should having got more by the bargaine then their charges came to Mary of Scotland then married to Frances the second of France had taken on her at that time the stile and title of Queen of England and the better to pursue that Title had put some companies of the French into the Castle of Edenborough the town of Lieth and other places of that Kingdome The Scots being then busied in the Reformation of the Kirk looked on these French as purposely sent thither by the King and Queen to crosse their actions and hold them under the Dominion of the Popes of Rome and thereupon made suit unto Queen Elizabeth to supply them with Men Money and Ammunition for driving the Frenchmen out of their Countrey And hereunto the Queen most readily assented knowing full well how much it did import the safety of her Person and the preservation of her Title Estate that the French should not be setled in the Forts and Castles which lay neer the borders of this Kingdome So that by succouring the Scots in such proportion as they had desired she played her owne game as well as theirs For by dislodging the French and quitting the whole Countrey of them she kept that back-door shut against all pretenders and by feeding the most Popular of the Scotish Nobility â—…ith gifts and pensions she got her selfe so strong a party in that Kingdome that she became more absolute there than ever any King of Scotland had been before her The Bishops were excluded by antient Canon Lawes of the Councell of Toledo to be assistant in cause of Blood or Death as disagreeable to their Function That the Bishops were disabled by some antiâ—…nt Canons from sentencing any man to death and it may be from being present when any such sentence was pronounced I shall easily grant but that they were disabled from being assistants in such cases from taking the Examinations or hearing the Depositions of witnesses or giving councell in such mâ—…ters as they saw occasion I believe our Author cannot proveâ—…â—…ertaine I am that it is and hath been otherwise in point of practice And that the Bishops sitting as Peers in an English Parliament were never excluded before this time from any such assistances as by their Gravity and Learning and other abilities they were enabled to give in any darke and difficult businesse though of Blood and Death which were brought before him And I remember I saw about that time a little Mâ—…nuscript Tract entituled De jure Paritatis Episcoporum that is to say of the right of the Peerage of the Bishops in which their priviledges were asserted â—…s to that particular But they not willing to contend in a business which seemed so little to concerne them or else not able to strive against the present stream which seemed to carry all before it suffered themselves to be excluded at that time without protesting to the contrary or interposing in defence of their antient rights And this I look on as the first degree of their Humiliation For when it was perceived that a businesse of so great consequence might be done in Pâ—…rliament without their councell and consent it opened a wide gap unto their adversaries first to deprive them of their Votes and after to destroy even the Calling it selfe But this was not the main point which the Commons aimed at they were resolved to have a close Committes to take examinations in the business of the Earl of Strafford and were not willing that any Bâ—…shops should be of it for feare leâ—…t favouring the Earles Cause or Person they might discover any part of those secret practices which were had against him and thereby fortifie and prepare him for his just defence when the Cause should come unto a tryall And now it is coming on apace for our Author telleth us that Munday the 22. of March was the day prefixed of the Earles compearing That is to â—…ay of his appearing aâ—… Westminster-Hall where the Lords were to sit as Judges and the Commons as Prosecutors and Solicitors onely If it be asked how it came to passe that the day was prefixed no sooner considering that he was accused and committed on the 11. day of November which was above four months before I answer first that the Examination of so many Witnesses as were used against him many of which were sent for out of Ireland by especiall warrant took up no small time I answer secondly that in this intervall of time there had been some endeavour used by the Royall party to mitigate the displeasures and take off the edge of his greatest Adversaries and it came so farre towards an agreement that there was a designation of some Offices of the greatest both Trust and Power to be given amongst them it being condescended too if my intelligence or memory faile not that the Earl of Bedford should be made Lord Treasurer and Master Pym Chancellor of the Exchequer the Earl of Essex Governour of the Prince and that Master Hambden should be his Tutor the Lord Say Master of the Wards and Master Hollice principall Secretary in the place of Windebanke the Deputiship of Ireland was disposed of also and some Command appointed to the Earl of Warwick in the Royal Navie And in relation to this purpose the Bishop of London delivered to the King the Treasurers Staffe the Earle of Newcastle relinquished the Governance of the Prince and the Lord Cottington resigned his Offices both in the Exchequer and Court of Wards there being no doubt but that Bishop Duppa would relinquish the Tutourship of the Prince when it should be required of him but before all things were fully setled and agreed on the Kings minde was altered which so exasperated them who were concerned in this desâ—…gnation that they pursued the Earle of Strafford with the greater eagernesse And somewhat to this purpose was hinted in the Kings Declaration of the 12 of August in which he signified what overtures had been made by them and with what importunity for Offices and preferments what great sâ—…rvices should have been done for him and what other undertakings even to have saved the life of the Earle of Strafford By which discovery as he blemished the repute of some principall Members in the eyes of many of the people so he exposed himself to some disadvantages in the eyes of others by giving them to understand at how cheap a rate a rate which would have cost him nothing he might have saved the life of such an able and deserving Minister Secretary Vane upon some occasion delivered to his son Sir Henry Vane the key of a Cabinet to fetch some papers layed therein c. What this occasion was is easie to be seen by the sequell of it especially if compared with those Animosities and displeasures which the Secretary had harboured against the Earl Sir Henry Vane had obtained of the King not long before the Manour of Rabie in the Bishoprick of Durham not without hope of being
negligence or long stay of the Earle of Holland who being sent out with a new Fleet for carrying Ammunition Armes and Victuals towards the continuance of the Siege and guarding the passages into the Island trifled out so much time at Court and made so many Halts betwixt that and Plymouth that he had not found his way out of that Haven when the Duke came back It s true the issue of this Action was not answerable to the Expectation and yet I cannot be of our Authours minde who telleth us Fol 71. That the Isle of Rhe was so inconsiderable as had we lost there neither blood nor honour and gained it into the bargain it would have ill rewarded our preparation and charge of the Expedition For had the English gained the Island they had not onely preserved the Town of Rochel but by the advantage of that Town and the Isle together might easily have taken in the Isle of Oleran and made themselves Masters of the greatest part of the losse of Aquitaine if the ambition of the King had carried Him unto Fâ—…rraign Conquests And a Commission granted by the King to five Bishops Bishop Laud being of the Quorum to execute Episcopall Jurisdiction within his Province The cause impulsive to it was a supposed irregularity c. In this and the rest which follows and touching the sequestration of the Archbishop of Canterbury our Authour runs himself into many errours For first Bishop Laud was not of the Quorum no more than any of the other the Commission being granted to the Bishops of London Durham Rochester Oxford and Bathe and Wells or to any four three or two of them and no more than so Secondly the irregularity or supposed irregularity of the said Archbishop was not touched upon in this Commission as the impulsive cause unto it the Commission saying onely in the Generall That the said Archbishop could not at that present in his own person attend those services which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed c. Thirdly this supposed irregularity was not incurred upon the casuall killing of the Keeper of his the Archbishops game as our Authour telleth us but for the casuall killing of the Lord Zouches Keeper in Bramhill Parke where the Archbishop had no game nor no Keeper neither Fourthly it was conceived by many pious and Learned men that there was something more incurred by that misadventnre than a supposed irregularity onely insomuch that neither Dr. Williams Elect Bishop of Lincolne nor Dr. Carew Elect Bishop of Exeter nor Dr. Laud Elect Bishop of St. Davids besides some others would receive Consâ—…cration from him though it be true that the Learned Bishop Andrews as our Authour tells us did doe the Archbishop very great service in this businesse yet was it not so much for his own sake or an opinion which he had that no irregularity was incurred by that misadventure but to prevent a greater mischief For well he saw that if the Archbishop at that time had been made Irregular Dr. Williams then Bâ—…shop of Lincolne and Lord Keeper of the Great Seale a man in great favour with King James but in more with the Duke would presently have stept into that See and he knew too much of the man to venture that great charge and trust of the Church of England to his carâ—… and government the dangerous consequerces whereof he was able to foretell without the spirit of prophesie The King of Denmarke being reduced almost to a despondence and quitting of his Kingdome Which as it was an occasion of great grief unto his Confederates so â—…o the Emperour himself it grew no matâ—…er of rejoycing For I have heard from â—… person of great Nobility that when the â—…ewes came first unto him he was so farre from shewing any signes of joy that he rather seemed much troubled at it of which being asked the reason by some of the principall men about him He returned this Answer As long said he as this Drowzy Dane was in the Head of the Protestants Army we shâ—…uld have wormed them out of their Estates one after another but he being made unusefull to them by this defeat we shall have them bring the Swedes upon us and there said he is a gallant young Fellow who will put us to the last card we have to play And so it proved in the event for thâ—… next year the King of Great Britain and his Brother of France negotiated with Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden then being in warre against the Pole to carry his Army into Germany which was done accordingly what his successes were our Authour telleth us hereafter in the course of this story They who lately were confined as Prisoners are now not onely free but petty Lords and Masters yea and petty Kings I cannot chuse but marvell what induced our Authour unto this Expression of making the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons not only petty Lords but even petty Kings I have heard that K. James once said in a time of Parliament but whether in the way of jeare or otherwise I am not able to say That there were now five hundred Kings besides himselfe And I know well what great advantage hath been made of those words of His whereof to any man that rightly understands the Constitution of an English Parliament the Commons are so farre from being either Lords or Kings that they are not so much as a part of the Supreme Councell it being easie to be evidenced out of the Writ which commands their attendance that they are called onely to consent and submit to such resolutions and conclusions ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tum ibidem de communi Consilio dicti regni nostri faciente Deo contigerit ordinari So the Writs instruct us as should be then and there agreed on by the Kings great Councell or the great Councell of the Kingdome Think you that men no otherwise impowred than so could take upon them in themselves or be reputed by our Authour as Lords and Kings And yet it may be I may wrong them for our Authour telleth us that Their Estates modestly estimated were able to buy the House of Peers the King excepted though an hundred and eighteen thrice over In this there is one thing that I doubt and two things which I shall take leave to consider of The thing I doubt of is that the Estates of the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons howsoever estimated should be able to buy the House of Peers though it had contained thrice as many as it did that is to say three hundred fifty four of the Lay-Nobility Assuredly the Bâ—…ronage of England must needs be brought exceeding low when the Gentlemen by chance assembled in the Lower House and not called out of purpose for such an experiment could buy the House of
Ministers of the Archbishop used in the time of his government most of them men of great abilities in learning and though I thinke they were not blamelesse in their lives as who can be that carrieth mortality about him yet I cannot hear of any vitious persons taken into imployment by him much less◅ so scandalously vitious as our Author makes them Or were there such it had been fitter for our Author who desires to be accounted for a Son of the Church to have played the part of Sem and Japhet in finding the nakednesse of their spirituall Fathers then to act the part of Cham and Canaan in making Proclamation of it unto all the world It was a pious saying of the Emperour Constantine reported by Theodoret lib. I. cap. II. that the offences of the Priests were to be hidden and concealed from the common people Ne illis assensi ad delinquendū reddantur audaciores lest else they should transgresse with the greater liberty As for himselfe so tender was he of the credit of his Clergy that he used oftentimes to say that found he any of them which yet God prohibit in the embraces of a Strumpet obtecturum se paludamento sceleratum facinus that with his owne Royal robes he would hide from vulgar eyes both the offence and the offendor A noble piety the piety of Sem and Japhet in the former passage and the Lord blessed him for it and enlarged the Tents of his habitation and Canaan even the whole Countries of the Gentiles became his servants From generalls our Author passeth on unto one particular of whom he telleth us that He was bold to say he hoped to live to see the day when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack Gentleman in England This is a heavy charge indeed the heavier in regard that the fault of this one man if such men there were must lay a brand of Insolencie on all the rest of the Clergy thereby to render them obnoxious to the publick hatred And though our Author hath not told us by name who this one man was yet telling us that he was a high Flyer and that this high Flyer was deplumed he gives us some conjectures at the man he drives at a man I must confesse of an undaunted spirit and strong resolutions but neither so intemperate in his words or unwise in his actions as to speak so contemptuously of the English Gentry For first we are not sure that such words were spoken our Author offering no proof for it but onely his own word or some vulgar heare say too weake a ground for such a heavy accusation to be built upon But secondly admitting that such words were spoken I hope our Author hath heard long since of an antient by word that every Jack would be a Gentleman and therefore cannot choose but know that there is a difference between a Gentleman of Armes and Blood a true English Gentleman and such JackGentl◅men as having got a little more wealth together than their next poor neighbours take to themselves the name of Gentlemen but are none indeed And such Jack-Gentlemen as these as they are commonly most like either for want of wit or of manners or of both together to vilifie their Minister and despise the Clergie so if the poor party said whatsoever he was that he hoped to live to see the time when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack-Gentleman of them all I hope the antient and true-English Gentry will not blame him for it Our Author having thus arraigned the whole body of the English Clergie that is to say Archbishops Bishops and those of the inferiour Orders is now at leisure to proceed to some other businesse and having brought his Reader thorow the Disputes and Arguments about the Ship-money he carrieth him on to the Combustions raised in Scotland occasioned as he telleth us by sending thither a Booke of Common Prayer for the use of that Church Very little differing as the King was unhappily perswaded by them from the English The King needed no perswasion in this point the difference between the two Liturgies whether great or little being known unto him before He caused this to be published T is true his first desire was that the English Liturgie should be admitted in Scotland without any alteration and to that end He gave order to the Dean of His Chappel in that Kingdome about the middle of October Anno 1633. that it should be read twice every day in the Chappel of His Palace in Holy-rood House that there should be Communions administred according to the form thereof once in every Moneth the Communicants receiving it upon their knees that the Lords of the Privie Councell the Officers of Justice and other persons of Publick trust about the Court should diligently attend the same on the Lords dayes and that he who officiated on those dayes if he were a Bishop should weare his Rochet but if an ordinary Minister onely he should weare the Surplice and thus he did unto this end that the people being made acquainted by little and little with the English Liturgie might be the more willing to receive it in all parts of that Kingdome whensoever it should be tendred to them But the Scotish Bishops being jealous that this might be an Argument of their dependance on the Church of England and finding that the Psalmes the Epistles and Gospels and other sentences of Scripture in the English Booke being of a different Transl◅tion from that which King James had authoriz◅d to be read in the Churches of both Kingdomes had given offence unto that people desired a Liturgie of their own and that they might have leave to make such alterations in the English Book as might entitle it peculiarly to the Church of Scotland which Alterarions being made and shewed to the King he approved well of them in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgie of K. Edward the sixt in the Administration of the Lords Supper and consequently being more agreeable to the antient Forms it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church who liked farre better of the first than the second Liturgie July 23. being Sunday the Deane of Edinborough began to read the Booke in S. Gyles Church the chief of that City c. Our Author here doth very well describe the two Tumul◅s at Edinborough upon the reading of the Book but he omits the great oversights committed by the King and the Lords of that Councel in the conduct and carriage of the businesse For had the Book been read in all the Churches of Scotland upon Easter day as w◅s first intended it had in probability prevented these tumultuous Riots which the respite of it for so long gave those which had the hatching of this Sedition both time enough to advise and opportunity enough to effect at last or had the King caused the chief Ring-leaders of this Tumult to be put to death
according to the Lawes of that Kingdome assoon as justice could have layed hold on them He had undoubtedly prevented all further dangers The drawing of some blood in the Body politick by the punishment of Mâ—…lefactors being like letting blood in the Body-naturall which in some strong distempers doth preserve the whole Oâ—… finally if the Tumult had been grown so high and so strongly backed that justice could not safely be done upon them had the King then but sent a Squadron of the Royall Navy which He had at Sea to block up their Haven He had soon brought the Edinbourghers unto His Devotion and consequently kept all the rest of that Kingdome in a safe obedience But the Edinbourghers knew well enough whom they had to deal with what friends they had about the King and what a party they had got in the Lords of His Councell which governed the affairs of that Kingdome and they knew very well none better by the unpunishing of the Londoners for the Tumult in the death of Lamb that the King had rather patience enough to bear such indignities than resolution to revenge them So that the King at last was come to that misery which a good Author speaks of Cum vel excidenda sit natura vel minuenda dignitas That he must either outgoe His nature or forgoe His authority The King nothing pleased with these affronts yet studious to compose these surges of discontent sent the Marquesse of Hamilton down in the quality of an high Commissioner c. We are now come to the rest of the oversights committed in the conduct of this weighty businesse whereof the first was that having neglected to suppresse the Sedition at the very first appearance of it to strangle that monster in the cradle he had let a whole year passâ—… without doing any thing but sending one Proclamation after another which being publickly encountred with contrary Protestations did but increase their insolencies his own disgraces the party in the mean time being so well formed that Poâ—…-guns and such Paper-pellets were able to doe no good upon them The second was that when it had been fitter for the preservation of his authority to send a Lord Generall in the head of an Army for the reducing of that Kingdome by force of Armes He rather chose to send an high Commissioner to them to sweeten the distempers and compose the differences which could not be but by yeilding more on his side then he was like by any faire imparlance to obtain from that Thirdly that when he was resoâ—…ved on an high Commâ—…ssioner he must pitch on Hamilton for the man whom he had such reason to distrust as before was hinted but that the old Maxime of the Lenoxian Family of being deceived rather than distrustfull was so prevalent with him And this he did against the opinion and advice of many of the Lords of that Kingdome that is to say the Earle of Sterling principall Secretary of State the Bishops of Rosse and Breken privie Counsellors both Sir Robert Spoteswood Lord President of the Colledge of Justice and Sir John Hay Clerke-Register or Master of the Rolls as we call him here These having secret intimation that Hamilton was designed for this great Employment came in Post to London indeavouring to perswade the King to change his purpose and commending Huntley for that service who being a man of greatest power in the North of Scotland and utterly averse from the Covenanters and the rest of that Faction was thought by them the fittest man for that undertaking But the King fatally carried on to his own destruction would not hearken to it and hereunto the Duke of Lenox did contribute some weak assistance who being wrought on by the Scots of Hamiltons Faction chose rather that the old Enemy of his House should be trusted with the managing of that great affaire than that a Countrey Lord as the Courtiers of that Nation called him should carry the honour from them both June the sixâ—… his Commission was read and accepted him And well it might it was the fish for which he had so long been angling For having lost the Scotish Army raised for the aide of the King of Sweden without doing any thing and no occasion being offered to advance another he fell upon more secret and subtile practises to effect his ends First drawing all the Scots which were about the Court of England to be his Dependants and rest at his devotion wholly and next by getting himselfe a strong partie in that Kingdome whose affections he had means enough to restraine and alienate from the King and then to binde them to himself insomuch as it was thought by the wisest men of both Nations that the first Tumult at Edinborough was set on by some of his Instruments and that the Combustions which ensued were secretly fomented by them also And this was made the more probable by his carriage in that great trust of the high Commissioner thus procured for him drawing the King from one condescention to another in behalf of the Covenanters till he had little more to give but the Crown it self For fiâ—…st he drew him to suspend and after to suppresse the Book of Common Prayers and therewithall the Canons made not long before for the use of that Church next the five Articles of Perth procured with so much difficulty by King James and confirmed in Parliament must be also abrogated and then the Covenant it self with some little alterations in it must be authorized and generally imposed upon all that Kingdome And finally the calling of an Assembly must be yeilded to in which he was right well assured that none but Covenanters should have voices that not Lord Bishops only should be censured and excommunicated but the Episcopacie it self abolished and all the Regular and Loyall Clergie brought to utter ruine By all which Acts I cannot say of grace but of condescension the Marquesse got as much in grosse as His Majesty lost in the retaile making himself so strong a partie in that Kingdome that the King stood but for a Cipher in the calculation All being done from that time forwards especially when the first shewes of a Warre were over as Hamilton either did contrive or direct the businesse For the Covenanters having got all this thought not this enough unlesse they put themselves in Armes to make good their purchases and having therein got the first start of the King the King could doe no lesse than provide for himself and to Arm Accordingly In order whereunto our Author telleth us that Because it was the Bishops warre he thought it requisite they should contribute largely toward the preservation of their own Hierarchy I am sorry to see this passage have our Authors penne whom I should willingly have accompted for a true Son of the Church of England were it not for this some other passages of this nature which savour more of the Covenanter then the English
attended it was at last forgotten If this suffice not I shâ—…ll borrow our Authors help for a further answer who telleth us of Archbishop Abbot fol. 127. That his extraordinary remissnesse in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in the point of Coremony seemed to resolve those legall determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency and led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation then which nothing in the world could be said more truly I have said nothing of the Antient and Generall usage of those severall Ceremonies because the Question is not now of the Antient usage but whether and how farre they were to be used or not used in the Church of England according to such Rubricks Lawes and Ganons which remain in force Nor shall I adde more at the present than that I think our Authour hath not rightly timed the businesses in dispute between us the placing of the Communion Table Aâ—…tarwise bowing or cringing toward it and standing at the Gloria Patri not being so generally in use at the time of this Parliament as to give any scruple or offence to the greatest Zealots or if they were they could not honestly be fathered on Archbishop Laud as countenanced or brought in by him in the time of his government of which more hereafter our Authour now draws toward an end and telleth uâ—… finally But thâ—…se were but part-boyled Popery or Popery obliquâ—… So then the Ceremonies above-mentioned how Primitive soever they were must be damned for Popery though it be onely part boyled and oblique Popery as our Authour calls it and with that brand or by the name of English Popish Ceremonies as the Scotish Presbyterians term them the rest as well as these may be also blemished but let them call them what they will we see now by a most wofull and lamentable experience that the taking away of these part boyled Poperies these English Popish Ceremonies or whatsoever eâ—…se the malignity of any men shall please to call them the substance of Religion hath been much impaired and by this breaking down of the Pale of the Vineyard not onely the little Foxes have torn off her elusters but the wilde Bores have struck at her very root I have no more to addâ—… now but a witty and smart Epigram made on this or the like occasion and is this that followeth A learned Pâ—…late of this Land Thinking to make Religion stand With equall poize on either side A mixture of them thus he try'd An Ounce of Protestant he singleth And then a Dram of Papist mingleth With a Scruple of the Puritane And boyled them all in his brain-pan But when he thought it would digest The scruple troubled all the rest The greatest danger was from Popery direct And from this the danger appeared very great c. And here I thought I should have heard that some points of direct and down right Popery had been obtruded by the Bâ—…shop and Prelaticall Clergy but on the contrary I finde all silent in that case and good reason for it Whence then appeared so great a danger not from the introducing of Popish Doctrinâ—…s but increase of Papists and that not onely in some Counties of England but in the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland also with those of Scotland and Ireland I forbear to meddle though the Committee for Religion having an Apostolical care of all the Churches did take them also into their consideration marvailing onely by the way how our Brethren of the Kirke who stood so high upon the termes of their Independencie could brook that their affaires should be so much looked into by an English Parliament But where our Author telleth us that in some Counties of England the Papists were multiplied to some thousands of Families more than there were in Queen Elizabeths time there may be very good reason given for that for since the death of Quâ—…en Elizabeth the Holy-dayes had been made dayes of common labour and yet all sports prohibited on the Sunday also the Common-prayer-Book either quite neglected or so slubbered over that there was no face of Regular Devotion to be found amongst us the Churches in most places kept so slovenly and the behaviour of the people so irreverent in them that it is no mervail that men desirous to worship God in the beauty of holinesse should be induced to joynâ—… themselves to such societies of men as seemed to have more in them of a Christian Church The King having thus dissolved the Parliament c. That is to say after so many indignities and provocations as were given unto him by the disorder tumultuous carriage of some of the Members which our Author very handsomely and ingenuously hath described at large it was the opinion of most men as our Author telleth us Fol. 132. that the dissolution of this Parâ—…lament was the end of all And certainly there was very good reason why it might be thought so the King never having good successe in any of his Parliaments since his first coming to the Crown and withall having an examplâ—… before his eyes of the like discontinuance of assembling the three Estates in the Realme of France by the King then Reigning and that upon farre lesse provocations then were given King Charles For whereas in an Assembly of three Estates Anno 1614. the third Estate which represents our House of Commons entrenched too busily upon the liberties of the Clergy and some preheminencies and exemptions which the Nobility enjoyed by the favour of some former Kings it gave the King so great offence that he resolved first to dissolve them and never after to be troubled with the like Impertinencies Nor was there since that time any such Assembly nor like to be hereafter in the times ensuing those Kings growing weary of that yoake which that great Representation did indeavour to impose upon them But because he would not cut off all communication betwixr himselfe and his people he ordained another kind of meeting in the place thereof which he called La Assembli des natables that is to say the Assembly of some principall persons composed of some selected persons out of every Order or Estate of his own nomination whereunto should be added some Counsellor out of every Court of Parliament of which there are eight in all in France throughout that Kingdome which being fewer in number would not breed such a confusion as the generall Assembly of the States had done before and be withall more pliant and conformable to the Kings desires and yet their Acts to be no lesse obliging to all sorts of people then the others were Such an Assembly as this but that the Clergy had no vote in it was that which was called here by my Lord Protector immediately after the dissolving of the late long Parliament who possibly had his hint from this Institution And this
first yeare of the payment of Ship-money the Writs were not issued to all the Counties of England as our Author telleth us but onely to the Maritime Counties which lying all along the shore were most exposed unto the danger of a forraign Enemy But proof being had that the preparations of that yeare were not great enough for the ends intended in the next yeare and not before the like Writs issued out to all Counties in England that is to say Anno 1636. the whole charge layed upon the subject upon that occasion amounting to 2360001. or there abouts which being in lieu of all payments came but to twenty thousand pounds a month and not fully that Neverthelesse the King upon the Arch-Bishops intreaty granted them exemption I never heard that any such exemption was desired by the Clergy but sure I am that no such exemption was ever granted it being as great an indiscretion in them to seek it as it would have been a hinderance to the publick service if they had obtained it The favour which the Arch-Bishop procured for them was no more then this that on complaint made by some of the Clergy how unreasonably they were rated by their neighbours some of them at a sixt some at a fourth part of the Taxe which had been layed upon the Parish he obtained Letters from the King to all the Sheriffes of Englâ—…nd requiring that the Clergy possessed of Parsonages should not be taxed above a tenth part of the Land rate of their severall Parishes and that consideration should be had of Vicars accordingly Which though it were a great and a royall favour such as became a nursing Father of the Church yet wâ—…s it no exemption as our Author calls it unlesse he meaneth an exemptien from the Aâ—…bitrary power of coveâ—…ous and malitious neighbours as indeed it was But our Author goes back to the Attorney of whom he telleth us that He became aâ—…â—…inent instrument both of good and ill and of which most is a great question to the Kings Prerâ—…gative I thinke no question need be made in this particular The Ship money had as faire a triall in the Courts of Westm. as any Cause that ever came before those Judges And as for other projects and Court suites he used first to consult the Law the Kings Honour and the publick good before he would passe any of them insomuch that he was more cursed by the Courtiers I speake this on my certaine knowledge for dashing some of their designes and putting many difficulties upon others of them then any man can possibly imagine of a publick Minister And whereas our Author telleth us in that which followeth that he was drawn into the Kings service by the lure of advancement I am confident on the other side that it was rather a contemplation of doing his duty to the King then any thought of advancement by it which drew him to accept that office so much sought by others in managing whereof he declined so much private business to attend the King and attended that with such an eye to his Masters honour that I may very safely say he did not gaine so much in the whole time of his service as his Predecessors or Successors did after in any one yeare of their imployment But in regard 〈◊〉 came without Credentiall Letters from the Queen of Sweden he denied him audience whereupon he returned in some disgust In this short passage there are more mistakes then lines For first it is not likely that young Oxenstâ—… whom he speakes of came without Credentiall Letters being treated as he was in the quality of an Embassador which without such Letters had not been Secondly I am sure that he had a publick and solemne audience my curiosity carrying me to the Court that day not so much to see the Formalities of such Receptions to wâ—…ch I could not be a â—…nger as to behold the Son oâ—… so wise a Father who had so long with so much pâ—…udence and successe conducted the affaâ—…s of the Crown of Sweden Thirdly If he departed in some disgust as by accepting of a rich Ring from King Lewis of France and refusing 〈◊〉 present of better value â—…offered by King Charles it was thought he did it was not because he was denied a publick audience but because he had proposed some things to the King for carrying on the war in Germany in behalfe of the Swedes which the King thought not fit to consent unto being then in hopes of some accommodation to be made with the Emperor touching the Palatinate At the same time there was also a Synod assembled wherein the bodie of Articles formed by that Church Anno 1615. were repealed and in their places were substituted the 39. Articles of the Church of England intending to create an uniformity of beliefe between both Churches And certainly the designe was pious and the reasons prevalent first in relation to the Papists who made great aime at it that in the Churches of three Kingdomes united all under one chiefe Governour there should be three severall and distinct and in some points contrary Confessions yet all pretending unto one and the same Religion next in relation to the Puritanes who in the controverted points about Predestination and the Lords day-Sabbath when they had nothing else to say did use to fly for refuge to the Articles of the Church of Ireland where the Predestinarian Doctrines and Sabbatarian speculations had found entertainment aud thesâ—… and none but thesâ—… found themselves grieved and troubled at the alteration Nor was this alteration made by the hand of power but the power of reason The matter being canvased and debated in the Convocation there before it was put unto the vote and being put unto the vote notwithstanding the strong interposition of the Lord Primate of Armagh was carried by the farre greater part of voyces for the Church of England But all the service they did this Summer was inconsiderable in regard they never came to engagement onely their formidable appearance secured the Seas from those Petit Larcenies and Piracies wherewith they were formerly so molested Had this been all their service had been very considerable the clearing the Sea of Pyrates being of so great benefit and consequence to the trade and flourishing of this Kingdome For by this meanes and the well-setled peace which we had at home the greatest part of the wealth in these parts of Christendome was carryed up the Thames and managed in the City of London But this was not all The King by this Formidable appearancâ—… as our Author calls it regained the Dominion of the Sea which had been lately hazarded if not wholly lost insomuch as the Kâ—…ng of Spaine thought it his best and safest wâ—…y to send the money designed for the payment of his Armies in Flanders in the Ships of English Merchants onely By meanes whereof there was brought yearly into England between 2 3 hundred thousand pound in uncoyned Bullion
which being minted in the Tower was no small benefit to the King by the Coynage of it and no lesse benefit to the City and the Kingdome generally in regard the greatest part thereof was stil kept amongst us in lieu of such manufactures and native commodities of this Land as were returned into Flanders for the use of that Army And yet this was not all the service which they did this Summer The French and Hollanders had â—…tred this year into a Confederacy to rout the King of Spaine out of all the Netherlands in which it was agreed amongst other things that the French should invest Dunkirk and the other parts of Flanders with their Forces by Land whilst the Hollanders did besiege them with a Fleet at Sea that so all passages into the Countrey being thus locked up they might the more easily subdue all the Inland parts And in all probability the designe had took effâ—…ct in this very year the King of Spaine noâ—… being able to bring 8000 men into the field and leave his Garrisons provided the people of the other side being so practisâ—…d on by the Holland Faction that few or none of them would Arm to repulse those Enemies But first the formidable appearance of the English Fleet which 〈◊〉 the Hollanders before Dunkirk and then the insolencies of the French at Diest and Tillemont did so incourage and iâ—…flame the hearts of the people that the Armies both of the French and Hollanders returned back again without doing any thing more than the wasting of the Countrey And was not this think we a considerable piece of service also Lastly I am to tell our Author that it was not the Earle of Northumberland as he tells us some lines before but the Earle of Lyndsey which did command the Fleet this Summer Anno 1635. The Earle of Northumberland not being in Commission for this service till the year next following when all the Counties of the Realm were engaged in the charge So as the Kings discretion was called in to part the fray by the committing the Staffe of that Office into the hands of William Juxton Lord Bishop of London March the 6th who though he was none of the greatest scholars yet was withall none of the worst Bishops Our Author still fails in his intelligence both of men and matter For first the occasion of giving the Office of Lord Treasurer to the Bishop of London was not to part a fray between the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington who never came to such immoderate heats as our Author speaks of but upon very good considerations and reasons of State â—…or whereas most of the Lord Treasurers of these latter times had rather served themselves by that Office than the King in it and raising themselves to the Estates and Titles of Earles but leaving the two Kings more incumbred with debts and wants than any of their Predecessors had been known to be it was thought fit to put the Staffe of that Officâ—… into the hands of a Church-man who having no Family to raise no Wife and Chilâ—…ren to provide for might better managâ—… the Incomes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly and who more fit for that employment among all the Clergie than the Bâ—…shop of London a man of so well tempered a disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and people and being a dear friend of the Archbishops who had served the whole year as Commissioner in that Publick trust was sure to be instructed by him in all particulars which concerned the managing thereof But whereas our Author tells us of him that he was none of the greatest scholars I would faine learn in what particular parts either of Divine or Humane Learning our Author reckons him defective or when our Author sate so long in the Examiners Office as to bring the poor Bishop unto this discovery I know the man and I know also his abilities as well in Publick Exercises as Private Conferences to be as farre above the censure of our Aristarchus as he conceives himself to be above such an ignorant and obscure School-Master as Theophilus Brabaurne It is true he sets him off with some commendation of a calm and moderate spirit and so doth the Lord Faulkland too in a bitter Speech of his against the Bishops Anno 1641 where he saith of him That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equall moderation and humility being neither ambitious before nor proud after either of the Crozier or white Staffe But there are some whom Tacitus calls Pessimum inimicorum genus the worst kinde of Enemies who under colour of commending expose a man to all the disadvantages of contempt or danger The Communion Table which formerly stood in the midst of the Church or Chancel he enjoyned to be placed at the East end upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted and a wooden traverse of â—…ailes before it Of placing the Communiou Table with the ends inverted we are told before Anno 1628 and if it were then introduced and so farre in practise that notice could be taken of it by the Committee for Religion no reason it should now be charged on the Archbishop as an Act of his But granting it to be his Act not to repeat any thing of that which was said before in justification of those Bishops who were there said to have done the like we doubt not but he had sufficient authority for what he did in the transposing of the Table to the Eastern wall The King by the advice of his Metropolitan hath a power by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. on the hapning of any irreverence to be used by the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church by misusing the Orders appointed in this Book namely the Book of Common Prayers to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory the edifying of his Church and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments And certainly there had been so much irreverence done to the Communion Table standing unfenced as then it did in the middle of the Chancell not onely by scribling and sitting on it as before was noted but also by Dogs pissing against it as of common course and sometimes snatching away the Bread which was provided for the use of the blessed Sacrament that it was more than time to transpose the Communion Table to a place more eminent and to fence it also with a raile to keep it from the like prophanation for the time to come Nor did the Archbishop by so doing outrun authority the King having given authority and 〈◊〉 to it a year before the Metropoliticall Visitation which our Author speaks of The Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls as being Ordinaries of the place had transposed the Communion Table in Saint Gregoryes to the upper end of the Chancel and caused it to be placed Altar-wise which being disliked
given one Subsidie confirmed by Parliament and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occasions did after adde a Benevolence or Aide of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergie and to be levied by such Synodicall Acts and Constitutions as they digested for that purpose without having any recourse to the Parliament for it which Synodical Acts and Constitutions the Clergie of this present Convocation followed word for word not doubting but they had as good authority to doe it now as the Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time hâ—…d to doe it then and so undoubtedly they had whatsoever either our Author here or any other Enemy of the Churches power can alledge against it Our Author hath now done with the Convocation and leads us on uâ—…to the Warre levied by the Scots who had no sooner made an entrance but the King was first assaulted by a Petition from some Lords of England bearing this inscription To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties most loyall and most obedient Subjects whose names are under-written in behalf of themselfs divers others Concerning this we are to know that a little before the Scots fell into England they published a Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army in which it was declared That they resolved not to lay down Armes till the Reformed Religion were setled in both Kingdomes upon surer grounds the Causers and Abettors of their present Troubles brought to publick Justice and that Justice to be done in Parliament and for the Causers of their Troubles they reckoned them in generall to be the Papists Prelates and their Adherents but more particularly the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lieutenant of Ireland In Correspondence hereunto comes this Petition subscribed by six Earles one Viscount and four Barons being no other than a superstructure upon that foundation a Descant only on that Plain Song And presently on the back of that another is posted to the same effect from the City of London So that the clouds which gathered behinde Him in the South were more amazement to the King than this Northern Tempest The Petition of the Londoners that we may see how well the businesse was contrived was this that followeth To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties loyall Subjects the Citizens of London Most gracious Soveraign BEing moved by the duty and obedience which by Religion and Lawes your Petitioners owe unto your sacred Majestie they humbly present unto your Princely and pious consideration the severall and pressing grievances following viz I. The great and unusuall impositions upon Merchandize imported and exported II. The urging and levying of Ship-money notwithstanding which both Merchants their goods and ships have been taken and destroyed by Turks and Pyrates III. The multitude of Monopolies Patents and Warrants whereby trade in the City and other parts of this Kingdome is much decayed IV. The sundry Innovations in matters of Religion the Oath and Canons newly imposed by the late Convocation whereby your Petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their Ministerie V. The concourse of Papists and their habitation in London and the Suburbs whereby they have more means and opportunities of plotting and executing their designes against the Religion established VI. The sudden calling and sudden dissolution of Parliaments without addressing of your Subjects grievances VII The imprisonment of divers Citizens for not payment of Ship-money and other impositions and the prosecution of others in the Starre Chamber for non conformity to commands in Patents and Monopolies whereby trade is restrained VIII The great danger your sacred Person is exposed unto in the present Warre and the various fears that have seized upon your Petitioners and their Families by reason thereof Which grievances and feares have occasioned so great a stop and destruction in trade that your Petitioners can neither sell receive nor pay as formerly and tends unto the utter ruine of the Inhabitants of this City the decay of Navigation and Cloathing and other Manufactures of this Kingdome Your Petitioners humbly conceiving the said grievances to be contrary to the Laws of this Kingdome and finding by experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary Courts of Justice doe therefore most humbly beseech your Royall Majestie to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed whereby they may be relieved in the Premisses And your Majesties c. The like Petitions there came also from other parts according as the people could be wrought upon to promote the business which makes it the lesse maâ—…vell that Petitions shouâ—…d come thronging in from all parts of the Kingdome as soon as the Parliament was begun craving redresse of the late generall exorbitancies both in Church and State as Fol. 129. we are told by our Author And to deny the Scoâ—…s any thing considering their armed posture was interprered the way to give them all In the Intentions of the Army before mentioned the Scots declared that they would take up nothing of the Countrey people without ready money and when that fâ—…iled they would give Bills of Debt for the pâ—…yment of it But finding such good correspondence and such weak resistance after their enâ—…ry into England they did not onely spoil and plunder wheresoever they came but would not hearken to a Cessation of Armes during the time of the Treaty then in agitation unlesse their Army were maintained at the charge of the English And this was readily yeilded to for fear it seems lâ—…t by denying the Scots any thing we should give them all I know indâ—…ed that it is neither safe nor prudent to deny any reasonable request to an armed power arma tâ—…nti omnia dat qui justa negat as the Poet hath it and thus the story of David and Nabal will inform us truly But then it must be such a power which is able to extort by force thaâ—… those which they cannot otherwise procure by favour which whether the Scots were Masters of I do more thâ—…n question Exceedingly cryed up they were both in Court and City as men of most unmatchable valour and so undoubtedly they were till they found resistance their Officers and Commanders magnified both for wiâ—… and courage the Common Soldiers looked on as the Sons of Enoch â—…he English being thought as Grasse-hoppers in comparison of them which notwithstanding the Earl of Strafford then General of the English Army would have given them battaile if the King had been willing to engage and signified by Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbâ—…y that he durst undertake upon the pâ—…rill of his head to send them back faster thâ—…n they came but that he did not hold it concellable as the case then stood It is an old saying a true that the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted nor were the Scots such terrible fellowes as they were reported For when they met with any who knew how to 〈◊〉 with
did most depend for this businesse was the Bishop of Lincolne of worse affections than the other in regard that when the Bishop was under the Star-chamber suit the Lieutenant then Lord Deputie of Ireland put off his going thither for a Term or two of purpose as it was conceived to have a fling at him before he went This struck so deep in the Bishops stomack that he would not think â—…imself in safety where the Earle had any thing to doe and so was like to help him forwards to the other world Nor speak I this but on some good ground For when the Bishop being then Prisoner in the Tower had made means by the Queen to be admitted to a reconciliation with His Majesty offering both his Bishoprick and Deanery of Westminster in confidence that the King would so provide for him that he should not go much lesse than he was the King upou the Queens desire sent the Earle of Dorsâ—…t from whose mouth I have it to accept the Bâ—…shops offer on the one side and on the other side to promise him in his Majesties name the next good Bishoprick that should fall in Ireland which Proposition being made the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it telling the E. of Dorset that he had made a shift by the power and mediation of his friends to hold out against his enemies here for 7 yeares together but if they should send him into Ireland he should there fall into the hands of a man who once in seven months would finde out some old Statute or other to cut off his head Think you the King was not likely to be well informed in His conscience when men so interessed were designed unto the managing and preparing of it and so it proved in the event For our Author telleth us that on the morrow after being Munday May the 10th in the morning His Majesty signed a Commission to the Earle of Arundel c. for the passing of the two Bills one for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the two Houses the other for the Attainder against the Earle of Strafford And these two Bills he signed as I have been told with one pen full of Inke by one of which he waâ—… sufficiently punished for his consenting to the other By his consenting to the Bill of Attainder he did not onely cut off his right hand with his left as was affiâ—…med of Valentinian the Emperour when he caused Aetius to be slain but found such a remorse of conscience still attending on him that it never left him till his death Aâ—…d by consenting to the other He put such an irrevocable power into the hands of his enemies as was mâ—…de use of afterwards not onely to His own destruction but to the disherison of His Children and the undoing of all those who adhered unto Him who drew Him to the first we are told by our Author and who perswaded Him to the last may be now enquâ—…red Some charge it on the Queen who being terrified with the Tumults perswade the King to yield unto it as the onely expedient for appeasing the people some attribute it to the Lord Say then Master of the Wards and one of His Majesties privie Councell who as it is reported when the King asked him if a Continuance for seven years might not serve the turn made answer That he hoped they should dispatch all businesses in so many moneths and that if His Majestie passed the Bill it should be so farre from making the Parliament perpetuall that he was canfident they would desire to be dissolved before three years end Most lay the blame of it as of all things else on the Marquesse of Hamilton who by cutting out so much work for the King in England was sure to carry on his designes in Scotland without interruption and I have heard from credible persons that he did bragge much of this service when he was in that Kingdome 〈◊〉 frequently that he had got a perpetuall Parliament for the English and would procure the like for the Scots too before he had done so hard a thing it is to say by what private perswasions and secret practises He was drawn to that which proved so prejudiciall to Him that it made Hâ—…m presently grow lesse in the eyes of His people insomuch that a Night before the passing of this Act a Paper was set up near the Gates of Whitehall importing that on the Morrow next there was to be Acted in the House of Peers a famous Tragie-Comedie called A King and no King But as for the publick outward motives which were used to induce Him to and of the great power He had parted with by this Condescension you may hear Himself thus speaking in His Declaration of the 12th of August Upon information saith He that credit could not be obtained for so much money as was requifite for the relief of our Army and people in the Northern parts for preventing the eminent danger the Kingdome was in and for supply of Our present and urgent occasions for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before justice should be done upon Delinquents publick grievances be redressed a firm peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded and before provision should be made for the repayment of such moneys as should be so raised though We know what power We parted from and trusted Our Houses with by so doing and what might be the consequence of such a trust if unfaithfully managed We neglected all such suspitions which all men now see deserved not to be slighted and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the Continuance of this Parliament being resolved it should not be Our fault if all those particulars were not speedily provided for which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire May the 11. he wrote to the Lords this Letter the bearer whereof was no meaner person then the Prince of Wales In tâ—…Letter which our Author passeth â—…o sleightly over there are many things which gave great occasion of discourse to discerning men 1. That the King having sped so ill by his last addresse unto the Parliament on the first of May should put himselfe upon the hazard of another repulse 2. That he should send this Letter of which he could not rationally expect a contenting answer by the hands of the Prince as if he would accustome him from his very childhood to the Refusalls of his Subjects 3. That he should descend so much beneath himselfe as to be a Supplicant to his People and yet be in such a diffiâ—…ence with them as not to move his owne desires but by the mediation of his Peers 4. That he should put himselfe to such a hopelesse trouble as to write to them for the altering or anulling of a sentence passed but the day before which they had gained with so much danger and so many artifices or to desire the Respit of two or three dayes for the condemned Gentleman
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.