by the commaundement or conâ—iuence of King Edward the fourth And hee also escaped not free for hee dyed not without many 〈…〉 suspicions of poisonâ— and after his death his two sonnes were disinherited imprisoned and butchered by their cruell Vnckle the Duke of Gloucester who beeing a tyrant and vsurper was lawfully slaine in the field and so in his person hauing no issue the tragedie did end Which are most rare and excellent examples both of comfort to them that are oppressed and of terrour to violent dealers that God in his secret iudgement dooth not alwayes so certainely prouide for our safetie as reuenge our iniuries and harmes and that all our vniust actions haue a daye of payment and many times by waye of retaliation euen in the same manner and measure wherein they were committed And thus was King Richard brought to his death by violence and force as all wrighters agree although all agree not vppon the manner of the violence Hee was a man of personage rather well proportioned then tall of great beautie and grace and comlinesse in presence hee was of a good strength and no abiect spirit but the one by ease the other by flatterie were much abased He deserued many friends but found fewe because hee sought them more by liberalitye then vertuous dealing He 〈◊〉 merueilous 〈◊〉 in all his actions which may verye well bee 〈◊〉 to his negligence and sloath for hee that is not prouident can seldome prosper but by his loosenesse will loose whatsoeuer fortune or other mens 〈…〉 hee was driuen is such distresse that 〈…〉 it as a benefite to bee disburdened of his royall dignitie for which other men will not sticke to put theyr goods and liues and soules in hazarde Hee liued three and thirtie yeares and reigned two and twentie His dead body was embaulmed and 〈…〉 couered with Lead all saue his face and carryed 〈…〉 and in all the chiefe places by the waye his face was 〈…〉 that by viewe thereof no doubt should bee made concerning his death At London hee had a solemne obsequie kept in the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paulâ— the King beeing present and all the chiefe 〈…〉 Then hee was conueyed to Langley Abbey in Bucking ham shire about 〈…〉 myle from London and there obscurely 〈◊〉 by the Bishop of Chester the Abbot of S. Albones and the Abbot of Waltham without presence of noble men without coâ—â—â—uence of the common people and without the charge of a dinner for celebrating the 〈…〉 but afterward on the commaundement of King Henry the fifth his body was taken vp and remooued to Westminster and honourably entombed amongst his auncesters with Queene Anne his wife in expiation as it is like of his Fathers violent and vnfaithfull dealing So hee whose life was alwaies tumultuous and vnquiet could not readily finde rest for his bones euen after death It was not amisse in regard of the common wealth that he was dead yet they who caused his death had small reason to reckon it among theyr good deedes And thus doe these and the like accidents dayly happen to such Princes as will be absolute in power resolute in will and dissolute in life This yeere Hunfrey the sonne and heyre of the Duke of Gloucester dyed of the plague as he returned out of Ireland where King Richard had 〈◊〉 him prisoner and shortly after the Duchesse his mother with violence of griefe ended her dayeâ— this yeere also dyed Thomas Moâ—bray the exiled duke of Norfolke whose death would much haue been lamented if he had not furthered so many lamentable deaths but he ouerliued his honour saw himselfe accounted a person infamed and of no estimation Likewise about this 〈…〉 Duke of Brittaine deceased who had taken to wife Mary daughter to King Edward the third and by her had no issue but by Ioan his second wife he left behinde him three sons Iohn Richard Arthur this Ioan was afterwards maried to K. Henrie as hereafter shall appeare Also this yeere Edmund Duke of Yorke departed this life his honour not stayrred his fame not touched he was a man very circumspect and wary in his cariage not carelesse of a good fame nor greedy after a great of other mens wealth not desirous liberall of his owne and of the common sparing he did not by obstinate opposing himselfe against the current of the time rashly hasten eyther his fame or his fall but by moderation attayned safely that degree of praise and honour which others aspiring vnto by desperate courses wanne with ambitious death without any other profit at all He left behinde him two noble sonnes expresse resemblencers of his integritie Edward who succeeded in his dignitie and before was called Duke of Aumerle and Richard Earle of Cambridge Edward in the change of the state neither constantlye kept his fidelitie nor stoutlie maintained his treason Richard tooke to wife the daughter and heyre of Roger Mortimer whose mother Phillip was sole daughter and heyre to Lionell Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward the thyrd by which title and discent his posteritie claimed the Crowne and kingdome of this realme from the successours of King Henrie as heereafter more at large shall be declared Charles King of Fraunce lost no time all this while in making preparation to inuade England and to that end had now raysed an armie royall which was brought downe into Picardie and in a readinesse to haue beene transported But it is verye like that this hast for the deliuerance of King Richard did the more hasten his death vppon newes whereof the Frenchmen perceiuing their purpose for his restitution to be to no purpose gaue ouer the enterprise some being grieued that the occasion was lost of making spoile of so plentifull a countrie others being well content to be discharged of that hope together with the hazard whervpon it depended Shortlie after the French King sent a solemne Embassage into England to treate or rather intreate that Lady Isabell his daughter who had bin espoused to King Richard might with her dowrie bee restored to him againe King Henrie most honourablie receiued these Embassadours and gaue in answere that he would speedelie send his Commissioners to Calice which should fullye commune and conclude with them both of this and other weightie affayres concerning both the realmes Not long after he sent Edward Duke of Yorke and Henrie Earle of Northumberland to Calice Also the French King sent the Duke of Burbone and certaine others to Bulleine These Commissioners did often meete sometimes at one place and sometimes at another the Frenchmen especially required that Lady Isabell should be restored shewing that King Charles her Father had giuen in charge that this before all matters and without this nothing should be concluded On the other side the Englishmen desired that she might be married to Henry Prince of Wales King Henries eldest Sonne a man answerable to her in equall degree both of bloud and of yeeres but the French King denyed that
too weake for warre did many times preuaile by peace that now they had got into their handes many Townes and Holdes appertaining to the crowne of England they were willing to conclude a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoeuer occasion shoulde change for their aduantage they would be then as ready to start from the friendshippe as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings daughter being but a child was very vnmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparitie of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to haue any by this except perhappes in his olde and withered yeeres When the Duke saw that with these motiues he did nothing preuaile he suborned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seâ—â—g there was peace with France he would release them of the Subsidie which they had graunted to him in regard of those warâ—es This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King vntill the Duke of Lancaster declare to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispense of three hundred thousand poundes in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demaund The yeere following Guido Earle of S. Pauls was sent into England by Charles King of Fraunce to visit and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabell his wife the French Kings daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what feruencie the Duke of Gloucester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his minde was not therein followed hee mooued the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiâ—t rather in his owne countrey then not at all He further reported what stiffe strifes in formertâ—â—es the Duke had stirred which howsoeuer they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this he presently answered that the Duke was too daungerous a subiect to be permitted to liue that greatnesse was neuer safe if it grow excessâ—ue and bolde that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to reuenge the disgraces which he had receiued and in policy to preuent the daungers which he had cause to feare These words of sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thencefoorth he busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now he began to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to obserue actions adn alwayes to interpret them to the woorst framing himselfe to many vaine and weedlesse feareâ— Often times he would complaine of him to the Duke of Laâ—ster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent he was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answere that the Duke of Gloucester their brother was in deed more hoat and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was ioyned with faithfulnesse and his crosnesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to disslike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrewe themselues from the court to their priuate houses the duke of Gloucester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmessorde in Essex vpon aduantage of which seperation the King stoode distracted in minde betweene feare to differ and shame to auow the destruction of the Duke least he might happily bee disapointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon he entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Notingham howe the Duke of Gloucester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruclty which was but wauering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by euill aduise and being once inclined to bloud he did not faile either of example ofâ—ewd action to followe or direction of cruell counsaile what to doe so the plotte was contriued and according thereto the King and the Earle of Noâ—tingham rodâ— together into Essex as though it were to disporte themselues in hunting when they were in the middest of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a smal and vnsuspicious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there he stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne he desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire entreatie of a Prince is a most forceable commaunde therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee intended in deede which was pretended in shewe 〈◊〉 to horse-backe with the King taking such small attendance as vpon the sudden could be in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together vsing much familiar talke by the way vntill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forwarde and the Duke comming behinde was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his iourney as though he had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Thames and there shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conueyed ouer to Calice When the King came to London he caused the Earle of Warwicke also to be arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had inuited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to be gracious Lord vnto him Vpon the like dissembled shewe the Earle of Arundell and his sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the Ile of Wight The common people vpon the apprehending of these three noble men whome they chiefely and almost onely fauoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to drawe them to sedition euery man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to leade them the way all being readie to followe that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong armie and came therewith to London where they were readily receiued by the citizens although the King had commaunded the contrarie but this seemed to be done rather for garde to themselues then regarde to any others The king all this time kept at a village called Helhame within foure miles of London hauing aboute him a great power of armed men which he had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to paciâ—â—â— the common people hee caused to be proclaimed that the Lordes were not apprehended vpon olde displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should be appealed by order of law and receiue open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying
King Richard entred the field with great pomp both in brauery and traine he had in his company the Earle of S. Paule who came purposely out of Fraunce to see this combat tried he was attended with all the noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any sudden or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was verie curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and Marshall the fielde shoulde touch any parte of the listes vpon paine of death This proclamation beeing eâ—ded another herrald cryed Behold her Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes royall to doe this deuoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant vpon paine to be accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was houering on horsebacke at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson veluet embroadered â—itchly with lions of siluer and mulberie trees and when he had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was iust and true he entred the fielde boldly crying aloud God aide him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and satte downe in a chaire of Crimson veluet curtained aboute with red and white damaske and placed at the other ende of the listes The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare he caried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the trauerses and chaires of the combatants should be remoued commaunding them in the Kings name to mount on horsebacke and adresse themselues to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beauiers and cast their speares into the restes Then the trumpetes sounded and the Duke of Hereforde set forth towards his enimy about fixe or seauen paces but before the Duke of Norfolke began to put forewarde the King cast downe his warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to be taken from them and commaunded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained aboue two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his counsaile what was fittest to be done At last the Herralds cryed silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a secretary of state with a loude voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his counsaile out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the lists royall and declared themselues valiant and hardy champions being not onely ready but forward and desirous to darrein the battel but because this was a matter of great consequence import the King with the aduise of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Hâ—nrie Duke of Hereford because he had displeased the King and for diuers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the terme often yeeres without the Kings especiall licence vpon paine of death When this iudgement was heard a confused noyse was raysed among the people some lamenting eyther the deserte or the iniurie of the Duke of Hereforde whom they exceedingly fauoured others laughing at the conceite of the King first in causing and afterwardes in frustrating so great an expectation wherein he seemed to doe not much vnlike Caligula who lying in Fraunce with a great armie nere the sea shoare gaue the signe of battell set his men in aray marched foorth as if it had bene to some great piece of seruice suddenly commanded them all together cockles Then the Herralds cryed againe ô yes and the secretarie did reade on how the King had likewise otdayned that Thomas Moubraie Duke of Northfolke because he had sowen sedition by words whereof he could make no proofe should auoide the realme of England and neuer returne againe vpon paine of death and that the King would take the profites and reuenues of his landes vntill he had receiued such summes of money as the Duke had taken vp for wages of the garison of Calice which was still vnpaide and that the King prohibited vpon paine of his grieuous displeasure that any man should make suite or entreatie to him on the behalfe of eyther of these two Dukes These sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oth that they should not conuerse together in foraine regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to reuenge But this policie was ouer weake for this purpose for oathes are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or â—euenge and if their vnited forces was much to be regarded theâ— seperate are powers was not altogether to bee conâ—â—â—ed Therefore the later plinâ—â—â— of this Realme haue with more 〈◊〉 wholy abolished the vse of abiuration and 〈◊〉 and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great offenders from entring into desperite and daungerous attempts which men in 〈◊〉 and disgrace haue more vehemencie to begin and more 〈◊〉 to continue When the 〈◊〉 had once so enclosed the Romaine legions within certaine streigâ— that they left them neither space to fight nor way to flie but without force enforced them to yeelde they sent to Hreâ—â—â—us Pontius an aged ruler of their state for his aduise what were best for them to doe his answere was that the Romaines should be permitted to depart without any 〈◊〉 losse orscorne This pleased not such as 〈◊〉 â—â—â—her couetous for spoyâ—e 〈…〉 for blood â— and therefore they sent vnto him the second time who then returned answere that the Romanes should bee put to the sworde and not one man suffered to escape The contrarietie of these two counsailes brought the olde man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which hee thought best would by vnexspected fauour prouoke the Romanes to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recouer strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followes Yes said the Samnites to graunt them their liues yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victorie doe lay vpon them This is the way answered Herenâ—ius which neither winneth friends nor weakeneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against vs nothing diminish the force And euen so in matters of more particularity than
Berkley Thom. Erpinghame Thom. Graye Knights Will. Thirninge Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the realme of England and the Commons of the said realme representing all the states of the saide Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of iudgement and considering the manifold periuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offerces by Richard late King of the saide realme committed and doone contrarie to good gouernement in the realmes and dominions aforesaide during the time of his reigne also considering the articles which were openly â—â—â—bibited and red before the said states which were so publicke notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no auoydance and shift be concealed also considering the confession of the saide King acknowledging and reputing and truly vpon his certaine knowledge iudging himselfe to haue been and to be altogether insufficient and vnskilfull for the rule and gouernment of the realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not vnworthy to be deposed for the notorious demerites by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said states published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and vs by the diligent place name and authority to vs in this part committed in aboundance and for a cautele we pronounce decree and declare the saide Richard to haue beene and to be vnprofitable and vnable and altogether insufficient and vnworthie for the rule and gouernement of the said realmes and of the dominions rights and parts of them and in regarde and respect of the premises worthily to be deposed from all kinglie dignitie and honour if any such dignitie and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitiue in this writing inhibiting from hencefoorth expressely all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoeuer of the saide realmes and dominions and other places to the said realmes and dominions appertaining the subiects and liege people of the same and euery of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the foresaid Richard as king or Lord of the realmes and dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted procurators ioyntlye and seuerally for all the states of the realme to resigne and surrender vnto King Richard for them and all other homagers of the realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and doone vnto him as King and Soueraigne and also to declare vnto him al the premises concerning his deposition Now Henrie Duke of Lancaster that he might be reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the kingdom by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime therevnto and being in power it was no sooner aduised what was to bee doone but it was presently deuised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henrie the third whom they surnamed Crowch backe affirming that he was the eldest sonne of King Henrie and that for his deformitie he was put from his right of succession in the kingdome which was for that cause giuen to his yonger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of bloud by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henrie the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the saide Edmund This cunning conceit was perceiued of all men but seeming not to perceiue it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therfore the kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henrie arose from his seate and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the forehead and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen 〈◊〉 Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England â—â—â—â—owne with all the appurtenances 〈…〉 of the bloud royall comming from that good Lord K. Henrie the third and through the right that God of this grace hath sent mee with the helpe of my kindred and of my friendes to recouer the same Which kingdome was in point to be vndoone for default of good gouernment and due iustice After these wordes it was demaunded in both houses of the Nobility of the commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raigne Who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the throane of estate the Archbishoppe of Yorke assisting him and all the assemblie testifying their owne ioy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne ouer my people 1. Reg. 9. 17. After all this he was proclaimed King of England and of Fraunce and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is voide of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gaue their applause not all vpon iudgement or faithfull meaning but most onely vpon a receiued custome to flatter the Prince whatsoeuer he be Yet least the heate of this humour should allay by delay it was foorthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that vpon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the King proclaimed arose from his seate and went to White Hall where he spent the rest of the day in royall feasting and all other complementes of ioy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelynesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared vnto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the states of the realme did surrender the homage and fealty which had been due vnto him so that no man from thence foorth would beare to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing reguarded these titulare circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be gracious Lord and good friend vnto him So vpon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessour the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishoppe of Canterbury sacred annointed and Crowned King at Westminster by the name of king Henry the fourth vpon the very same day wherein the yeere before he had been banished the Realme
qualitie in high degrees of office and seruice then proclamations were made that if any man had been oppressed by these Lords or by any officers vnder them he should prooue his complaint and receiue recompence It was made a question whether it was not meete that these noble men should be put to death the importunitie of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policie was against it and especially the opinion of clemencie which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this parlament also the Lorde Fitzwater appealed the sayd Duke of Aumerle sonne to the Duke of Yorke vpon points of high treason likewise the Lord Morley appealed Iohn Montacute Earle of Salisburie and moe then twentie other appeilants waged battaile but the king purposing to laye the foundation of his realme by fauour and not by force gaue pardon and restitution alike to all vppon sureties and band for their alleageance and in a sweet and moderate oration he admonished and as it were intreated the one part that ould griefes and grudges should not be renued but buried together with the memorie of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their mindes the other part he desired to be more regardfull of their actions afterward and for the time past rather to forget that euer they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laide vppon any saue onely the Earle of Salisburie and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and fauour with King Richard these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King receiued freelye to fauour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Gouernour of Calice The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exceâ—â—â— was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in lawe to King Henrie whose sister the Lady Elizabeth he had taken to wise The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loyaltie vnto King Richard a grieuous crime among rebels because they did not onlie stomacke and storme at his deiection but stirre also more then others and assaye to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes bouldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed vnfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prooue soundly firme so they that haue shewed themselues true to one prince may the better be trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to be misliked of Princes so he entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeauouring by courtesie and liberalitie to make them fast and faithful vnto him this fact was diuerslie enterpreted according to mens seueral dispositions some admiring the kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes haue to this purpose preuailed with some yet the common course may mooue vs commonly to coniecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like vnto Glasse which beeing once cracked can neuer bee made otherwise then crazed and vnsound Furthermore to qualifie all preiudice and hard opinion which other princes might chaunce to conceiue King Henrie dispatched Embassadours to diuers countries neere vnto him to make it knowne by what title and by what fauour and desire of all the people he atteyned the kingdome To the court of Rome hee sent Iohn 〈◊〉 Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into Fraunce hee sent Waker Shirlowe Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine he sent Iohn Treuor Bishop of S. Assaphâ—â— and 〈◊〉 William Parrâ— and into Almaine he sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned eyther their honour or their harme seemed eyther not to regarde what was doone or easely to bee perswaded that all was doone well But Charles King of Fraunce was so distempeâ—ed at this dishonourable dealing with his sonne in lawe King Richard that by violence of his passion he fell into his oulde panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of Phisicke returning to the sobrietie of his sences he purposed to make sharpe warre vpon that disloyall people as he termed them for this iniurie against their lawfull and harmlesse Prince Many noble men of Fraunce shewed themselues verye forwarde to enter into the seruice but especially the Earle of Saint Paule who had maryed King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these nouelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time vnder the English subiection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were greiued at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had disteyned their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoyle of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the Frenchmen against whose violence they suspected that the realme of England beeing distracted into ciuill factions eyther would not attend or should not be able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partlie fretting at his iniurie and partlie lamenting his infortunitie because he was borne and brought vppe within theyr Cittie And thus in the violence some of theyâ— anger some of theyr griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good God sayd they where is the world become saintes are turned to Serpents and Doues into diuels The English nation which hath been accompted fierce onely against theyr â—oes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and louing Prince and haue most barbarouslie betrayed him Who would euer haue thought that Christians that ciuill people that any men would 〈◊〉 haue violated all religion all lawes and all honest and orderlie demeanure And although the heauens blush at the view and the earâ—â— sweat as the burthen of 〈…〉 and all man proclaime and exclaime open shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the reuenge but stand vpon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessitie Well let them be able to blinde 〈◊〉 worlde and to resist 〈…〉 yet shall they neuer be able to escape 〈…〉 desire to be powred vpon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and they gouernement too milde for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King wil euer repose any trust in such 〈…〉 them with lawes as theeues are with 〈◊〉 What 〈◊〉 hee 〈◊〉 can recouer theyr credite What time wyll
Lordes concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure eyther safe quiet or daungerous disturbance both to our particular consciences and also to the common state Therefore before you resolue vppon it I pray you call to your considerations these two things First whether King Richard be sufficiently deposed or no Secondly whether King Henrie be with good iudgement or iustice chosen in his place For the first point we are first to examine whether a king being lawfully and fully instituted by any iust title may vppon imputation eyther of negligence or of tyrannie be deposed by his subiects Secondly what King Richard hath omitted in the one or committed in the other for which he should deserue so heauie iudgement I will not speake what may be doone in a popular state or in a consular in which although one beareth the name and honour of a Prince yet he hath not supreme power of Maiestie but in the one the people haue the highest empire in the other the Nobilitie and chiefe men of estate in neyther the Prince Of the first sorte was the common wealth of the Lacedaemonians who after the forme of gouernement which Licurgus framed oftentimes fined oftentimes fettered their Kings and sometimes condemned them to death such were also in Caesars time the petit Kings of euery Citie in Fraunce who were many times arreigned vppon life and death and as Ambiorix Prince of the Leodienses confessed had no greater power ouer the people then the people had ouer them Of the second condition were the Romaine Emperours at the first of whome some namely Nero and Maximinus were openly condemned others were sodainlie surprised by iudgement and authoritye of the Senate and such are nowe the Emperours of Germany whom the other Princes by their Aristocraticall power doe not onely restrayne but sometimes also remooue from theyr imperiall state such are also the Kinges of Denmarke and Sweueland who are many times by the nobilitye deiected eyther into pryson or into exile such likewise are the Dukes of Venice and of some other free states in Italy and the chiefest cause for which Lewes Earle of Flanders was lately expelled from his place was for drawing to himselfe cognisance in matters of life and death which high power neuer pertayned to his dignitie In these and such like gouernmentes the Prince hath not regall rightes but is himselfe subiect to that power which is greater then his whether it be in the Nobility or in the common people But if the Soueraigne Maiesty be in the Prince as it was in the three first Empires and in the Kingdomes of Iudea and Israell and is now in the kingdomes of England Fraunce Spaine Scotland Muscouia Turky Tartaria Persia Aethiopia and almost all the Kingdomes of Asia and Africke although for his vices he bee vnprofitable to the subiectes yea hurtfull yea intollerable yet can they lawfully neyther harme his person nor hazard his power whether by iudgement or els by force for neyther one nor all Magistrates haue any authority ouer the Prince from whome all authority is deriued and whose onely presence doeth silence and suspend all inferiour iurisdiction and power As for force what subiecte can attempt or assist or counsaile or violence against hys Prince and not incurre the high and heynous crime of treason It is a common saying thought is free free indeede from punishment of secular lawes except by worde or deed it breake foorth into action Yet the secret thoughts against the sacred maiesty of a Prince without attempt without endeuour haue beene adiudged worthy of death and some who in auriculer confession haue discouered their treacherous deuises against the person of their Prince haue afterwardes beene executed for the same All lawes doe exempt a madde man from punishment because theyr actions are not gouerned by theyr will and purpose and the will of man being set aside all his doings are indifferent neyther can the body offend without a corrupt or erronious minde yet if a mad man draw hys sword vpon his King it hath bin adiudged to deserue death And least any man should surmise that Princes for the maintenance of theyr owne safety and soueraignety are the onely authors of these iudgementes let vs a little consider the patternes and preceptes of holy Scripture Nabuchadnezzer King of Assiria wasted all Palestine with fire and swoord oppugned Hierusalem a long time and at the last expugned it slue the King burnt the Temple tooke away the holy vesselles and treasure the rest hee permitted to the cruelty and spoyle of his vnmercifull soldiers who defiled all places with rape and slaughter and ruinated to the ground that flourishing Citty after the glut of this bloudy butchery the people which remayned he led Captiue into Chaldaea and there erected his golden Image and commaunded that they which refused to worship it should bee cast into a fierye furnace What crueltye what iniustice what impiety is comparable to this and yet God calleth Nabuchadnezzer his seruant and promiseth him hyre and wages for his seruice and the Prophetes Ieremiah and Baruch dyd wryte vnto the Iewes to praye for the lyfe of him and of Baltasar hys Sonne that theyr dayes myght bee vppon earth as the dayes of Heauen and Ezechtel with bitter termes abhorreth the disloyalty of Zedechia because he reuolted from Nabuchadnezzer whose homager and tributary he was What snall we say of Saul did he not put all the Priestes to execution because one of them did relieue holy and harmelesse Dauid did he not violently persecute that his most faithfull seruant and dutiful Sonne in laws during which pursuite he fell twice into the power of Dauid who did not onely spare but also protect the King and reprooued the pretoâ—an souldiers for their negligent watch and was touched in heart for cutting away the lappe of his garment and afterwards caused the messenger to be slaine who vpon request and for pitty had lent his hand as he said to help forward the voluntary death of that sacred King As for the contrary examples as that of Iehu who slue Iehoram and Ahazia Kings of Israell and Iuda they were done by expresse oracle reuelation from God and are no more set downe for our imitation then the robbing of the Aegyptians or any other perticuler and priuiledged commaundement but in the generall precept which all men must ordinarily follow not onely our actions but our speeches also our very thoughtes are strictly charged with duety and obedience vnto Princes whether they be good or euill the law of God ordaineth that he which doth presumptuously against the ruler of the people shall dye and the Prophet Dauid forbiddeth to touch the Lords annointed Thou shalt not saith the Lord rayle vpon the iudges neither speake euill against the ruler of the people And the Apostles do demaund further that euen our thoughtes and soules bee obedient to higher powers And least