Yet vvas this refuled and reiected Again at Auspurg 1530. Caesar verrie graciouslie entertained the Duke and receaued his petition exhibited vvith as much fauor and indifferencie as he might with his honor And there againe he reuiued his Embassadors former motion that no more innouations should be mayd nor moe books to be by them published but that all things should stand quietlie and peacable till 17. May next So much ded he yeald to them for desyre of peace and for the publick good of Europe the Turk hauing so latelie before beseaged Vienna and taken Rhodes Not vvith standing the Duke reiected the motion and much displeased the Emperor therby vvho plainlie replied that yf they obeyed not they should repent it And yet againe tho thus prouoked rather to dravv his svvord at Spyres he ded labor by persvvasion to â—reuayle quietlie vvith them but thither the Duke ovvt of I ealousie and feare vvould not come at all tho he was summoned By this course yow may iudg how vnwiling Caesar was to disturb the peace of the â—mpyre or to enter into an offensiue warr â—eaking to winn theÌ„ so oft and so graciouâ—lie So as it was the more inexcusable for men that pretended onelie to defend â—hem selfs to reiect peace vvhen it vvas offred and then to offend by taking armes before they weare offended If I should relate the mallice and contempt they showed of hym yow might conceaue that they could never haue hoped to haue fownd a spark of mercie in his hart towards them For in all ther publick acts and letters â—hey vouchsafed to geue hym no other tiâ—le then Charles of Gandt vsurping the name of the Emperor wherby they renounced all obedienc to hym and deposed hym as farr as laye in ther power which was an indignitie which a wise prince could â—ardlie swallow with patienc I may not forget how the Landsgraue ingreat brauerie both by letters and messagers assured the citties and Princes of ther confederation perhaps therby to procure a larger contribution and engaged his promise that with in thre months they would force Charles to flie owt of Germanie and abandon the empyre How then ded these things coheare That this holie league was mayd onelie se defendendo and to resist for ther law full protection and yet to strike the first blow inuade the Emperor offend first and promise to expell hym owt of Germanie before he offered anie tokeÌ„ of hostilie against them or they had iust and euident cawse to march into the feald And long before that they sollicited the kings of France England and Denmark the Hans townes and Swisses to ioyn with them in league against hym whome they dishonored and prouoked vvith most infamous libells and vnvvorthie aspersions France tho an enemie noblie denied them Denmark lingred expecting the succes king Harrie was not forwars tho Cromwel diligentlie sollicited ther cawse and promised them 100. thowsand crownes for ther ayd And at that tyme D. Thirlebie Bushop of westminster and Syr Philip Hobbie wear the kings Embassadors with the Emperor and wear wituesses and spectators of the whole Tragedie Lastlie to disprooue these there proceadings by lawe Remember first the decree at Wormes read the edict of Maximilian the 1. anno 1495. and 1500. the words ar these Consentientibus stautum ordinum imperij votis necessarium de pace publica constitutionem landifrieden promuâ—garunt quapacem publicam armata manu violantibus pâ—na proscriptionis quam bannum imperiale appellamus irrogatur Scil vitae necisque And to explain that A. Gayl l. 1. c. 14. de Pace publica Omnia bella in quit quae inâ—â—â—su summi principis Imperatoris puta vel sine eius licentia geritur priuata quadam vindicia in iusta sunt And afterward cap. 5. he puts bothe Sleydan Bilson and the and by law ouerthrowers all ther foundations In crimen lesae maiestat is incidit qui bellum in imperio sine Caesaris licentia mouet quia vsurpat sibi ea quae sunt solins principis mouere bellum ad solum imperatorem pertinet So also Goldastusl 1. tit 190. cites this ancient law Nemo intra imperis fines suis alienisueditionibus militem sollicito nise de voluntate ducis isius circuli caeueatque fide iussione statuum nihil se in Caesarem principes subditos clientes Impers moliturum And in tomo 2. he produceth a decree of Ludouicus Pius against the king of the Romans and his confaederates guiltie of high treason for attempting against the Emperor wherby the king was iudged to loose his head The like ded Henrie the first against Arnulphus Duke of Bauier who had rebelled against hym And Otho the 1. ded asmuch against Ludolphus king of the Romans I will conclude all with one exemble late memorable and to our purpose Maximilian the 1. ded forbed all subiects of the empyre to gene ayd to the french king in his warrs Emicho Earl of Lingen in contempt of
an extent of Dominion 4. And to maik this bad proposition seame good cap 5. v. 25. Kings saith he forget they ar men that is of the same mould that others arr They ar called kings and Dukes Dei gratia To vvhat end serue these vvords to shovv by ther title that they acknovvledg no superior And yet vvill they tread vpon God vvith ther feate vnder that cloke So it is but an abuse and disguisement vvhen they vaunt that they raign Dei gratia Is not this excellent doctrine to be preached in a Monarchie and a fyne Deskant vpon Deigratia Yet he goeth an further c. 5. v. 21. Kings maik ther boast that they raign Deigratia yet they dispise the Maiestie of God Voila quelle est la rage forcenerie de tous Rois. Hear is no exception but a generall accusation and to maik that good he addeth this strenth to it It is common and ordinaire to all kings to exclude God from the government of the vvorld Consider wel that Caluin writt this not as a Politician but as a Deuine and in his prime and maister peace his institutions he deliuers these daingerous positions in his sermon to the people and in his readings vpon Daniel not in priuat discourses and as matters of discipline and doctâ—ine to be generallie beleaued and so making a course against Nabugad nezzar he run the wild goose chace against all kings and that rather owt of pleaÌ„ then owt of his text For to what end and pupose tend these speaches so scandalous and derogatoire to princes certanlie to disgrace scepters and sooueraines both for follie and impietie And bycause yovv shall see hovv vvell Caluin and Luther doe symbolise in this poynt that they speak one language and both weare like coolors and the same fashion I will deliuer vnto yow how Luthers opinion of thes poynts agreeth with Caluins These knaues of the nobilitie tyrants tom 7. fol. 441. Nebulones isti ex nobilitate tyranni c. qui inducunt animum ideo Deum nobis euangelium dedisse eosque ex carcere pontiâ—icio expediuisse vt possent ipsi auaritiae suae litare And in epistolis fol. 350. Principem esse non ex aliqua parte latronem esse aut non aut vix possibile est a Prince can not be but a robber and oppressor tom 3. fol. 325. Non est Principis esse Christianum paucos esse Christianos oportet And tom 6. fol. 143. in psalm 101. Mirum non est seculares Reges Dei hostes esse eiusque verbum hostiliter persequi Hoc â—psis à natura est insitum haec eorum proprietas whear it is vvorthie to be obserued Nota. vvhat an Antipathia ther is betvvean Royaltie and religion by Luthers rules and so betwean Lutheranisme and loyaltie by as good consequenc vvhich is the mayn quaestion But procead tom 3. latin fol 459 in psal 45. Aulae principum verè possunt dici sedes thronus diaboli vbi tot sunt diaboli quot ferè aulici For such as the king is such is the court like to be and yf the courts be the thrones kings must be the Deuels Tom. 2. fol 81. De seculari magistratu Principes flagitiosissiminebulones The reason he giueth is this Sunt enim Dei lictoreâ— carnifices quibus ira diuina ad puniendos improbos ad conseruandam externam pacem vtisolet fol. 190. Nullum nequè tus nequè fidem nequè veritatem apud principes seculares reperiri licet And then yf kings and princes haue neither honestie truthe nor Iustice Quid ego principes doceam huiusmodi porcis scribam vvhy should I vvrite and instruct such porck tom 3 fol. 149. Who can not discern hovv these tvvo holie men iumped in vnitie as led vvith the same spirit ay ming bot-at one end which is to noorish a deadlie feud in all mens mynds against kings and crownes that will not subscribe to ther superintendencie and Caluins Institutions And that yovv might more euidentlie discern that read c. 6. v. 25. vpon Daniel Saith he Darias by his exampl vvill condemn all those vvho at this day profess them selfs either Catholik kings or Christian kings or defendors of the faith and yet not onely they doe deface and burie altrevv pietie and religion but they corrup and depraue the vvhole vvorship of God Hear is in dead vvork for the Covvper not by a Marprelat but by a Mar prince The most Christian king must be again nevv Catechised and learn a new Christian Credo Hear is a new portraicture of a reformed Catholik dravven for the instruction of the most Catholik king and a nevv priuate spirit to direct the Catholik The defendor of the faith bycaus he erreth in his faith not hauing a sauing and iustifiâ—ng faith must haue a nevv faith created and inspiret into hym by this great Prophet And so by this nevv model all the old religion in the church and all the lavves in the state concerning it must be abolished Thus presumed Caluin to reform kings and government and to build a nevv ark to saue and preserue the vvorld from an inundation of impietie ignoranc and irreligion of vvhome I may trevvlie say plus quam regnare videtur cui ita liceat censuram agere regnantium But of this I shall more pertinentlie speak in the appendix In the interim Can a man sovv more seditious seads yf he vvould seak to Cantonize a kingdome into seuerall circles as they haue doon ther french church Yet shall yovv heare hym preach more like a Svvisser and Lutheranize vvith the proper spirit of Luther cap. 6. v. 3. 4 he toucheth kings to the quick and describes what kynd of beasts they ar at this tyme. Les Rois sont presque tous hebetez brutaux aussi semblablement sont-ils comme les cheuaux les asnes de bestes brutes And he giueth this reason bycause they honor and preferr most ther Bavvdes and ther vices What a seditious declamation is this against the title and maiestie of Gods anointed Mark the age and tyme when Caluin writ this book and note in that age what renoumed kings France had Lewes 12. Frances the 1. and Henry the 2. what maiestie wisedom and magnificenc wear in the emperor Maximilian and Charles vvhat state in Henry 8. of England what hope in Edward what vertue in Marie for Scotland Iames the 5. raigned and two such Maries as at worthie to be Canonized And for Castill and Portugal there kings never floorished more for government greatnes encreas of state discoueries of a new world peac and plentie Then what was his meaning to affirm that almost all kings wear so stupid and brutish Surelie to bread and noorish a contempt of hings and to induce the people that liue in free states to despise and hate them and conninglie to seduce them that liue in kingdomes to be sorie for ther yoke and seruitude to shake of ther fetters and purchase
aspyred to the Crowne yf the king and his issew fayle is to be pittied rather then answered a fable taken owt of the legend of Lorrain and the other libells of that tyme. Weigh and examin it and see the leuitie of follie The king was young his brothers yonger ther moother liuing the king of Nauar ther trustie and noble freÌ„d and a brasen gate betweaÌ„ Guise and the crowne and the nobilitie of France as he saithe mayd an association against the howse of Guise Then was it not likelie Now it being apparentlie fals that the kings was in the hands and power of the Guises I com to the proposition that the king had neither age to discern it nor fredome to denie it nor lawes to decree it it resteth to examin that proposition that the kings consent authorising that armie at Dreux was nothing worth bycause he was not of age nor at libertie What yf the king had not age to discern it was it therfor withowt warrant or law A king haith two bodies his bodie Politick as it never dyeth so is it never defectiue of authoritie and direction The acts of the bodie politick be not abated by the naturall bodies accesse the bodie politick is not disabled to rule and govern by the nonage of the naturall see 26. lib. assis placit 24. whear by iustice Thorps iudgment the gift of a king is not defeated by his nonage nor shall not embleamish the bodie In the book of ass see the case tit droyt plac 24. anno 6. E. 3. f. 91. for a writt of right brought by E. III. of a mannor as heyre to R. I. The exception of nonage against the king was not admitted For yf the bodie natural die yet the bodie politick which magnisieth the natural bodie is not sayd to die So 4. Eliz. for leases of the Duchy mayd by E. 6. all the Iudges resolued they vvear good tho the king vvas in his minoritie For the bodie politick extolleth the naturall and altereth the qualitie of it And so though the kings bodie natural in his minoritie can not discern and iudg yet that disableth not a king that the acts of his minoritie ordered by his counsell and by the Regent should be of no validitie Nay your own Hottoman in his Francogallia will teach yow an other lesson tho he was Bezaes trustie Achates Resolume would anie counsellor like it well yf a Catholick in England should affirme as he might more trewlie that the chainge and alteration of religion by king Edward VI. was not warrantable hauing not age to discern it nor freedome to denie it being in the haÌ„ds of the protector and Northumberland nor lavves to decree it till by his vncls authoritie and greatnes new lawes wear enacted for it Yf yow approoue not this why doe yow disprooue the same in k. Charles IX of France was the age of the one a barr in law and not the others or was the one an absolute king and not the other or vvas k. Edvvards coÌ„sent sufficient to authorise his vncls doeings in spiritual matters and was k. Charles his consent nothing worth to authorise the Constable and his armie to pursew his rebells Now concerning the last poynt touching Beza his opinion I must turn that Canon against hym self for yf Beza sayd trewlie iniuriam pati nostrum est nobis vim viarcere non licet yf it be certan nullum remedium proponitur priuatis hominibus tyranno subiectes praeter vitae â—mendationem c. then surelie maister Bilson is betrayed by hym he seaks to defend and Beza betrayed the Admiral and Prince of Condie to draw them into the playnes of Dreux against the king to fight for ther religion when vim viarcere non licet I will not stand to refell that opinion and error of D. Bilson that the Prince of Condie ded not ovve simple subiection to the king of France but respectiue homage and so was not mearly a subiect bycause it shovveth a palpabl ignoranc of the lavves and customes of France and besides that could not excuse the Admiral vvho at all could not plead anie such protection or alledg anie such prerogatiue For yf H. 2. might committ hym to prison lavvfully Charles the 9. as lawfully might cut of his head But forasmuch as Bezaes sentenc is coninglie vsed and cast as a mist to blyâ—d the eyes of the reader I will disperse the mist and let yow see what kind a man he vvas in his proper humor and in puris naturalibus Read his positions and Catechism of sedition the practise of his pietie the book called Vindicie contra tyrannos whear he acts the part of Iunius Brutus a noble Roman but the suppressor and enemie of kings First pag. 15. he propownds this question yf subiects be bownd to obey ther kings when they command against Gods lavve and then pag. 22. he resolueth vve must obey kings for Gods cawse when they obey God And pag. 24. as the wassel looseth his fief his lordship yf he committ fellonie so the king looseth his right and his realm also And aboue all other this is notable pag. 65. a conspiracie is good or ill as the end is at which it aymeth which is a most wicked Maxime fitt to mantain Rauillac or Poltrot or to be a buckler for the conspirators of Amboys Yet this pag. 66. goeth a degree further The Magistrates and one part of the realm maye resist the king being an Idolater as Lobna reuolted from Ioram for forsaking God Doth not this stronglie patronise the battel of Dreux doth it not teach subiects to rebell and to plead sic dicit Dominus for ther defence but note well how fynelie he fortifieth this axiome pag. 132. The government of the kingdome is not giuen to the king alone but also to the officers of the Realme And again pag. 103. France Spayn and England ar customarily consecrated and as it wear put in possession of ther charge by the states peares and Lords which present the people And p. 199. ther is a stipulation in kingdomes haereditarie As in France vvhen the king is Crovvned The Bushops of Beauuois and Laon ask the people yf they desyre and command this man shall be king And vvhat then surely it is no argument that the people choose hym It is an acceptation no election and a declaration onely of ther submission obedienc and fidelitie as yow may euidentlie perceaue by Frances Rosselet anno 1610. the ceremonies at the coronation When was ther euer an assemblie of the states to elect or consecrate a king of France the kings never count the tyme of ther raign from the day of ther consecration but of ther entrance and Charles the. 7. Gaguin and Giles can witnes was nether crowned nor sacred in eight yeares after he begonn his raigne And for the Peares what think yow that they ar as Ephori No they ar pares inter se not coÌ„panions to the king They ar not states as in Holland to rule and
direct all affayres for in France and England all authoritie depeÌ„ds vpon the kings and yf they wear his consorts they wear not his inferiors What is the state but the authoritie of the Prince who onelie by his letters patents createth the pears disposeth all Offices giveth all honors receaueth all homages as the sole fountain from whenc springeth nobilitie and authoritie and he that either would restraine that sooveraintie or communicate it with others maketh no differenc of the Crovvn of a kinst and the la Beretta of the Duke of Venice Manie such like rules and positions haith he published fitt introduction for Anarchie and mutinies most of them false and all wicked vayles onelie to cover the face and name of treason that it might not appear in his proper and vglie shape I might heare trauel and wearye yow with as Good stuff owt of the book de iure Magistratus a bird of the same nest for if it wear not Bezas as manie think It vvas Ottomans his Camerado But I will leaue them bothe for they touch the string of sooveraintie with too rough a hand nay rather they straine to breack it when they teach so grosse treasons that the states ar aboue the king that the bodie is aboue the head a monstrous doctrine as yf anie man could with iudgment maik a quaestion whether the people should be directed and commanded by the maister or the man by the subiect or the soouerain by the Princ of Condie and the Admiral or by king Charles and king Philip had reason to cut of the head of the iustice of AragoÌ„ and to teach the people what was the trew meaning of nos qui podemos tanto come vos c. All which paradoxes it wear easie to refell but that I haue vndertaken onelie to discouer not to combate and encounter them and bycause they ar learnedlie and religiouslie confuted all readie by Barklaâ—e Bauricau and Blackwood Onelie by the waye I must informe yow that they deal politicklie and conninglie and professe not openlie and bluntlie to haue anie liking to chainge the state and depose or ouerrule kings But artificiallie they manage all First to bread a dislike of Monarchs then to show the inconvenienc to depend vpon the edicts of one man then may they much the better magnifie the authoritie of magistrates by whome they might reforme idolatrie and why the Creatures of a king suppresse the creator of ther power And yet be sure the Consistories and elders muh rule all and be iudges bothe of the cleargie lavves counsell and king They be the Rabbins that owt of ther Sanhedrim must govern both church and kingdome by the Oracles of Geneua I may not forget how vureuerentlie Eusebius Philadelphus Sc. Mr. T. Beza vsed king Charles in his book of Reueille matmattin whear vsuallie he calls the king Tyrant and maiks his Anagramme Chasscur desâ—oyal Read his rymes and scandalous reproches against the Q. moother-Peruse the 40. Articles recorded in that book for the better aduancing of seditious gouernment As art 25. that all cheafs and Generalls must obserue ther ecclesiastical discipline ordayned by the Synodes And art 40. they ar bownd neuer to disarme so long as religion is pursewed persecuted by the king he meaneth So much patienc haue these Saints that seaking to reforme all others can not reforme ther own affections But yf yow peruse the 14. and 15. art yow shall discern the brauerie of ther irregular passions intending therby onelie to ouerthrow the king and the familie of Valoys These wear the holie articles of Bearn 1574. coyned with his stampe and communicated at Millun to all ther Moschees that they might he more stroÌ„glie maik warr as they Sayd against ther enemies till it pleased God to turn the hart of the French tyrant Thus ad gustum populi principatus exigitur At the same tyme was framed and dispersed abroad the lyfe of Katharine de Medicis Francogallia the Toxsan of Massacreurs and the Legent of Lorraine For that honor the howse of Guise haith long had that no man professed hym self an enemie to the church but he was likewise at deadly seud with them Heare I might taik vp and stay yow no longer with the description of ther vertues and loyaltie but that I desyre to present vnto yovv vvhat opinion the graue and learned men of the church of England and others also of gread iudgment haue dad had of these Euangelists of Geneua 1. Doctor Sutclif in his ansvver to a libel supplicatorie p. 194. confesseth that the protestants of the french church taught for 30. yeares violent reformation of religion by the nobilitie people and priuate persoÌ„s 2. And in an other place Beza saith he in his book de iure Magistratus dothe arme the subiects against the Prince and he saith that book overthroweth in effect all the authoritie of Christian kings and Magistrates and for the book of Vindinciae contra tyrannos vvhich manie affirm to be Bezas or Ottomans It geues povver saith he to subiects not onelie to resist but to kill the Prince yf he impugn gods religion 3. The same is also averred by the late Archbush D. Bancroft in his book of the Suruay of discipline a man vvho exactlie had learned examined and obserued ther courses and positions and the great dainger grovving to the state by the ministers either Scotising or Geneuating for so he tearms them And the book of daingerous positions pag. 192. dothe demonstrate also the same To these I may add the iudgment of that famous Lawyer Frances Baldwin vvho had familiarlie conuersed vvith Caluin at Geneua in his book called Responsio altera ad Iohannem Calumum Paris 1562. pag. 74. Mirabar quorsum euaderet inflammatus tuus quidam apostolus Sc. m. Theodore qui cum hic concionaretur suis auditoribus commendabat vehementer extraordinarium illud exemplum Leuitarum sirictis gladijs per casira discurrentium obuios quosque idololatras trucidantium Sed nunc audio te vix contentum esse â—alibus Leuâ—is And pag. 128. I euiora saith he sunt illa cum statuis sepulchris ossibus principum ac martyrum barbarum bellum indictum videmus cum ciuitates occupari fana spoliari audimus c. But what nead I labour to prooue that Beza and his followers haue caused all these vproars and commotions in France when he hym serf Epistola 40. Christophero Thretio confesseth that they must fight it owt Ego quidem pacem nullam nisi debellatis hostibus ausim sperare Yf yow ask who wear these enemies he answers Cacolycorum castra traÌ„s Ligerim sunt Therby he means the Catholiks and the kings armie And a litl before ab eo tempore nostri copiss foelicisâ—ime instauratis Toloâ—anum agrum infestarum Inde ad Rhodanum vsque progresâ—i occupatis aliquot passim oppidis arcibus in quibus praesidium reliquerunt So they spoyled the contrie disturbed the peace surprised the kings townes fortified and oppugned
king with the assent of the most honorabls Duke of Arschot who neuer much affected the Prince articulo 5. they ded bynd them selfs to prosequute warr against Oreng as a general enemie of peace and to fynd at ther own charge eightene thowsand men for that purpose and will anie man imagin that so noble so religious so valiant men peares to the Prince for nobilitie and wisedome either could err in ther iudgments of hym they knew so well and who had acted his part so long vpon the stage in the face of them all or would haue mayd such an offer yf they had esteamed hym a Good patriot or his cause and proceading iust and warrantable Now touching the people of Holland I acknowledg they ar a people verrie industrious and skilfuâ—l to maik vse of ther labors and as a learned censor of them well noted nec totam libertatem nec totam seruitutem patiuntur Frends to chainge seldome content with the present state in prosperitie a litl insolent most addicted to traffick and ther profite and iealious of anie that would empeach ther gayn or libertie And the Prince being well acquainted with ther nature to bread and fead ther iealousie more discouered to them the secret counsell and combination of king Henry the 2. of France and the Duke of Alba to suppresse the protestants and to erect the 17. Prouinces into a kingdome the vvhich he sayd that king discouered vnto hym But surelie non placet commentum it is not like the Duke of Alua vvould discouer his maisters greatest secrets to an enemie so latelie reconciled and his fiction of other fables maiks it more probable that to haue bean a fable also For he gaue owt that the Emperor and the king affected a monarchie ouer all Europe which yf it wear but a coniecture was deuised by hym self and not vpon certan intelligenc vnderstood and vpon knouledg from them selfs it could not be for the Emperors overtoyled age his end his cours and the harbor of a religious how 's he be took hym self into convinc the contrarie Yet these inventions and forgeries serued hym to good purpose bothe to terrifie the Hollanders that they might still relie vpon hym and to procure the distrust and mallice of forrein nations to the hovvse of Austria And vvith such baites ded he long both entrap and feald that contrie people Now yow haue hard the whole charge and all the trespasses obiected to the king both generall and particuler now and ab Origine and the actors that followed the busienes and what exceptions may be taken iustlie against ther estimation integritie and testimonie speciallie in ther own cawse It remaineth therfor now to examin first whether the king stood guiltie of these crimes of Iniustice and Tirannie For yf he be innocent then is ther vsurpation The king of Spayn his desyre of peace His court not tirannous vnlawful and yf he weare guiltie an other quaestion is whether his error geues them title and his offences free them from subiection I will maik it manifest to the world that the king euer desired peace and with great care sought to avoyd the desolation of his people and contries 1. And to maik this euident It may please yow to call to mynd the course taken by that excellent and most loyall Prince the Duke of Arschot and by the states generall at the Pacification of Gand 1574. whearin it was thought requisite to decree an Amnestia and obliuion of all things past on both sydes and to taik order for discharging the Spanyards and sending them home And notwithstanding that in this pacification all things wear referred ad arbitrium ordinum vsing nor mentioning anie reseruation to the king yet Don Iohn ded ratifie it and procured the kings consent and confirmation of all as appeareth by the perpetual edict And altough this pacification was agreed vpon by all the rest of the states general owt of a zealous affection to general vnitie yet would not the Prince of Oreng nor Holland and Zelland subscribe and accept it And they disswaded the states general to accept Don Iohn for gouernor till the Spanyards should be dismissed at a tyme limited and yet would not they dismisse the forren forces they had in Holland but being at libertie them selfs would tye Don Iohn to perform his promises but vvhy ded the Prince and Holland refuse to subscribe was it for religion no for in these articles Holland and Zelland wear as well prouided for as they could desyre for therin vvas this article vt sola in ijs prouincijs Romana religio toleretur exerceatur excepta Hollandia Zellandia tho these prouinces never esteamed nor respected that peace nor that prouision for ther indemnitie and for the Princes person and safetie his ovvn guiltienes and his precedent offences wear buried in this Amnestia the states preuayled more for hym then the Emperor could What then caused the differenc mallice and Ambition blinded and transported hym for all men may see the king desyred peace and the Prince altogether was inclined to warr tho thearin he vvas no excellent Hannibal 2. And that appeared more playnlie 1575. by the colloquie of Breda whear the king offred reasonnable conditions and the Emperor sent the Count Swartzenburgh to induce them to concord and vnitie And yet would the Prince listen to nothing and the treatie was fruitles the cawse is worthie to be knowen At that tyme they of 10. Pettit Holland deliberatelie determined to submit them selfs to some other Prince and offred them selfs secretlie to obey the Quene of England hy Aldegond and Douza The proiect vvhearof and the reasons I haue sean 3. Yet ded the king show still how great his patienc and mercie was and how farr from the basenes of tyraÌ„nie that knowing all this and much more yet would he not proclayme Oreng a traytor till 1580. when his mallice appeared to be irreconciliable and his courses desperate and after they had finished the fabrick of that vnion of Vtreght abowt fiftean yeares after the beginning of these trovvbles 4. The fouth argument to prooue the kings inclination to peace and his detestation of tyrannie taiks away all quaestion from men indifferent When the Emperor sollicited the treatie 1. The persons of Coolen 1579. and mayd choyce of most honorable persons for that purpose the tvvo Princes electors the Bushop of Wirtzburgh the Count Svvartzenburgh and Doctor Lawenman the king of Spayne was as forvvard and sent thither the Duke de Terra noua and the Duke of Arschot euer readie to aduanc peace and the commun welth with diuers others wear commissioners from the states with commission signed by the Archduke Matthias So as the persons on all sydes vvear like to deale with integritie and iugment Note also vpon what motiues was the The moiues Emperor content to employe these coÌ„missioners The states by ther letters to the emperor dated S. Iun. 1578. ded promise
and testifie From king Edvvard the Confessor Down to king Henry the VIII ther is no man so blind that will affirme ther was anie other religion professed and priuiledged in England but that which was planted heare by Gregorius Magnus who as D. whitacher noteth l. 5. contrae Duraeum pag. 394. ded vs a great benefit and vvhich vve ar euer most grate fullie to remember In all which tyme though the Cleargie mayd Canons by ther own authoritie for ther ovn particuler gouernment yet the kings of this realme ded euer fynt them obedient and readie hymblie and dewtifullie to obey them and to affoord ther best assistance to support the estate Royal euen oft vvhen they weare much troden vpon and heauilie burdened and albeyt sometymes they weare forced to whote contentions for external matters of iurisdiction and ther immunities as the commons and Barons weare yet they neuer passed the rules of order and obedienc nor stirred vp sedition or commotions And who soeuer shall obiect and call in quaestion the opposition of some prelates vnder Henrie the II. King Iohn and Henrie the III. shall neither doe great honor to the kings nor dishonor to the Church-men for ther zealous defenc of ther immunities and perhaps he may reuiue such matters as wear more conuenient to be buried in the records But the first king thar euer gaue effectuallie cawse in this kingdome to trie in the face of the vvorld the admirable patienc Order and loyaltie of the Catholiques was King Henrie the VIII flagelium Dei to the Church of England and yet of ther own religion First by aceusing the Cleargie to be fallen into the danger of a premunire for mantaining Caridnal VVolsies legantine power Secondlie by the statut of Supremacie Thirdlie by the Suppression of Abbeis Which vvear the thre first breaches wherby he threw Dovvn the foundation strenth and glorie of the Church of England The first leuelled the waye for the second and the second enabled hym with power and authoritie to compasse the third The first was a burden the second a bridle and the third a terror By the first he fownd ther weakenes by the second they perceaued his greatnes and by the third he mayd them dispayre of anie recouerie or reparation of ther estate by the first onelie the Cleargie smarted the second laye heauie both vpon the spirituall and temporall by the third the whole realme was again in a sort conquered And all this was doon to be reuenged against the Pope touching his marriage to abandon his iurisdiction and to aduance his ovvn greatenes and royall power that so no man might afterward controll his action or restrain his appetites vvhich lawleslie rainged in hym and prooued verrie inordinate And ther for he bard owt of the realme all forrein power and at home he subdewed them and mayd them of no power Such is the imperious nature of domination in irregular mynds which hauing once broken owt of his circle can not indure limitation and bownds but must and will rainge at libertie in the wide and wild feald of his humors and not being able to geue law to his appetites vvill maik lawes as champions to authorise them and reason as a parasite to glorifie them Now to examin all these thre The first 1. The premunite was a quarrell he ded pick onlie against Cardinal VVoltie and yet afterwards sett vpon the tentors and extended against the vvhole cleargie Which being summoned into the kings bench the kings learned counsell vrged and exaggerated the matter so vehamentlie that in the Conuocation howse they concluded to submit them selfs to his pleasure and to obtain ther pardon and recouer his fauor they wear content to offer and present vnto hym a hundret thowsand pownds wherevpon ther Pardon was signed by the king and confirmed by parliement and by a deuise there they wear also Drawen to acknowledg hym supreme head This vvas a course at that tyme thought neither agreable to Iustice nor honor for Cardinal Wolsie had the kings licens vnder his hand and the great seale of England sor his warrant to vse the legantine power and aftervvard by reason thereof the king hym self employed hym to exercise the same and sit vvith Campegius and examin the matter And yf the diuorce had bean allowed ther should neuer haue bean quaestion mayd of the legantine povvre Touching the Supremacie All the hings 2. The supremacie subiects euer acknovvledged that the crovvn of England quoad temporalia is independant of anie other povver but that great and Transcendent Maiestie vvho proclamed to the vvorld Per me reges regnant that kings knovving vvho vvill taik ther audit may be more carefull to rule vvith Iustice and keape ther accoumpts streight and subiects knovving there tye and vvho layd vpon ther necks this suaue iugum and withowt encroachment may obeye vvith more loyaltie and affection The Question vvhich king Harrie mayd first of all kings in his parliement concerneth his povver and iurisdiction quoad spiritualia And whether that new and highe praerogatiue vvear euer properlie and essentiallie inuested in the crovvn of his realme heartofore or whether it wear the creation of a nevv right by parliement iure Coronae or the establishment of an old And hearupon grovveth an other quaestion novv both in England and other kingdomes so much debated vvhether the Controuersie for Supremacie in spiritualibus be a quaestion onelie proper to Religion and so subiect to the sentenc and censure of the Church onelie as emong the Romans it vvas to the Collegium Augurum and Pontifex Max. or proper to Pollicie and the state onelie and so subiect to the iudgment of lawe or Mixt and a participle vvhear of either of them may hold plea. Of both these I shall haue fitter both Occasion for the matter and Opportunitie for the tyme to declare my poore opinion in my discourses vpon the Ecclesiastical Historie And for the suppression of the Abbies 3. The Supression of Abbies the Cleargie by that fact and the supremacie stood as in captiuitie and at the kings pleasure and mercie ther possessions wear seazed ther goods forfeited ther Churches prophaned and sacked And the augmentation court was erected vpon the spoyles of the Churche and the sale of ther mooueables vestiments challices bells and all for when the king fownd that the Cleargie thorough the humilitie of ther zeale yealded so much vnto hym he never thought he had power sufficient till he had more then enoughe and vpon that aduantage his conscienc being inlarged broke owt of those ancient bownds which the lawes of the Church had prescribed to hym Therfor anno 27. he appointed Cromwel and Doctor Leigh to visite the Abbies and by vertue of the kings commission which had then a chymical powre to maik sacriledge vertue they took owt of the Monasteries ther cheafest Iewels plate and Reliques to the kings vse and dismissed all such religious persons vnder the age of 24. yeares as
left open the port of aduantage hauing not repealed in England the act of her illigitimation as Quene Maries counsell wiselie had doone before But now at lenth to returne to the matters proper and pertinent to the quaestion Iam to handle The Quene before her coronation put all the bushops to silence and commanded they should not preache and after the parliement all those that refused the oath being called before the Quenes commissioners wear depriued from all honors liuings or employmeÌ„t either in the church or common welth and wear also committed to prison and so both lost ther liberties and liuing together Dignities they could not loose as appeared by B. Bonners case whome they could not degrade from the Dignitie of a Bushop though he ded loose London There vvear in all 14. Bushops most vertuous and learned prelates of England and 10. of Ireland deposed 12. Deanes 15. maisters of Colledges 6. Abbots 12. Archdeacons 160. preasts together with maister Shellie Prior of S. Iohns of Hierusalem Now touching ther Demeanor and the course of ther proceading before ther Depriuation These Bâ—shops sitting in Parliement at Quene Maries Deathe acknowledged by diuers proclamations Quene Elizabeths title and right to the Crowne And the Archbushop of york D. Heath then Chancellor of England calling together the nobilitie and commons assembled in both howses by a graue oration exhorted them to accept and obey Quene Elizabeth and by the best course he could endeauoured to dispose and setl the harts of subiects to loue and serue her And all the Bushops ioyntlie ded ther homage and fealtie to her Maiestie in dewtifull manner And although they vvear not ignoranc of her determination to alter the course of religion yet ded they neuer practise neither Scotising nor Geneuating nor neuer incensed the people and Catholiks against her nor attempted anie violent resistance nor sought the support of forrein Princes whome they knew at that tyme readie vpon so fayre pretence to haue ayded them but they ded so respect fullie tender both the Quenes safetie and the peace of the realme more then ther own liues liberties or liuings that though diuers emong them mayd a quaestion yf it wear not most conuenient for the good of the Churche to procead to excommunication against her to vvhich her case laye verrie open and subiect yet the most voyces disswaded that course least yf they should vse the sentenc and censures of the church against her the people might be induced to taik armes for the protection of religion and therfor they ded aduise rather to referr it to the popes determination and pleasure then to talk vpon them to doe yt them selfs though they thought they might lavvfullie doe yt as the case then ded stand Ther was also an other secret frend that ded much fortifie the state of the Quene King Philip knowing all the platts of France and ther secret intentions and vvat motions they mayd at Roome and vpon what tearmes they ded stand to offend England albeyt he had buried all offences at the treatie of Cambray yet loath to see France growe so great as to haue footing in England and as loath that Religion should loose her howld and honor there though he ded wish the end he ded not like the meanes and therfor he employed his ministers in England to doe good offices betwean the Quene and the Cleargie But Alas what became of all these graue prelates Trewlie nothwithstanding all ther publick disgraces and priuate sufferings they ded rather choose a Durate then an Armate and euer professed and well performed Preces Lachrimae arm a nostra Obserue how long and how heauilie ther burden lay vpon them D. Scott Bushop of Chester dyed at Loouain in exile Goldvvel of Asaph at Roome Pate of vvorcester subscribed at the counsell of Trent for the Cleargie of England and never returned D. Oglethorp of Carlile dyed soodainlie and shortlie after his depriuation and so ded learned and famous Tonstal die a personner at Lambeth Bourn of wells was prisonner to Carie deane of the Chappel Thirlebie of Elie first vvas committed to the towre and afterward he and secretarie Boxal vvear sent to Lambeth vvhear they ended there dayes Abbot Fecnam Bushop Watson Bushop Bonner dyed prisoners and Prior she l lie in exile This was the Catastrophe of the worthie Prelates of England a tragedie of the Downefall of the whole Cleargie a thing incredible to posteritie and never hard of in former ages that the third and most reuerend state of the realm the Cedars of Libanus who ever sinc king Etheldred floorished as the Oaches of a realme should be all at once cut downe cast into disgrace and prisons or exile and liue withowt releaf or comfort as men forlorne and abiects yet neither taynted for vice nor convinced for trespas nor accused for anie treason but that which they would never subscribe to aknowledg treason the refusing the oath of supremacie a poynd of religion to them and vvhich touched ther sovvles to the quick And wear they depriued for that then surelie had the ministers of Geneua great luck to escape the high Commission for yow shall hear ther opinions and see the differenc of ther spirits 1. Gilbee in admonitione ad Anglos calls king Henry the 8. libidinosum monstrum monstrosum aprum qui Christi locum inuasit Ecclesiae Anglicanae caput dicivoluit cum tamen omnis religionis expers esset This monstruons bore must neads be called Head of the Church vnder payn of Treason displacing Christ our onelie head who alone onght to haue the title why ded he call hym bore Partlie for his qualities partlie for Ann Boolens sake who was that Helena cuius causa peribat Ilium as both Melancthon in his Chron. and G. Bellay in his Comment declare 2. And that yovv may knovv vvhat an haeresie and flatterie of kings the school of Geneua censureth the Oath of supremacie to be I pray yovv heare the Oracle in cap. 1. Osee in cap. 9. Amos Et hodie in quit quam multi sunt in papatu qui regibus accumulant quicquid possunt iuris potestatis of this poynt I dare avowe Geneua is not guiltie ita vt ne qua fiat disputatio sed potestas haec sit penes regem vnum vt statuat pro suo arbitrio quicquid voluerit sine controuersia hoc firmum maneat Qui initio tantopere extulerunt Henricum regem Angliae certe fuerunt inconsiderati homines dederunt illi summam rerum omnium potestatem hoc me semper grauiter vulner auit erant enim blasphemi cum vocaruÌ„t illum summum caput Ecclesiae sub Christo Ded Syr Thomas Moor or Bushop Fisher say more nay not so much against the matter nor in so rude and violent manner such vvas the violenc of king HeÌ„rie that he pressed them to speact and yf they ded speak they wear in dainger of law yf they ded not speak
all religion become retrograde And that fair tyre the mask of sinn be mayde And better to effect a speadie end Lett ther be fovvnd tvvo fatal instruments The one to publish the other to defend Impious contention and provvd discontents Printing Maik that instamped characters may send Abroad to thovvsands thovvsand mens intents And in a moment may dispatch much more Then could a vvorld of pennes perform before VVereby all quarrels titles secrecies May vnto all be presentlie mayd knovvne Factions prepared parties allured to rise Sedition vnder sayr pretences sovvne VVhereby the vvlgar may become so vvise That vvith a self presumption ouergrovvn They may of deapest misteries debate Controule ther betters censure acts of state And then vvhen this dispersed mischeaf shal Haue brought confusion in each misterie Calld vt contempt of stâ—tes in generall And ripend the humour of impietie Then take the other engine vvhervvith all Coâ—nes They may torment ther self vvrought miserie And scourge each other in so strainge a vvise As tyme or tyrants neuer could deuise c. BABEL OR MONARCHOMACHIA PROTESTANTIVM NOT manie yeares since Reasons for the match vvith Spayn vpon the divulging of a letter vvritten by mayster Aldred against the match with Spayne and of that scandalous libel against the embassador Count Godomer as also by the instigation of somè whote-spoors in therpulpits men oft of more feruor then iudgment The people of London vvas much incensed to snarle and murmur euen at the verrie name of Spayne and euerie artificer presumed as an Aristarchus to censure the king for that negotiation as for an error of state vvch vvear like to cast the vvhole bodie of the kingdome into a distemper As yf the kings Zeale to the realm and to his issevv had bean vnnaturallie frozen and his iudgment had fayled hym and that those great planets of the counsel had also lost ther light and erred in ther course Whearupon I vvas vrged by diuers of my good freÌ„ds to vvrite the Apologie of that actioÌ„ and proceading bycause somme of them had hard me deliuer not onelie a full ansvver to all the objections of the contrarie faction but also diuers reasone in defenc thereof fovvnded vpon a rock and growndwork subiect to no battrie nor vndermining And to speak trevvlie and freelie the benefites vvhich the realme may reape by that match ar so maine and so aduantagious as I vvish yt rather doon then disputed on For it setleth a firme peace betvvean both the kingdmes aliquid amplius then they apprehend vvho oppugn yt Traffick shal therby be establisthed and encreased the seas by a concurrens of bothe the kings may be purged and cleared from Turks and pyrates The kingdome shal also be again stored and enriched with threasour coyne yf it be locked vp infraquatuor maria and not stil offred to that Idol of Cambaia The crown shal be disingaged from a burdensome vveight of debts and consequentlie the subiects ar like to be much eased of contributions and taxes And is the renevving and confirmation of the treaties vvith the house and Princes of Burgondie to be accompted as a Cypher or is it nothing to haue so great a Monarch as the king of Spayne a firme allie and frend vvhome England knoweth what it is to haue an enemie It is trew that England was neuer so full of moonie as it was by spoyles and depredation betwean the yeares 1576. and 1590. but how dearlie had that prochase bene bought yf god who had predetermined to dispose the crowne of England to her issew who had suffred deathe and disgrace for his glorie had not mayd the wynds and sea fight for England Virginia a Colonie now to be tenderlie regarded shall hearby setle her staples and mart with more securitie and aduanc ther traffick both by a fafer passage and entercours with the Ilands But aboue all arguments nothing mooueth me more then that is for the honor Safetie and commoditie of Prince Charles the darling of England which euerie trew Patriot is bownd in coÌ„scienc to further and aduance But so we shall be sayd to leaue Holland in the briars an old and assured frend and of powre to assist the realm vpon all occasions god grand the prince may neuer stand in nead to vse them and remeniber how small furthernas nay rather hovv great hindrance they haue bean to the traffick of this realme and vvhat great losses and dammage by ther meanes our merchants haue sustained in the Indies Moscouie Groenland In ead not tell yow how chargeabl a neighbour they vvear and how vnsure a frend euer preferring france and for England cum nemini obtrudi potest iâ—ur ad me And not vvith standing vvise men may easilie discern vvhat fauor they may yet reap at his maiesties hands yf they deserue not the contrarie by inconsiderate courses But vvhat cavvse can they instlie pretend that repyne and murmur at the name of Spayne They obiecte the sin the curse and the disparagement to match vvith a Catholick What is the reason for that barr bycause the Ievves might not be tollerated to match vvith the Ammorites nor religions persons vvith the prophane That opinion taisteth too much of Iudaisme and the Tabmud the barr is remooued for now vvear vnder the lavv of grace bothe Ievves and gentiles circumsision and vncircumcision ar all vnited to Christ by faith and Charitie and incorporated into his bodie and Church The Ievves might not marrie vvith of ther trybes for the promise was mayd to Abraham and his sead which was not to be stayned vvith vnpure blood and a commixtion of paganisme but novv the promise is alreadie performed and the iudicial lavv is abrogated Yea but that showeth that god disliketh that his Children should be defiled vvith the mixture of a superstitious people Trevv but who ar the superstitious and which is the trew religion is an other quaestion Bothe ar Christians both ar baptized in that name bothe laye hold on the promises testaments and the gospell bothe saye one Pater noster and one Credo both reuerenc the 4. first general counsels but vvho is the Catholick is filius Christs of the surer syde by the moother Church And of the elder howse Besides is it so strainge to heare that a protestant should match vvith a Catholick To passe ouer Quene Elizabeths treatie with Monsieur ded not Henrie the king of Nauarr the protector of the reformed churches in France marrie with the french kings sister a Catholick in regard of bonum publicum and yet the Elders and consistorie of Geneua ded not condemne that nor reprooue hym for that Ded not the same king aftervvard match his sister a famous protestant with the Duke of Lorraine one of the Champians of the Catholick churche Ded not Levves the Prince of Conde the Archipiller of the french church apprehend vvith great applavvse the overture of a marriage vvith Marie Quene of France and Scotland which certanlie had bean
vntfitnes disproportion and inconuenience of that match bothe to her self and the realme but he ded it priuatelie and with discreat circum spection Stubs like a professor of an vnseasoned zeal took the question in hand and as a punishment of his presumption for feited his hand for that being rather published to incense and corrupt the people then to aduise and inform the Quene And tho some of the greatest and vvisest consellors ded earnestlie sollicit and seake to further the match bycause it vvas like both to vnithe the kingdome of france to England and was sure that the possession of the Netherlands wold also be offred vnto theÌ„ by the prince of Oreng and the states whearby England was like to be a most potent Monarchie yet was the whole bodie of the kingdom cast into much distemper onelie which bare conceapts and iealosies Some vpon partialitie and faction some for distrust of the practises of France some for ther own or ther frends sinister ends and ambition as Iam perswaded euen in this case ther ar men posseded with the same diseases and humors And yf I ded not wel know the nature of the multitude a beast of manie heads and mad braynes I should wonder how they durst oppose the desseins of a king of that experienc and iudgment who haith managed this busienes with so great warienes caution and prudence that this great Coniunction can portend no other effect then honor confort and prosperitie He is the sittest to iudg of his own cawse and his own cavvse being the Commonwelths cawse yf anie priuate Man should arrogate to hym self either more vvisedome to controll his proceding or an opinion of more affection to the state or more prouidenc to foresee and preuent daingers therby I see not which waye he can avoyde not to fall into the custodia of the court of wards till he come to hym self again But to leaue this matter as a deliberatiue which requireth a Crassus or Antonius I will come to that which gaue the occasion of this treatise Ther met at a merchants howse in London The occasion of this â—â—ea I se wheare merchants for ther table and hospitalitie beare worthilie the bell aboue all merchants in Europe diuers persons of excellent qualitie met there in a garden before dinner T. Aldreds letter the pamphlet aforesayd and some strainge rumors and seditious practises from Amsterdam being perused examined and discussed A fyne Chaplain to a great person and one of the merchants acquanitance cam into the companie and hearing but a litl of this discourse which at that tyme vvas the subiect of all tabletalk with much The ministers or ation vehemencie he ded affirm this match to be like to bread great incombrance and mischeafe to the kindome bothe ni regard of the encrease 1. Of Catholiques in the Realme and in respect of Spayne which he ignorantlie called an ancient enemie 2. Whearupon he took occasion to rage and raile bitterlie against the church of Roome as the Seminarie of all commotions in Europe and the Contriuer and plotter of all treason in England 3. And bycause he vvould shovv his Rhetorick in the ruff and omit nothing which might exasperate the companie against the Catholicks he alledged in thunder and vehemencie the death of king Edvvard and that sillielie the manie conspiracies against Quene Elizabeth and speciallie that horrible proiect of the Gunpovvder treason by a fevv priuate hotespurres vvhich in iustice is rather to be buried vvith the offendors then obiected and imputed to innocent men vvho generallie vvith great sorrow abhorr the memorie of it 4. Besides he vrged that princes be bothe disquieted and endaingered by the excommunicats ans and bulls of popes by the Catechismes and doctrine of the Iesuits And that the subiects of England ar withdrawen by them from ther obedienc to ther prince and ar so full of treacheries and disloyalte as no nation can be paralleled with them 5. Yow may think also that he forget not to arm hym self vvith the authoritie of D. Murtons censure for vvhich I think he ded not studie much VVe may novv asvvel expect a vvhyte Aethiopian as a loyal subiect of that religion He produced a book entituled A discouerie of Romish doctrine in the case of conspiracie and Treason Whearin the Author playeth his maister prize against the professors of the Catholick religion vvith an Hyperbole of criminal accusations and scandalous imputations able to driue men into dispayre of the kings grace vnto them and to bread in his maiesties Royal hart a diffidenc of them 6. He vrged parson vvhytes vndiscreat vntruth and vncharitabl sentenc that all ther religion is full of doctrine whence procead monsters of Conspiracies against the state and that they teach men to murther the king and blovv vp the parliement And that since Bells tyme ther was never such a raue nous Idol as the preasts and seminaries 7. He ded not omit the like allegation owt of Ormerode the picturemaker who vpon erroneous misconceauing condemned that singuler and renoumed Doctor Allen for affirming that princes might be slayne by ther subiects by the 25. Numeri 8. And so he concluded all with that Rhetoritall sentenc of monsieur Lewes baylie in his book of the practise of Pietie pag. 783. vvhich he produced with such ostentation as if it wear able to cast all the learned societie of the fathers into a fitt of a quartane Iesuits and preasts saith he ar sent to vvithdravv subiects from ther allegiance to mooue inuasion and to kill kingâ— yf they be Saints vvho be Scithians VVho ar Canibals yf they be Catholicks Which conclusion for the art and the witt worthilie deserueth both a praemium and a Plaudue sâ—c pueri crepundia gestant After this delicate oration they went to dinner and presentlie after dinner the minister departed in great haist Therupon all the companie vehementlie desyred one gentlman of ther companie who ded well vnderstand the world and was a freeman not obliged to anie religious orders but as films Ecclesiae to deliuer his opinion of the ministers Inuectiue Which he was at last contented at ther importunitie and for the satisfaction of ther Conscienc to vndertaike and which with his license and information I taik vpon me as his Amanuâ—nâ—â—s and secretarie to set downe and deliuer the same to yow After a long pavvse quoth he lodius The trevv state of the Quâ—stion accusat Machos Catalma Cethegum Is not this ridiculus who can endure to heare a Grace hus complain against sedicion I perceaue by the premisses that the protestants set this down as a Decree against Catholiks and labor to imprint that in the harts of the people as a perpetual scandal and stayne That the Catholik religion and doctrine is daingerous and preiudicial to the safetie of kingdomes and an enemie to Sooueraintie and so they censure it as neither allovvable not tollerable in a vvel gouerned monarchie Now this being a matter of
king And vvhat estimation Musculus holds them vvorthie of appeareth locis commun cap. 10. tit de officijs ministrorum So yow see neither of them bowe the knees to this Baal nor magnifie Caluins Idol But yf yow would look thorough with a pearcing eye the absurdities of the Disciplinarians read Schulting his Hierarchica Anacrisis lib. 15. cap. 19. 20. and 22. Whearby yovv may perceaue how all kings ar mayd subiect to ther excommunications the trevvlie Brutum fulmen of these Eldors and what confusion it breadeth in the ciuil state which learned Hooker wiselie noted and gow both nobilitie and commons must assamble at the summons of the pastor as the head of the parish the President of the Counsell and then vvhat conclusions they determin and decree arr rules and of sufficient authoritie to bynd the Parish to obedienc So euerie parson is a demi-Pope in his parish the elders ar suprem magistrates and Caluin really Papa and cheaf pastor though ovvt of his humble pryde he vvill not vouchsafe to be nor be called Doctor Besides maister Butler knevv that vvheare Philautia and Phantasia arr conioyned and raign as matches predominant in the breyneand bodie ther must neads be a hart svvelled and blovvn vp vvith singularitie and vvith a conceipt that they onelie knovv the truthe and the trevv vvorship of God and that onelie they stand in grace as men predestinated to glorieand blesse Vpon this dreame they contemne all others for ther defects and imperfections and being transported vvith strong passions and inflamed vvith the feruor of a provvd spirit more then of charitie and sober zeale they ronn into desperate actions as furies that regard neither Maiestie iustice or gouernment And in dead ther be some diseases that ronn in a blood and arr almost hereditarie to some of ther familie as frensie oft doth vvhich leaueth alvvaies a taynt and a spice of the staggars in ther vitall spirits as yf they had bean bitten with a mad dogg And therfor maister Butler knovving the sumptomata of ther disease might with skill and iudiciouslie sett it dovvn as an Aphorism That a Puritan vvas a Protestant ovvt of his vvitts And so I leaue hym till it please God to cure or convert hym speciallie in Scotland TITVLVS QVARTVS TOVCHING HOLLAND AND THE VNITED PROVINCES VVE ar now to arriue by course at Holland and Zelland that horrible The 4. proof of disloyaltie By exampl of Holland Akeldama and feald of blood and the theater of tragical and lamentable stories Whear I will rather declare then delate with what furie the Lutheran faction begonn and with what violenc the Caluinists proceaded and with what calamitie they both continued for as yow haue hard ther axiomes and positions before at large so the practises and tyrannie of ther followers ar hear best to be discouered And aboue all the actions of ther conspiracie the Vnion of Vtreght vvas the most capitall and infamours A deuise according to the rules of Iunius Brutus an imitation of Swiz and the Cantons and a strong argument to conuince them of rebellion though they euer marched vnder the name of Religion and bellum sacrum This Vnion was mayd by the states 1578. The formâ— of the vnion of vtreght who seing the fortunate proceadings of the Duke of Parma and the course of the Malcontents entered into a perpetual league comprised in 20. articles for ther mutual support and succor First they of Holland Zelland Frize and Gelders ded ioyn Contra omnem vim quae sub praetextu nominis Regij aut religionis inferetur After that the contriuer and ringleader of all the Prince of Orenge and they of Anvvarp and Gand cam vvith into the league and subscribed it the 14. Februarij 1579. the vvhich vvas after ward again confirmed at Haghe 20. Iulij 1581. and the scope of all this was to abandon and expell ther leage lord the King of Spayne and to depose hym from his ovvn dominion and inhaeritanc Therfor vpon that they established an edict que le Roy d'Espaigne est descheu de la Seigneurie du Pays-bas And to maik it more authenticall they deuised a forme of Abiuration from the king and a particuler reuocation and dispensation of ther former promise and oath of obedience in these vvords I. W. N. Svvearanevv and bynd my self to the prouinces vnited to be loyal and faithfull to them and to ayd them against the King of Spayne comme vn bon vassal du Pays And when they had taken that oath they broke all the kings seales pulled dovvn his armes seazed and entred vpon his lands rents customes and all other haereditaments and took the same into ther own hands And as absolute lords they coyned moonie in ther own names placed and displaced officers of the state banished all the kings counsellors published edicts possessed the church liuings suppressed Catholick religion beseaged Amsterdam and vsed all the marks and notes of sooueranitie in ther own names Whearupon Raald a counsellor for frizeland hearing this new oathe which was generallie tendered to all men vpon the horror and greaf thereof he dyed soodainelie as of an Apoplexie The reasons they gaue why the king of Spayne had forfeited his title and right wear these For 1. suppressing ther religion 2. for oppressing them vvith tyrannie 3. for abrogating ther priuiledges and for holding them in bondage and seruitude for such a magistrate they ar not bownd to obey they said but to eiect hym as a Tyrant An example and president of daingerous consequenc and which deaplie concerneth all princes to look vvel to For yf subiects may depose ther prince and maik them selfs iudges when he shall forfeit his crown and dignitie vvhich praerogatiue the Rochellors may challenge as lawfullie as the Hollanders qui stat videat ne cadat kings had nead to maik ther seat sure and sit fast for these men maik it but a slipperie hold And in dead ambition and treason can neuer fynd a fitter cloake for ther wearing then that which is mayd of the Holland fashion by religion Now that yow may the better iudg of The general quarrell the particuler quarrel of the Hollanders I will set down the trew grownds for the defenc of the general and why they took armes at first The original and principal cawse of this long and crewel warr was the spring of the new sects in the low contries and vnder the shadow of religion all the factions in the state and all discontentements wear masked singulare commodum and priuatum odium And as the peoples natural inclination to noueltie ded set it much forward so ther wanted not a concurrenc of forreiners who serued as bellowes to blow the coles both owt of France and England Charles the fifth owt of his wise prouidenc remembring what a peace of work Luther had cut owt for hym in Germanie and with what dainger charge and difficultie he overcame it Intended for the quietnes of this contrie and
the 8. nor in Cromwel or the protectors eares and surelie yf a man should ask whether Murrie and Murton in Scotland vvhether Oreng and Horn in the Netherlands vvhether the Admirall and the Princ of Conde in France whether the Protector and the Duke of Northumberland in England had anie politique respects anie odd ends of ambition and auarice other then religion yow will fynd them guiltie and subiect to this censure An other cawse he assigneth for deposition of Princes quando grauant conscientias subditorum And after ward in an other place to show his constancie in that opinion and to expownd his own meaning saith he subditi aduersus superiorem magistratum se veram religionem possunt etiam armis iure defendere si aliter in conscientijs incolumes esse nequeunt with which I think ther is no Counsellor or vvise man but vvould be iustlie angrie yf it should be thus translated the Catholik subiects in England Scotland Denmark or the Palatinate may with armes by law defend them selfs against ther superiors for defenc of ther religion yf they can not other wise quietlie enioy the freedome of ther conscienc For it is not enough and a sufficient replie to say ther religion is irreligious bycause that is the question And in his commentaries in Iudices Magistratus minor potest occidere maiorem and expresseth his meaning in that Case quod tyranni domestici magis sunt reprimends As yf a man should saye baylifs sherifs and Constables for religion may kill kings and counsellors bycause tyrants vvith in our doores ar most to be feared and cut of vpon the former conditions before alledged But was Parreus the onelie protector of these paradoxes and the onelie Doctor that poysoned the Palatinate vvith this infectious doctrine no in dead Gracerus his pewfellow taught that coercenda gladio est Antichristi malitia and in cap. 13. of the Apocal. Benedictus Aretius laboureth to stirr vp the people to hate the name and authoritie both of the empyre and Emperor with this lecture Draconem ait dedisse imperio potestatem suam the deuel errected and authorised the Empyre why In Imperio habitare plenitudinem diabolismi for in the Empyre dwelleth the fullnes of the Deuels Impietie But these opinions I nead not to condemn and aggrauate the dainger thereof yf it be trevv that I haue hard that in Powles Churchyard the fyre confuted them and that worthilie And yet be not so gross as to imagin that onely Parreus Gracer and Aretius taught this doctrine for it is the practise of ther churche Doe not look so stearnlie vpon me for saying so bycause I will iustifie it with euident proof Ther own neighbors and ther elder brothers they haue vsed with this vnciuil and turbulent inhumanitie ask Giesekenius a man of learning and accoumpt emong the Lutherans how they behaued them selfs at Emden a Lutheran state he showeth first ther act 1. Emdenses illustrem Dominum suum mota seditione fere tota ditione pepulissent The subiects of Emden had almost driuen ther Lord owt of his dominions 2. Then ther force and violeÌ„c Pactietiam sunt ne illustrissimus Comes habeat potestateÌ„ vllius religionis nisi Caluinisticae exercitium subditis suis concedere Emdae They articled with hym that his excellecie should not haue powre to grant to his subiects at Emden the exercise of anie religion but Caluinisme 3. Lastlie ther grace They hate and persequute the Lutherans and kyndnes to ther soouerain Et tamen liceat ei in aula habere concionatorem qui sit Augustanae cenfessionis They will notwith-standing tolerate that he shall be suffred to haue a preacherin his court of the confession of Auspurgh A great fauor subiects will tolerate ther Princes religion and frame it for them selfs after ther own cutt they will direct ther gouernor and he must obey Some curious man will suppose this was a tumult and that the church of the Palatinate ded not warrant anie such proceading against Lutherans ther brethren then mark and consider this Anno 1602. ther wear 20. poynts established in the church of the Palatinate And the first articl was totus Lutheranismus omnes libri eorume â—edio tollentur They decreed that all Lutheranism and ther books and writings should be prohibited and abolished and in the same Synod diuers opinions of the Lutherans ar recited and condemned as yow may see by Schulting in Hierarchica Anacrisi libro 15. pag. 98. whearof certanlie ther is great reason for ther is an impossibilitie that Lutherans and the ministers of the Palatinate should quietlie liue tother in one Ecclesiasticall government they ar incompatible in respect of ther discipline ther consistories ther elders to say nothing of ther doctrine For these ar the barr that hold owt all ciuil societie and concurrenc betvvean them these ar the cawse why they eiected the Lutherans ovvt of the Palatinate ovvt of Brandenburgh and owt of Emden these ar the cawse why the Lutherans wiselie prouide that they shall haue no footing in Saxonie Hamburgh and the Hans townes And these vvear the cavvs why that great Synode of Torgaw convented by the meanes and procurement of the protestant Princes ded testifie that Caluiniani Christianas Ecclefias omnes academias regna turbauerunt ac vastauerunt And yet neither ar Caluinists comprehended vnder the peace and protection of the Empyre and the religions vried is no vvaye permitted to them As appeareth by the edict of Charles the 5. de compositione pacis cum protestantibus anno 1532. not in his sentenc de confessione Sueuica 1530. nor in the interim 1548. nor in the constitution de pace publica And touching the acts mayd by the Emperor Ferdinand at Passau 1552. the verrie words exclude them from all benefit of the pacification as a thing not intended vnto them viz. Intereatemporis nec nos Electores Principes c. quempiam ex Augustanae confessionis statibus propter religionem vicogere bello c. volumus sedsuae religioni fideique quietè stare cadereque sinentes And he declareth and explaneth hym self 1555. at Auspurgh Propter Augustanae religionem confessionis nullam violentiam Ecclesiastici inferant sed liberum eius exercitium permittant vsque ad controuersae religionis compositionem I may hear fitlie alledg the conclusion and agreement of the states of the confession of Auspurg the thre Electors and the rest of the Princes and Citties Postquam Deo it a permittente praeter nostram Christianam religionem confessionem haereses sacramentariorum Anabaptistarum Osiandrinorum c. irrepserunt quae omnes à pace religionis exclusae sunt volumus vt contra illas in communi mandata edantur vt eiusinodi haereses eradicentur and this was enacted 1557. so it is most playne that Caluinism is ther iudged an heresie by the protestant Princes them selfs and banished the Empyre and anno 1566. Caesar and the Princes in the Dyet decreto publico scripserunt ad Fredericum Palatinum vt
Smith and it vvas mayd according to the liturgie of the straingers of Frankfort 1544. all of them of Bucers stamp and not much varijng from that in king Edvvards tyme. The which Parr Russel Grey of Pytgo and Cicil approoued but all those of Geneua vtterlie disliked not knowing the Quenes reasons nor regarding them 8. Lastlie the instrumentall cawses and cheafe artificers for building this new work wear choyce men all bothe for experience and pollicie Syr William Cicill mayd second Secretarie in king Eduuards dayes in an age whearin a man might learne more conning them vertue a wise man for practise and one that knevv well how much this alteration would serue his turn and raise his fortune and at that tyme he vvas hongrie hauing onelie the personage of VVimblton and certan lands abowt Stamford as appeared by his letter to the lord Marques 1560. vvhen Syr Robert Cicil vvas borne desiring the lord Threasorers furtherano that the Quene would grant hym some means and maintenanc for these two C. C. solike to be famous in England herafter Syr Nicholas Bacon was an others his brother in lawe a man of Deap iudgment of more knowledg in the lawes and a more plausible Orator I may not forget the Lord Robert who solelie to posses the Quenes fauor by a trick discarded Syr Williā Pickering then a fauorite and a courtlie gentlman neither can I omitt Seigneur Nicholas Throgmorton S. Tho. Smith and manie others who wear now in hope to fynd that which they had long gaped for such offices and preferments as they wear like to loose who held them in Quene Maries tyme. Better Enginers and fitter men could neither haue bean wished nor fuwnd then all these wear to vndermine and cast downe the Cleargie and the old Church governement vvho possessing vvholie the eare and grace of the Quene satt vvith command at the stearne and as pylots of great estimation guided the course both of the Church and commonwelth at ther pleasure thoughe manie men vvondered how maister secretarie could so soone forget his beads and his breuiarie whearwith he counterfeited a Catholick and vvonn Cardinal Pool to stand firmelie his frend Notwithstanding all this choyce of men and preparation of meanes ther courses and cownsells gaue occasion of more trowbles continual feares and greater hazards and daingers to the Quene the realme in all her tyme then ever anie architects of innouation committed And no maruel for ludit in humanis diuina potentia God doth skorn and frustrate the pollicies and shifts of men that haue nothing els to trust to but shifts and he vvill euer teach the wisest to see ther follies and a litl to humble them those that ar most prouident shall by ther errors learn that plus est in arte quam in artifice For now the Quene by this act of Innouation left destitute of all her allies and confaederates vvas driuen to stand vpon her own gard and lie open to all stormes hauing France an enemie and Spayne a frend skarse contented and so was driuen euen at first to ronne vpon a rock forced to assist the rebells in Scotland against ther Soouerain and to send them ayd to expell the french employed ther for ther Quenes seruice It may de yow think this a trifle mark the rest To succor the Admirall and rebells in France she Inuaded Normandie and took possession of Nevvhauen and Deape deliuered to her by the Vidame of Chartres was this a glorie the disgrace in loosing and ill defending Newhauen was a greater bleamish to them then it was honor to haue them yealded and offred to the Quenes disposing and speciallie seing they might therby either haue brought Callice home againe or haue locked vp the gates of Roan and Paris And they ded neither but bring home the great plague as a scourge to the realme for that offence furthermore for the securitie of the realme and to diuert all warres from home they wear driuen not withowt touch of the Quenes honor to kindl the fyre in all other adiacent nations and then to publish a declaration and reason of ther actions as yf the world could not read the trew cavvses of actions vvithovvt the spectacles of those ancient Senators Whearupon they ded ayd the Princes of Orenge against king Philip vnder pretenc of amitie and league vvith the howse of Burgondie and the kings of England which was a litl to grosse for so excellent vvitts considering that the amitie vvas contracted with no subiects nor states but betwean the kings of E. and the Dukes of Burgondie wheareof the states had the benefit and wear partakers but not authors comprehended in the treaties but not treators fayre coolors for fovvle errors And why for so she gaue a president against her self that forrein Princes might be vvarranted by her example to inuade her ovvn kingdomes to releaue her subiects yf they should rise for religion and to learn the waye to Ireland and requite her And the showe of Religion serued them fitlie for there purpose But surelie I haue hard verrie wise men much condemn the course Bor though England ded assist there neighbors on all sides vpon the reason of state which Polibius prescribed Vicininimium crescentis potentia maturè quacunque ex causa deprimenda which is an axiome that is oft inconuenient and ofter iniurious and sometymes pernicious Yet the counsell of Thucidides vvas more proper and safer Nullus princeps à suis subditis iuste puniendis arcendus est qui id facit parem in se legem statuit ne suos ipse puniat delinquentes And heare I must commend hym to haue said this vviselie who saith all things wittielie The vvisidome of the latter tymes in princes fayres is rather in fine deliueries and shifting of damgers vvhen they ar near then solid and grovvnded courses to keap them aloaf The grownd of all these trowbles vvas the pretenc of Sinon Viz. Actum esse de ea si pontificiam authoritatem in quacumque re agnosceret as Camden saith the Quene vvear vndoone yf she acknowledged the Popes authoritie Mark his reason duos namque pontifices matrem illegitimè nuptam pronunciasse and by that argument he suggested that it was best to alter religion inuest her self in the sooueraintie and banish the Popes bulls from grasing in this kingdome and all obedienc to that sea This was a course neither at home nor abroad to keap daingers aloofe and vndowbtedlie yf Henrie the 2. or Frances the 2. of France had liued that error was like to haue wrapped the realme into ineuitable perills and might by all probabilitie haue serued as a bridg to haue let the Quene of Scots passe over into England vnder her own title and the banner of the Church solliciting for her better warrant the renewing of the bulls of Clement the 7. and Paulus 4. against her moothers marriage and her own illegitimation and the rather this might haue bean doon by the error of them that
and diuers others and with drew them from ther obedienc Bycause it is a matter which concerneth all preasts it is necessarie to examin it with deliberation Cuthbert Mayn was indited at Launston 1577. that he had and obtained from Roome a bull and instrument for absolution and that maister Tregion knowing hym to haue obtained the same 20. April after ded ayd and mantaine hym and was reconciled These wear the accusations and iudg of them 1. First for his reconciling Mayn answered that they wear deceaued preasts ded vse to reconcile men onelie to God neither by reconciliation was euer anie man withdrawen from his remporal obedienc by anie consequenc but rather had a greater obligation 2. And touching his being at Room and procuring this bull of the Pope he sayd he vvas never at Room nor sought to obtain from thenc anie Bull at all for absoluing anie man 3. Moreover that it was copie of a bull printed which he bought at Douay onelie to peâ—ule and see the manner of it 4. But that which is most to be noted is that it was printed at Douay and by the enditement he was accused that 1. Octob. 1597. he ded obtain from Room the afore sayd instrument for the law intended that the trespassor should obtain immediatlie from the Pope not a copie but the instrument it self and that it should contain some matter preiudiciall to the Quenes person or the quiet and good of the state or to seduce and corrupt the subiects for it is not to be imagined that the parliement would maik that treason by which no hurt nor dainger can ensew to the state 5. But what bull was this that maketh the matter cleare it was a bull concerning the Iubilie which by the Pope is granted of course and not at the suit of anie priuate person and for all contries not for anie one and once in 25. yeares and that bull ded continue in force butone yeare which yeare was ended 1575. and so the date of the instrument was expyred before he bought it much more 1. Octob. 1597. when he was endited so yow see parâ—uâ— iunt montes Yet bycause he had the bull tefused to come to the Church and obey the Quenes proceadings iudg Manhood tould the iurie whear manifest proofs can not be had persumptions must be allowed and therupon the iurie fovvnd hym guiltie though the enditement contained altogether matter insufficient and impossible and neither answearable to the words nor senc of the statut For in this bull ther wear neither words nor matter to withdraw or seduce anie subiect from dew obedienc neither vvas ther anie thing preiudicial to the Q. to be executed Notwithstanding maister Tregion lay long in prison emong fellons in a dongeon noysom for smells toads c. fed with bread and water and was afterward condemned in the premunire and his lands seazed by writ from the excheckor and the date of the vvrit vhas before the iudgment giuen as yf they knew it should be so he was prisoner 16. yeares an ancient gentlmen and honorablie allied and his lands 1000. pownds of old rent and tho it was entayled yet the knight marshall fownd means to avoyd it who had begged his lands of the Quene And all this vvas but for religion and vpon false accusation of one Twigs a parish Clack who affirmed that he had speach with Mayn at Christenmas 1575. and at that tyme was Mayn at Douay But to go forward ex pede Herculem by this iudg of the rest which is so much obiected Touching the rising in the North and 7. The Bull of Pius V. the attempts of Babington and his complices they wear mixt actions not for religion onelie or state onelie but for bothe and not procured by the suite and sollicitation of religious men but owt of ther ownzeal and compassion of the Quene of Scotland whome the Earles accoumpted nearest allied to the crovvne And such actions ar not comprehended vvithin the compass of the Question I am to cleare and discusse 1. But concerning the bull of PIVS V. Preasts vvear not to ask the reason of the Popes doeings yet yovv may fynd some of the reasons specified in the bull diuers haue ascribed it partlie to the soodain reuolt of England from the Church partlie to the prouocations mayd by the ministers there who in euerie pulpit vvhotelie and slanderouslie proclaymed the Pope Antichrist and the man of perdition and some haue attributed it to minsinformation of the Quenes case and the Catholicks But I am sure manie graue men vvear sorie that it vvas either procured or defended 2. And C. Allen vvitnesseth multos illud factum agre tulisse as before yovv see Bushop Watson and the rest ded and he wished that it had bean Dei iudicio reseruatum 3. And Fa. Parsons and Campion sollicited the mitigation thereof as appeared at his arrainment that it might not bynd the consciences of subiects to disobey the Quene Whearupon Gregorie the 13. declared withowt anie limitation or restraint that subiects ought to performe all dewties to Quene Elizabeth notvvithstanding the censure 4. Lastlie yow may probablie coniecture that the Popes ar not lightlie induced to vse so extream courses seing they neither sought by such censures to disturb the peace of k. Ed. 6. of the kings of Scotland Denmark Svveden the Duke of Saxonie or Marques of Brandenburg Neither doth it at all touch the Catholicks nor the present state for actio moritur cum persona which is the thing most concerning vs. The greatest blott is that ther vvear 8. The preasts more treasons by the preasts committed in Q. Eliz. tyme then euer wear in anie age by protestants and that is no quaestion disputable bycaus it is manifestè verum near 200. preasts and religious haue bean executed for that offenc In dead Norton D. HammoÌ„ and Topclif affirm that it is trew but bycaus Catholicks denieit let vs examin whether it be a trew Thesis no preasts wear executed for religion but for Treason 1. And to determin that the better enquire what be the acts for which they ar condemned to be a preast to come ouer into England to refuse the vath to say mass 10 absolue and â—econcile to preach and minister Sacraments and to bebred vp in the Seminaries Ar these matters of State and not of conscience temporall and not spiritual crimes of treason and not religion Ther must then be a new lexicon de verborum significationibus for els in forrein contries they will exclayme bycause it toucheth them all by participation both in conscienc and câ—edit who ar preasts and fynd ther function and profession so tainted 2. Thâ—n consider and defyne what is treason The best definition thereof is the statut 25. Ed 3. which was mayd according to the common lawes of England how know yow that maister Ploydons opinion directeth me In that act the Question vvas what was treason by the common law now saith he it is a principle in
most Yf yow look back to former ages yow shall fynd that from the Saxons to king E. 6. To be a Catholick vvas never taken as a barr to loyaltie neither vvas ther euer anie opposition fovvnd in the essenc and nature of loyaltie and the grownds of the Catholick faithe And good reason for that religion which most aymeth at mortification of the bodie and best armeth hym to combate vvith sinn and disposeth best the consciences of men to peace and devv obedienc and is aprooued by experienc of all ages least to embroyle and endainger a state vvith practises and treasons must neads of all indifferent men be esteamed more consonant and agreable to allegianc and fidelitie then that vvild and popular doctrine of the consistorians vvhich owt of presumption and licensiousnes vvill be confined into no circle of order but euer contemning lavve will dominer and rule as transcendents and taik vpon them the iurisdiction both of preasts and kings in a kingdome 2. Secondlie no man can denie but that Spayne Italie France he Empyre and Poland accoÌ„pt hym the best affected subiect and least daingerous to the state who is most deuoted to Catholick religion And then yf to be a Catholick ded bread and ingender anie ill blood in the bodie or secret infection of disloyaltie and so vvear in regard of the state malum in se and naturallie then vpon the generall tryall of nations in so manie ages it vvould haue bean discouered and detected for that imperfection vvhich it never haith bean charged withall neither in all these forren contries nor heartofore at anie tyme in England Therfor seing it is not malum in se and simpliciter as T. M. and parson Whyte haue in ther books scandalouslie slandered that religion and the Preasts and professors thereof seing it can not be verified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 neither genarallie of the profession as Calyinism may iustlie yf the Lutherans say trewlie nor particularlie of the persons professing it nor originallie and ordinarilie in precedent ages neither for doctrin or exampl they can be taxed I may iustlie infer they ar acquited And surelie it was an error both vnciuil and vndiscreat to maik ther proposition so general and therby to maik the whole Churche so odious to the people and so much suspected to the king for we acknowledg that there ar of ther sect verrie manie calm and moral men boni viri boni ciues of sociable nature and not apt to blow the coles of sedition of persecution And so also the autho of the execution of Iustice ded geue a good testimonie of the loue and loyaltie of diuers worthie and noble Catholicks to Q Elizab. euen when they had greatest cawse to the contrarie when oppressions and contempt might haue prouoked flesh and blood to mutinies and though each man wisheth the propagation and aduancement of his own religion yet in the means to procure it and in the course to seak and in the manner and order of proceading to fynd it this treatise heith prooued that ther is great oddes and differenc betwean them as the confession and supplication of the preasts the patienc and obedienc of recusants the pietie and doctrine of the Seminaries haue sufficientlie prooued 3. Now let vs compare and parallel them to maik it more playne The Catholicks generallie both in France Germanie and England ar the patients the Protestants ar the agents 1. The one stand as defendors the other as inuadors 2. Preasts songht to keap that de iure they had Ministers to get that they had not for haeresie being a separation from the bodie could not enioye the liberties or benefit of the Church til it vvas mayd no heresie 3. The Preasts vvear possessors the ministers disseisors and iniurious 4. The Catholicks obey ex conscientia and absolute the protestants conditionaliter and with a quatenus and onelie for pollicie and gouernement 5. Preasts ar punished not for anie iniustice inhaerent but by imputation onelie and not for trespasses but for opinions not for that which is defacto but to preuent fiendum yf Priscian vvill pardon me But Caluinists ar guiltie both of action vsurpation and treasons reallie as this last year Lescun president of the assemblies at Rochel Haute-Fontain Chaumier preacher of Saumur suffred in France and P. Gombault all for real treasons And Bischarcy in Polland for attempting to kill the king whome he wounted greauouslie as he went to the Church 6. And there practises and ther spirites differ as much foras 7. They obiect the positions of some priuate and disauowed persons and words onelie the Catholicks obiect ther rebellions in dead ther battels ther real conspiracies at Amboys and in the wayle of Charmentras near Meaux to surprize the king 8 They reforme per populum and tumults the Catholicks by order law and superiors 9. They charg the Catholiks with treasons newlie enacted strayned and vpon suspicion contrarilie they ar condemned by ancient lawes currant in all Ghristendom by consent and by all ciuil and municipal lawes 10. The Catholicks seak not to hinder succession of kings that ar protestants as knox holdeth null is Paâ—ista in regno utherano aut Calumiano in regis principis aut aliam quam cunque dignitatem euehi potest 11. The Catholicks prefer a Monarchie Caluin Wolfius Swinglius an Aristocracie 12. Yet the Catholicks and our English protestants agree in this as in manie other weightie matters that princes ar not to be deposed but the Caluinists hold the contrarie and therfor maister T. M. by â— sovvnd propositions condemneth both the practise of the Hollanders Bohemians Sweuelanders Parraeus c. and that iudiciously 1. in his 6. reason they vvho suggest a doctrine of forcible deposing Princes ar manifestly rebellious 2. in cap. 4. they that vpon anie pretenc denie the right of election or succession of Princes ar seditious for tho he saith is of protestant princes I taik it he meaneth aâ—l and generallie or els hâ—s gap it to vvyde and partiall 3. when the king is established in his throne who seduceth the harts of subiects and withdrawes ther obedienc ar traytors applie these well and commend maister T. M. for his playne dealing with Holland and ther fellowes But I perceaue they will obiect that the state of England euer since 13. Eliz. vpon iealousie and distrust had of Catholicks armed ther magistrates with seuear lavves against them as the most capitall enemies of the crown and therfor haue branded the Preasts with the bleamish of treason as a character inseparable and a stayn never to be taken owt From whenc proceadeth it that to be a preast should be reputed as a poyson to corrupt obedienc surelie vpon certan new lawes mayd in the tyme of Q. Elizabeth whearby that is made malum prohibitum which before was neuer iudged in England to be malum in sâ— and that vocation vvas mayd Treason which was wont to sit in the chayre of gouernement and by whose oracles and
the church of England and who was chosen to write of this argument by the greatest Statesman of that tyme and he vvrit cum priuilegie and the generall allowanc of the church of England Saith he shall a king be deposed yf he break In his book of ChristiaÌ„ subiection his promise and oath at his coronation in anie of the couenants and poynts he promiseth He answers in the margent the breach of couenants is no depriuation And he geues this reason The people may not break vvith ther Princes tho ther Princes break vvith God And aftervvard Subiects can not depose ther Princes to vvhome they must be subiect for conscienc sake This is a sermon quite contarie to the Aphorisms of Holland and the diuinitie of Rochel and yet it standeth vpon inuincible reason for as yovv may not by Gods lavve depose your prince so yovv ar for bidden to taik armes against hym And vvhy D. Bilson vvil satisfie yovv For saith he he that may fight may bill and vvar against the Prince and murdering the Prince ar of consequenc incuitabl Aftervvard he addeth this to stopp the mouth of such a Polipragmus as called the king raptorem haereticum à suo repellendum The Apostles obeyed the tyrants that commanded all things against religion And in those things vvhich vvear cammanded against God they ded submit them selfs vvith meakenes to endure the Magistrates pleasure but not to Not. obey his vvill Lastlie and most to the purpose he concludeth yf the lavves of the land appoynt the nobles as next to the king to assist hym in doeing right and vvith hold hym from doeing vvrong then ar they licensed by mans lavves to interpose them selfs but in no case to depriue the Prince vvhear the scepter is inherited Novv it is certan that the lavves of the Netherlands geue no such authoritie to the nobles and yf they ded yet in no case to to depriue ther Prince or to abiure ther obedienc and maik that as a bridg to pass ouer to the sooueraintie And bycause some of good accounpt and iudgment haue bean led into that error that the Dukes of Burgondie hold not full power and sooraintie in the Netherlands I will send them to schoole to all lawyers records stories and that which is most infallible to the practise and common lawes of that contrie to Bodin and to that ancient and honorable Counsellor the Lord Chancelor Egerton in his oration for the post nati pag. 71. The Dukes of Burgondie saith he vvear absolute Princes and had soouerain povver in ther contries and king Henry the S. â—ad as absolute sooueraintie vvhen his style vvas Lord of Ireland as vvhen he vas king for the difference of styles marks not the differenc of soouerantie So then to conclude yf this warr begonn for religion vvas against all the rules of religion I may dewlie inferr that as ther vsurpation is withowt warrant either of law or the gospell they continew to hould it withowt conscienc and haue no other title but force and the canon And all forrein soldiers that doe assist them knowing the iniustice of the case and that the warr is so vnlawfull incurr the penaltie of mortal sinn and dainger of damnation and may as iustlie be reprooued as king Iosaphat for helping and assisting Achab. Look to the end for it is certanly fearefull to all those who know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I write not thus much as an enemie to the contrie I hould a peareles countie for the goodlie townes welth traffick strenth and fertilitie in so small a circuite nor for anie personall quarrels nor for anie corruption or assentation in regard of the match with Spayne but onelie the truth of the storie the dainger of ther president and the cawse of religion haue induced me for tho I remembred the dislike had of ther manner of gouernment ther dealing with the Quenes officers and of ould how vnkyndlie my lo. Willoughbie had bean hearto fore vsed by them as his Apologie can witnes and of late what complaynts our merchant adventurors in ther books had mayd for ther ill vsage at Mosko and the east Indies by them what contempt they showed when the devvtie of Size Herrings was demanded in his Maiesties right for fishing on the coast of Scotland in presuming to imprison the demander and manie such like matters yet why should these mooue me when the state vvas not mooued And vvhen I saye the state I mean not the people but the king to whome Holland is and was most bovvnd for 2. high and bynding fauores wihch require a reciprocall obligation and thankfullnes on ther part and such as ought to bread in them good blood and ambites and respectfull toungs first in restoring vnto them the keyes that ded open and lock ther provinc not for anie remuneration but restitution of a part of his devv As also for the free permission of ther fishings vpon the Englih coast whearin they haue yearlie employed aboue 30. thowsand persons set to work by it and aboue 4000. Busses Doggerbotes galliots and pinks to ther admirable benefit which is onelie a permission of grace and no priuiledg by law for Grotius may withowt contradiction prooue mare liberum as the kings high waye is for euerie mans walk But he can not prooue that fishings vpon an other Princes coast be permitted to theÌ„ this is a digression to a good end And therfor I will return to the matter THE V. TITLE OF THE TROWBLES IN BOHEMIA AND THE PALATINATE BOhemia Onelie now resteth as a stage The trovvbles and sedition in to present the last Scene of all forren tragedies and tumults for religion and I Bohemia for religion will taik the Palatinate in my vvaye An vnfortunate prouince of late vvhich in a hundred yeares haith chainged religion fiue tymes and never leatned in all that tyme the rules of obedienc Wheareof I nead not maruel when I think of Parreus Cracerus and the schools of the new discipline Parreus in his Comment vpon the 13. Romans teacheth that subditi possunt suos Reges deponere quando degenerant in tyrannos aut suos subditos cogunt ad Idololatriam Scil. Subiects may depriue ther Princes when they degenerate from a royal gouernemeÌ„t and become tyrants of yf they compel ther subiects to Idolatrize And his meaning is yf they establish the Mass and the sacrifice of the Church or anie other religion then Caluinism then eiect excommunicate and cast them owt of all authoritie so terrible a sentenc he giueth both against the Emperor France Italie and Spayn But stay this is but his first peale vvhich he ded ring as the Toxsan the Alarum bell to Bohemia but he addeth an other article as a iust cawse of depriuation Quando pretextu religionis quaerunt propria commoda when vnder pretenc of religion they seak to maik ther own profit Which had bean a lectur not verrie plausible to king Henrie