friuolous causes and of no importaÌ„ce whose sentence neuerthelesse was confirmed and againe published by Innocent the fourth successor to the sayd Gregorie and after by Boniface the eight inserted into his sixt booke of Decretals in which place he vseth these wordes of the Scripture Quodcúnque ligaueris c. as an authoritie wherein to ground the execution of his will Bald also and Iohn Andrew very Catholicke Glozers doe confesse that in deede he seemed rather a partie then a Iudge Niâ—holas the 3. who followed soone after seeking to take the whole gouernement of the Towne from all but the Pope forbad y t neither King Duke Earle or Marquize should be established or accept the authoritie of Senator or Gouernour therein declaring that the Iurisdiction thereof belonged priuatly to the holy Sea before all other not in respect of Constantines donation but through these wordes In omnem terram exiuit sonus eorum and such other which hee interpreteth as hee thincketh good Which in effect are the very reasons whereupon Boniface the eight excommunicated King Phillip the Faire of France and gaue his Realme for a praye to the first that could seaze vpon it as we reade in his constitution in deede extrauagant in the which he exempteth neither Emperour nor King from his subiection euen in Temporall causes as he saith Also by vertue of that great power Clement the fifth disanulled the sentence giuen by the Emperour Henry the seauenth of LuxeÌ„bourg against Robert King of Sicille after hee had procured the proysoning of the same Emperour by a Muncke in ministring to him the Eucharist Which Balde confesseth to haue bene a presumpteous and wrongfull deede Finally by those Tragedies that Iohn the 22. Benedict the 12. and Clement the 6. stirred vp throughout Christiandome against the Emperour Lewes of Bauiere as also in our daies Alexander the sixt and Iulius the second did no lesse neither had any other ground We may see the causes whereby the Popes do pretend authoritie to depose Kings subuert Realmes and giue them in pray to whomsoeuer they thinke good True it is that such of them as haue most dissembled haue euer exeÌ„pted the Realm of FraÌ„ce Innocent the third writing to the Prelates and French Nobilitie for Iohn without land King of England declareth that he will enterprize nothing against the Maiestie of the French King But Hostiensis who knewe the Storie doth in this place write that the Protestation was contrary to the effect because the sayd Innocent went about to hinder King Phillip Auguste from vsing his feudall right ouer the Dutches of Normandie Guyenne and other the Lands holden by the English and falleÌ„ into the lapse through the murder committed vpon Arthur his elder brothers sonne In an other decretal Epistle the same Pope confesseth that the French King in Temporall causes and gouernment of his Realme acknowledgeth no superiour Clement the fifth in his extrauagant for appeasing King Phillip the Faire who was stirred vp by the insolencie of Boniface the eight disanulled reuoked his declarations against the Realme of France and aduowed the same not to be subiect to his Sea by vertue of the sayd constitution The same Pope also protested that the power which his Officers vsed against the said Kings subiects during his being in the Realm was by the permission of the sayd Lord King as appeareth by the protestation the same time enrouled in the Court of ParliameÌ„t for in trueth it hath euer more bene resolued and is a cace most certaine that the King of France doth vpon earth acknowledge no superiour in whatsoeuer coÌ„cerneth the pollicie gouernement of his Crowne neither was euer subiect to the Romain Empire from the which he wrested the Gaules with the point of the sworde And although the French Kings were sometimes Emperours them selues yet did they neuer submit this Crowne to the Diadem Imperiall whereupon the Kings Atorney general would not suffer the Emperour Charles the fourth beeing in the Parliament there to make a Knight without king Charles the 5. his expresse permission As also the Emperor Charles the fifth passing through Fraunce obteyned the good will of King Frances the first to pardon sundry offenders because no other then his Maiestie hath power or authoritie ouer the temporall causes of his Realm among which is vndoubtedly the punishing of transgressions yea euen of heresie of the which wee now speake the notice and Iurisdiction whereof haue euer more bene left and with good reason belongeth to the seculer Magistrate because we ought to consider the lawe of God first in this world whereto the politicke and temporall Magistrate preseruer of the societie of men and earthly policie for the auoyding of confusion and trouble forceth euery one to obeye Secondly in the worlde to come wherein God onely iudgeth and punisheth not leauing in this worlde in respect of himselfe any Magistrate to be the auenger of the iniurie to him done in y â— transgression of his ordinances For the Priestes who are the guardians and Schoolemasters of Gods lawe are not coÌ„stituted Iudges but easie Phisitions to the soule and Gods commaundements are no such Sanctions as importe punishment but most louing doctrine and admonitious otherwise if by the sworde we should be forced to the obseruing of Gods lawe the desert were small Vppon which poynt the Apostle sayd Not that wee rulee ouer your faith but are helpers to your ioye And in an other place All Scripture is inspired froÌ„ aboue and is profitable to teach to conuince to correct and to instruct to righteousnesse Hee saith not to force or to punish Chrisostome very carefully deuideth the royall power from the ministerie of the Gospell saying that the ministerie is a function committed by God to the ende to teach without weapons also that it is no power to giue or take awaye Realmes neither to make lawes for politick gouernment Our French Bishop S. Hilarie writeth as much to the Emperour Constantius also against Auxentius Bishop of Millan And this the good Fathers learned at the mouth of the Sonne of God our Lord Iesus Christ when he sayd to his Apostles The Kings of the nations haue dominion ouer them but it shall not be so with you In an other place hee promiseth them that they shall sit with the Sonne of God wheÌ„ he shal come in Maiestie to iudge mankinde but that contrariwise so long as they remaine in y e world exercizing their Ministerie they shall bee brought before Kings and politicke Magistrates for his sake so farre shall they be from being Kings and Iudges themselues The head of the Church euen Iesus Christ fled when they sought to make him King declaring y â— his Kingdome was not of this worlde wherfore he would not be iudge among those that were at controuersie yea he submitted himself to the Kings of the earth paying vnto them the tribute which was vnto
the same spoken of To conclude therefore I will now coÌ„tent my self with warning euery one to mark and consider the meanes which such alwaies as haue gotten the vpper hand of a Lordship whereto they had no other right but habilitie haue houlden and then I hope they will thincke that the gouernment of a naturall Prince is gracious louing and fauourable in respect of y e mistrustfull suspicious and tyrannous straunger vnto whom not onely the deedes and wordes but also the gesture behauiour yea the goodes and welth of his Citizens are suspected because he feareth his owne shadowe Remember the auncient Fable of the Pigeons who when they had elected the Ringdoue to rule them were soone wearie of her courteous and gentle gouernment which they termed soft and delicate and in her roume chose the Kite who in liew of wel entreating of theÌ„ did eate beate and dayly teare some one among them in sunder with her beake and wings whereat these miserable fooles being offended could haue bene coÌ„tent to haue returned vnder the yoke of their first election but the Kites tyrannie could neuer brooke it whose successors do yet to this day practize their roine vpon them Once it fell out that the Frenchmen through wicked counsaile in liew and place of their naturall Prince whom they bare somewhat heauy were suborned to elect one Giles a Romaine of whom they were soone wearie after they had casted what it was to liue vnder one whose humour and birth did not agree with his subiects and it fell our well for them that their King was of power sufficient to resume them againe into his protection The ende of the third part ⧠THE CONTENTS OF THE FOVRTH part of this Booke 1 The authorities of Doctors for the preferment of the Neuewe before the Vnckle 2 Examples of the preferment of the Neuewe before the Vnckle 3 Reasons in law for the Neuew against the Vnkle The Neuewe succeedeth in the eldership of his father in proper person as being substituted to his late father 4 The right of eldership is transmissible perfect wanting but execution 5 The right of eldership is legall or custumary 6 The Lord Cardinall of Bourbons acknowledgemeÌ„t in the fauour of his neuew the K. of Nauarres mariage 7 Answere to the examples of the Vnckle alleadged against the neuewe 8 Answer to the Vnkles reasons against the neuewe Substitutions and continuatioÌ„ froÌ„ the father to the sonne in collaterall ligne by Iustinian 9 Successiou once roored in a ligne neuer departeth the same vntill it be finished or worne out 10 The order of Tutorship and the succession of free borne Libertines is vnlike 11 The Kings youth neuer debarreth theÌ„ from the Crowne The opening of the saying that personall right is not transmissible 12 Successions made by ciuill lawe and custome confessing the right of eldership are farre vnlike THE FOVRTH PART OF the Cath. Apologie IN the fourth Obiection the King of Nauarres aduersaries doe oppose against him the Lord Cardinall of Bourbon his Vncle as neerer by one degrée and nowe by the decease of the late Anthonie of Bourbon Father to the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre the eldest of the house of Bourbon 1 This question is one of the most tossed of all others and can not be decided by the arrestes of the Salicke Lawe that wee haue in these words De terra verò Salica in mulierem nulla portio haereditatis transit sed hoc virilis sexus acquirit hoc est filij in ipsa haereditate succedunt sed vbi inter nepotes pronepotes post longum tempus de Allode terrae contentio suscitatur non per stirpes sed per capita diuidantur But the decision hereof we must séeke in the Commentaries of our Doctors which Accurtius Odofrede Pope Innocent the fourth Durand Ric. de Malumbris Iohn Andrew Alberick de Rosatis Barth Balde Paule de Casiro Angel Aret. Martin de Lande Iohn Faber Pet. de Ancar Barbat Felin Ausrerius Wil. Benedict Cassanee Lewes Bolognine Matth. de Afflictis Andreas Sicul. Abbas Panormitanus Bartholomeus Sosinus Iason Alciatus Tiraquel Lewes Charond Choppinus and many other haue concluded in fauour of the Neuewe against the Vncle who termeth himselfe eldest by his brothers decease either indirect or collaterall lyne in successions indeuided as Realmes Empires Duchies CouÌ„ties and Marquisates Yea Decius imitating Socinus doth write that amoÌ„g the Interpreters of Ciuill Canon law hi qui pondere numero mensura praeualent haue alwayes consulted and determined against the Vnkle so that by the authoritie of so many skilfull persons the sayd Lorde King of Nauarre hath the better cause of the Cardinall his Vnkle Secondly the foreiudgements must be alledged for the decision of this controuersie Balde hoâ—ldeth that euermore it hath so bene obserued and decided in all contradictorie iudgements of France and England And Paul maketh mention of the Spanish law in this respect solemnly sworne vnto by the states of the same lande in deede we reade goodly examples both of these and many others 2 First in France for the same house of Bourbon in the time of Lewes the Fat king of France about the yeere 1110. Hanno had expulsed his Neuewe Arcembault a young child sonne to his elder brother pretending that the Lordship perteined to him as being entred into the Lawe of the eldership by the decease of his elder brother But the French Nobility forced the vnkle to giue place to the Neuew whom they substituted in the roume and place of his brother reseruing to Hanno onely some portion of the goods as to one of the Children of the same house An other example we haue in the posteritie of Henry the second K. of England who had three sonnes Richard Cordelion Secondly Geffrey who had maried Constance the Heyre of Brittaine and dyed in his Fathers time leauing his Wife great of Arthure afterward Duke of Britaine and Iohn surnamed without land Soone after the fathers death dyed Richard also without issue whereupon Phil. Augustus King of Fraunce who raigned about the yere 1141. adiudged the Dutchy of Normandy with other the Landes that the said Richard held in Fraunce vnto Arthure sonne to Gâ—ffrey his elder brother but afterward the sayde Iohn made peace with Augustus through the mariage of his sonne Lewes vnto Blanch. Neece to the sayd Iohn by his Sister wife to the King of Castile togither with some Lands that the saide Iohn habandoned to the sayd Phillip So that Arthure still prosecuting his right was slaine by his vnkle Iohn wherevpon the King of Fraunce tooke occasion for that fellony to confiscate all those landes as hauing alwayes fauoured and aucthorised the cause of the sayd Arthur The third iudgement passed in the tyme of Charles the Fayre King of Fraunce about the yeere 1331. for the Earle of Flaunders for Lewes of Neuers was by the Peeres of the Realme declared Earle of Flaunders and preferred before his
briefe that to the ende by the death of the late Mounsier the Duke to insinuate himselfe further in his Maiesties fauour and to bee neerer vnto him he had determined to alâ—er his Religion Which was a subtile â—llicie both to bring him into suspition with his owne partakers and into contempt among the Catholickes so as by that meanes both parts might haue forsaken and despised him and so he might become a pray to their fayned League as a man light vnconstant and of small stedfastnesse which is one of the chiefest things that euery ChristiaÌ„ Prince ought to abhorre especially in causes of ReligioÌ„ which we may not lightly chaÌ„ge neither without great notice of the cause and the discourse thereof publickly argued in the Church of God but especially in our awne consciences Wherefore good men neither ought ne caÌ„ mislike that the sayd Lord King of Nauarre doth protest to liue and dye in his Religion permitted vnder the Kings authoritie by his Maiesties Edicts published euen by y e decree of the States of the Realm neither are wee to terme him an hereticke or obstinate person vntill wee haue lawfully by a free vniuersall or nationall Counsaile whether shall seeme most expedient condemned that opinion which he holdeth Will ye likewise that I shewe you what mistrust the Catholickes may conceiue of his goodnesse and singuler clemencie Then would I pray the most passionate to consider and looke vpon his famelie They shall finde the same to consist for the most part of Catholicke Officers But of what sorte Euen such as are neerest about his person who haue him in their haÌ„ds vpon their honors and consciences to whom he committeth himselfe and vpon whom of himself he doth depend as vpon his keepers Maisters of his Guardrobe Stewardes and many others who before his face with his liking and contentation being in his trayne do ordinarely go to the Masse assist at the deuine Seruice ministred after the maner of the Catholick Romish Church To be brief euen with this qualitie he acknowledgeth theÌ„ for his good faithfull and loyall seruants This could they not assure themselues of neither yet serue him with good hearts beeing such men of honor as they are if in his behauiours they could perceiue any mistrust which is the nource of hatred and mallice against the professors of their Religion or if they could finde which were easie to doe that he did euill entreate or forbid them to serue God after their maner and so sought to bee the tormentor of their consciences To conclude al these coÌ„siderations alledged against the King of Nauarre which are neither true neither of any outwarde apparence cannot in y e coÌ„sciences of good men truely FreÌ„ch debarre him from beeing sufficient and capable of the Crowne of France yea further I say that the same notwithstanding he is your true and lawfull King to whome onely you are bound to obeye in cace during his life the sayde occasion of substitution should fall out which God forbid and which also neither he ne wee ought or should desire if either wee were Christians either els did beare any iot of hartie good will or affection to our King 18 To proceede let vs see whether a king houlding the Scepter or raigning ouer any estate especially ouer ours may appoint and nominate any other successor then him whom nature and the Lawe of the Realme haue giuen him This question I do not moue without cause for in trueth the perturbers of the peace of this Crowne and such as iniustly do pretend to set thereinto a foote haue made a League which they entitle Holy but al good med doe truely name Bloody with the Pope the Spanierd and the Sauoyan the conspired enemies to France and the Royall blood thereof through whose helpe they hope to leauy an Army wherwith to come into the hart of the Realme onely say they simply to sommon the most Christian King to name a successor at their deuotions Oh what an execrable mischiefe to seeke to force vs to enfringe the successiue lawe of this Realme whereof we haue so many worldes enioyed the blessed good hap What impudency those that haue not almost whereof to liue in their owne houses to goe about to preuent and ouerthrowe the order and Estate of so great an Empire This is a wonderfull bouldnesse to endeuour to compell so mightie a Monarcke as the French King and their owne lorde being yong healthy and such a one as it if please God hee may graunt him the blessing of the posteritie of Abraham to choose him a man to be his Heir But the French men doe assure them selues that they haue a King that is of better bringing vp then so one that is valeant feareth God and is ielous of his honour yea such a-one as would not for the getting of the whole worlde make such a breache in his conscience reputation vertue and memory that our Children should haue cause atro carbone illum notare saying that he had so farre hated himselfe and his owne blood as to haue corrupted the Lawes whereby after his predecessors he doth raigne euen since the originall of the Monarchie and to haue transferred the Crowne out of his owne famely for the satisfying of the rashnesse of those who finding them selues in Armes might hasten his time to the end to cause him the sooner to leaue them his roume For what dareth not Ambition and desire to Raigne vndertake Moreouer I doe most humbly beseech his Maiestie to pardon me though I boldly shew him that it is a thing that hee may not doe Also that the Lawe of the Realme whereby him selfe is King forbiddeth hym to meddle therewith because the same taken order therin vnto whom it is commendable in the Maiestie of a Monarke to acknowledge him selfe bounden And thus was it iudged declared and put in execution by the Parliament of the Peeres of France for Charles the seauenth against the treaty which king Charles the sixt in the yere 1420. made in y e towne of Troye in Champagne at the Mariage of his daughter Lady Katherin vnto King Henrie the fifth of Englande which imported the graunt and minde of the sayd King Charles the sixt to be that the sayd King of England or his issue male comming of the sayd mariage shonld be called to y e Crowne of France the said Charles the seueuth be thereof debarred and disinherited for euer This is not now say our Maisters the first time that it hath bene and perpetually shall be obserued by y e Salick law of this florishing Crowne which the King that houldeth the Scepter cannot alter because he is but a tutor protector collector and administrator thereof salua eius substantia itaque nec donare nec perdere poterit neither otherwise dispose of the proximitie of his bloud then the law of the Realm will beare neither yet transferre it into any other hand then that whereto it apperteineth although hee
namely Godfrey of Buillon so called for y t he was nursed in the Castle of BuilloÌ„ which now y â— Bishop of Liege holdeth his brother Balduin But these remayning in the holy lande the kingdome whereof fell to them by the election made of the said Godfrey the Emperour Henry the fowerth in the yeere 1101. gaue the Dutchy of Lorrain to Henry Earle of Lembourg whome after hee had rebelled against him he had taken againe into fauour And in troth this Henry of Lembourg was a very bad man for besides infinit other his misdeedes we find that at the prouocation of the Pope theÌ„ being he moued warre betweene Henrie the fowerth and the fifth the father and the sonne The father gaue him the Dutchy yet he tooke the sonnes part and then retourned to the fathers side after whose death hee went and fell at the sonnes fâ—â—te who committed him to prison and in the yere 1106. inuested Godfrey by some named William Earle of Louaine in the Dutchy of Lorraine whose seruice while hee was at Liedge hee vsed in taking Mountfaucon a hould the Lorde whereof was very insolent Of this Earle of Louain sprunge that house of Lorraine which yet continueth for vnto him succeeded Thierry to Thierry Thibault after Thibault a certaine Matthewe was Duke and so successiuely vnto the sayde Lady Isabell wife to Rene of Aniew as is aforesayd So as it is an abuse and manifest deceit to search the race of Charlemaigne in the house of Lorraine sith it is 580. yeeres since it vanished and was quite lost euen after that fower sundry Famelies haue succeeded one after another in the sayd Dutchy of Lorrain One of the yongest of which house who was Graundfather to the Dukes of Guise and Maine now being drawing into France with very smal wealth receiued as also after him his Children so many benefites at the hands of the Kings Francis the first Henry the second and his posteritie that they haue through the liberalitie of their Maiesties encreased their Patrimonie to a Million of Frankes of Rent that they houlde in this Realme whereas their grandfather Claude when he maried Lady Antoynet Bourbon daughter to the Duke of Vendosme had not aboue 14. or 1500. besides they haue bene honored with the greatest offices of y e Crowne as the office of great Master which was woÌ„t to be in the house of Montmorencie and other of the most honorable So as it might be hard to thinke that nowe they would imitate the Moyle whose nature is to kicke and spurne at his Mother when hee hath sucked enough of her Milke either that they had so vnthaÌ„ckfull a minde as to take weapon against the Royall Famely whereunto they are indebted in whatsoeuer they are yea and that vnder a false perswasion that they should be disceÌ„ded from Charlemagne which is contrarie to all trueth 4 To verefie therefore that the Princes of Lorraine neuer came out of the house of Fraunce it will be sufficient to shewe that in the succession of the Dutchy of Lorraine they obserue not the Salicke lawe as it was iudged by the Fathers assembled at the Counsaile of Basill on the behalfe of Isabell of Lorrain wife to Rene of Anieow and daughter of Charles of Lorraine against her Cousen Antony of Lorraine the sonne of Ferry the yonger sonne of Charles Hereby it manifestly appeareth that thus they declare the Princes of Lorraine to bee no Frenchmen neither euer to haue bene of the bloud royall of Fraunce or capable of the Crowne for the which and in the soueraigne succession wherof the Salicke lawe hath of olde time euen since Pharamond bene religiously obserued and thereby not onely the daughters but the males of them proceeding haue bene excluded from the Realme of Fraunce according as the decree of the sayde lawe importeth in these words Of the Salicke landes the woman shall chalenge no portioÌ„ but the succession therof shall appertaine to the males The reason of this constitution is because our fathers did horribly detest the gouernment of strauÌ„gers which vndoubtedly must needes haue often happened if the males of daughters that were wiues to forraine Princes might haue bene capable as some would perswade y â— childreÌ„ of Lorraine y t they may pretende as wrongfully as did Edward of England whose cause was solembly ended by the whole states of FraÌ„ce for Philip of Vallois afterward King against the sayd Edward the sonne of Lady Isabell daughter of Phillip y e faire after that Prince Robert of Arthois had openly made an Oration to the Estates for the sayd Phillip and had among other alleadged the reason aforesayd the originall whereof he drewe from before the Emperour Iustinian and Paule Emilie speaking of the ioye and contentation that the French conceiued after this senteÌ„ce writeth thus King Phillip making his entrey into the chiefe Towne of his Realme was receiued with as great pleasure ioye and triumph of people as euer was King of Fraunce where was a world of people crying God saue the King The streates were paued with Flowers according to the seazon and adorned with the most triumphant Furniture that could at that tyme be found To bee briefe saith the Historie the people forgat no kinde of demonstration of their contentation for the comming of this King to the Crowne He saith moreouer y t the Towne feasted his Maiestie y e Princes of his bloud and Officers of his Crowne praysing publickly extolling him as the preseruer and defence of the French Maiestie and the libertie and dignitie of the Salicke law whereby the FrenchmeÌ„ who were accustomed to prescribe lawes to Straungers were neuer ruled by them Then he endeth his speech saying that the most part of the night was put away with the light of Bonfyers throughout y e Realme and the howers of sleepe consumed in daunsing singing and all sortes of honest and delectable mirth especially at Paris y â— townes men marched in great troupes to congratulate each other for the welcomming of this King whom they termed the Bulwarke and preseruer of the best of their lawes These good fathers were no basterdly French as are those of our cursed world and would haue kept themselues farre from informing much lesse from begging those meanes that might bee imagined for the breach of this goodly Salicke lawe which is the onely Oracle of France and true rampier of the French dignitie which also sith it is euident that the Princes of Lorrain haue not vsed it is an vndoubted demonstration that they are not discended of the race of our Princes who haue so highly commended it in their Empier and soueraigne gouernement 5 In deed our deceiuers since considering that this foundation was too rashly propounded and might breede hatred in the King against the Princes of Lorraine whome they would bring into this bad action because his Maiestie beeing iustly agrieued hath power enough and ready to chastize the Authors of
an example to all other to the ende no straunger doe presume to violate and taint the Maiestie of the Realme of France 12 To all the premisses to the discourse of the duetie and respect that subiects owe in our cace to their Kings and Princes the disturbers of the peace lawes of this Realme doe aunswer perticulerly against the King of Nauarre y ◠he shal neuer be King of France before he bee after the auncient maner obserued as they weene euer since Clouis the first Christian King consecrated annoynted and crowned and that nature onely cannot make him King without the ordinary Ceremonies obserued at the comming in of a new Prince And so cōsequently they dare inferre that notwithstanding al our former discourse be true yet can it not bee applyed to the sayd Lord King of Nauarre to whom the French men cannot be boūd without his annointing and coronation which the Catholickes will neuer permit vnlesse he abiure the pretended reformed Religion Also that in cace they shoulde withstande him yet should they not thereby withstand their King but a pretender to the Realm But in trueth herein lyeth the difficultie of the matter wherwith they seeke to deceiue the ignoraunt For this they must know that in Realmes successiue as is ours the King liueth perpetually and leaueth the Realme to his neerest by vertue of the law successiue By reason whereof he is true and perfect Lord before he bee crowned neither doth his coronation serue but for a declaratiō and publication of the honor of the marke of his calling which was obteyned to him before both by nature and by the lawe of succession which needeth no further declaration of the successor in that it is not simply hereditarie to the deceased but custumary and legitimate at the very instant of the former Kings decease which seazeth not the natural successor of the Lordship and royall power onely but also of the possession and effectuall enioying of the same Wherevpon all our Interpretors doe maintaine that in feudall causes and matters the successor is in a maner seazed in his predecessors life tyme vnder whom he is halfe possessioner without any further inuestiture especially in our France where it is obserued without contradiction For that concerning the Realme the coronation ensuing is but the habite and royall ensigne and therefore al good men will graunt that the King is annoynted and crowned because he is King but contrariwise that he is not king because he is crowned for so theeues and Tyrants beeing the stronger might become lawfull Kings and with ouer much facilitie alter the cause of their possession through that ceremonie So was the Emperour of the Romaines lawfull after he had beene elected and saluted in testimonie and for a proofe of which election only he set a Crowne vpon his head a Scepter of Iuorie in his hand and beeing apparelled in a Purple robe did alwaies walke forth with fower and twentie Huissiers euery one bearing a Torch and an Axe It was was moreouer a custome to carie fire before the Emperour after the auncient maner of the Kings of Persia who went to Pasargades that the Priestes might there consecrate them in a Temple dedicated to one of the Goddesses of warres where the Prince putting of his own Robes did put on the same that the auncient Cirus vsed to weare before he was King he also did eate of a Cake made with Figges and Turpentine and drancke a potion made of Vineger and Milke The auncient Kings of Greece in liewe of a Diadem were wont to cary a Speare or a Staffe which the Grecians termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Romaines sent to him to whom they gaue the royal dignitie a Crowne of Golde a Cuppe and an Iuorie staffe and afterward added the seate or chaire fashioned like a Chariot Afterwarde when Christianitie was planted in the hearts of the people hauing proceeded to the election of the Emperour and being agreed of his person the maner was to cause him to sweare yea sometymes by his handwriting to subscribe that he would stay himselfe vpon the doctrine confirmed by the Catholick Church and the oecumenical Counsailes of the same and that he should not raise any trouble in the Church of God after which protestation the Patriarke of Constantinople in the peoples sight set a Crowne vpō his head girt a sword about him presented him a Scepter and put a gold Ring vpon his finger The tokens of the Germaine Emperours are by the decree of Charles the Great a Scepter a Sword a Speare a Cloake a Chaine a Crowne a Crosse like a Spheare a Buckler an Eagle with 2. heads a purple Ensigne all which are deliuered to him by the Archbishoppes of Cologne Mentz and Treues Like as the Archbishop of Toledo doth the office at the coronation of the King of Spayne the Archbishop of Canterbury at the King of Englands the Archbishop of Mentz at the Bohemians the Archbishop of Strigon at the Hūgarians the Archbishop of Guesne at the Polonians the Archbishop of Vpsale at the Danes the Archbishop of Tours at the auncient Kings of Armorica which we cal Brittaine the Bishop of Pampelune at the King of Nauarres euen as in our France it is the Archbishop of Rheimes that crowneth and annoynteth our King although sometymes it is done in other places As we reade of S. Lewes who was sacred at Soissons others at Orleance whom before the tyme of Christianitie they vsed to proclaime by lifting thē vp and shewing them vpon a buckler But it hath since beene thought more expedient to minister these ceremonies in the assembly of the Church there to call God to witnesse of that faith which the subiects vowed to their Prince and of that duetie wherein the King bound himselfe to his Estate to the ende also that afterward the people might knowe that from a priuat and perticuler man that he was wont to be he was now promoted to the Empire to the end to commaund Thus did Atatolius first deale with the Emperor Leo the first in the yere of Iesus Christ 461. and Euphemius with the Emperour Anastaze in the yeere 494. of whom hee exacted a perticuler promesse in writing because both before and at the tyme that he was proclaimed Emperour he had bene and still was an Eutichean hereticke whose errors had bene condemned by the decrees of the Counsaile of Chalcedō holden in the presence of the Emperor Martian in the yeere of Iesus Christ 455. Of later daies immediatly vpon the decease of Iustinian the first they added that the Patriark of Constantinople should after the example and imitation of the Kings of Iuda consecrate annoynt and crowne the Emperours with a Crowne of Golde in the assembly of the Church which was first obserued in the Emperour Iustin the second and afterward by Pope Leo the 3. translated into the West to the behalfe of Charles the Great before whom or
also teacheth vs that quod alicui debetur certis modis deberi desinit among which is not to bee found the excommunicatioÌ„ of him to whom we acknowledge our selues bound for otherwise the vassal and subiect should reap benefite commoditie and discharge in the destruction and hinderance of his Lorde Besides that the excommunication tendeth not in worldly matters to impouerish the partie condemned but onely to depriue and declare hym vnworthy the fellowship of men or to be thought a member of the Church of GOD. He is also denounced such a one first to be an instruction and example to all other the faithfull when they shall consider the grauitie of the offence and thereby waie the publick slaunder arising thereof Secondly to driue the condemned to call to mind abhorre and be contrite for his offence seeing hym selfe deliuered into the handes of his mortall ennemy Satan and humbly to craue reconsiliation at the catholick Church from whence he is banished in exilio sinitimo said Alexander the Martir which wee may sufficiently learne by the auncient forme of satisfaction which the Primetiue Chnrch enioyned to the parson excommunicate that is to confesse his fault before the Priests and assembly of the faithfull in whose presence hee was reproued blamed and condemned to abyde in a certaine place without the communion aud assembly of the Church with certaine outwarde workes of a penetontiary as well in habit and behauiour as especially in his dyet in which forme he should exhibit petition and supplication both to the Priestes and to the whole coÌ„gregation to be forgiuen and vnbound from his offence whervpon the Church by the aduice of the Ministers thereof sometimes condemned hym in greate amends and so by litle and litle receiued hym againe as she thought good For at the first he was onely admitted to heare the worde of God after that he was receiued to the prayers of the Church and so consequently to the Communion of the faithfull finally by the imposition of the Priestes handes he was restored to his former estate and then was it not lawfull for any to reproch vnto him what was passed So as by this forme of excommunication and penance or satisfaction extract out of the auncient Counsailes of Ancira and Nice we may euidently iudge that it no way concerned the temporall goodes as of those that the Church hath not to dispose of neither did it importe other then the exemplary correction of the excoÌ„municated for the sâ—auÌ„der by his offence committed against the Church either els according to y e holy scripture for the subduing of the flesh whereby the soule may be saued in the day of our Lord Iesus Moreouer it seemeth that Gregorie the seauenth Innocent the third and other the high Priestes did so vnderstand it wheÌ„ in the excommunication of the Lords and of those that were conuersant and had dealings with theÌ„ they would not include their officers seruants and others who by necessitie doe owe them obedience as doe the vassalles and subiects of the Crowne who naturally and ciuilly are bound to their Kings and Princes So that the necessitie of their bondage exempteth theÌ„ by the iudgement of the Church out of the generall excommunication denouÌ„ced against all other persons that haue dealing with the excommunicated And perticulerly Innocent the third in his decretall Epistle written to the Doctors of Boulogne declareth that the debtes letters and obligatioÌ„s of excommunicated persons are not called in question neither are the debtors discharged of the same much lesse to be blamed for paying and satisfying their creditors considering that the necessitie of their obligatioÌ„s doe thereto bind them And there is no doubt but the priuate famelie and household of euery one is likewise a little Commonwealth aswell as the Commonwealth is a great famelie whereof the King that ruleth it is the father and defender so elected and ordeyned by God as father of the household among the children Innocent the third therfore exepted out of the excoÌ„munication of those that were conuersant with the condemned all such persons as by necessitie of the lawes of houshold were bounde to yeelde their due obedience which shall neuer bee more strickt great or commendable in the children of the household seruants toward the father of the household then it ought to bee in the subiects towarde their King or soueraigne Prince And effectually to shewe that the excommunication of the King dischargeth not his subiects from their vowed faith let vs call to mind the auncient examples meete and commodious for this argument The Emperour Theodosius the first was iustly excommunicated for the murder of the Inhabitants of Thessalonica His sonne Arcadius for expelling and deposing S. Iohn Chrisostome from the Church of Constantinople Zeno and Anastazius for being Eutichians Lothaire the first for his adulterie committed with Gualdrade which notwithstanding their subiects were not discharged of their bondes and oathes whereby they were to them bound against the which also they neuer made any difficultie to obeye those Emperours as their lawfull Lordes Dagobert King of Fraunce who became a Nero and after the first yeres of his quiet and Catholicke gouernement began about the yeere 637. to trouble the Churches destroye the Temples banish the Cleargie and commit an infinite number of other insolencies for the which Seuerinus Bishop of Roome did greatly reprooue him was not neuerthelesse driuen awaye by his subiects who with earnest prayer obteyned at the grace of God that this Prince repented and euer after serued God faithfully all the dayes of his life When Pope Celestin the third had excommunicated Phillip Augustus King of FraÌ„ce in y â— yere 1197. for forsaking without lawfull occasion his wife Isambergue sister to King Iohn of Denmarke his States and subiects did not neuerthelesse expell him or denye to acknowledge him to be their King and Soueraigne When Boniface the eight had cast foorth his poysoned Bull against Phillip the Faire the Nobles Prelates of the Realme assembled at Paris declâ—red that the Bishop of Rome had no authoritie so to doe When Pope Iulius the 2. excommunicated and interdicted King Lewes the 12. whome iustly wee terme father of the people the Prelates and Nobilitie assembled at Tours protested it to be lawful to coÌ„temne the said Thunderbolt the same notwithstanding did sweare to him their due faith and homage When King Henry the 2. of England was by Alexander the 3. excommunicated interdicted for banishing Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury whom after his death the Pope canonized yet was he not cast out froÌ„ his kingdome neither did his subiects with earnest affection denye him their accustomed obedience Iohn without Land King of the same Ile was neuer dispossed neither did his subiects molest him in respect of the curse that Innocent the third had denounced against him in the yere 1212. vntill he became a TyraÌ„t and extreme oppressor of the people who then beeing