A LETTER From a Gentleman in the COUNTRY To a Member of the House of COMMONS in England in Reference to the VOTES Of the 14th of December 97. Relating to the TRADE of IRELAND Together with An ANSVVER To the said LETTER By Sir F. B. DUBLIN Re-printed for Patrick Campbel and are to be sold at his shop in Skinner-row 1698. A LETTER from a Gentleman in the Country to a Member of the House of Commons c. SIR THO you receive this from my hands yet it is the Sense of your Sea and Land Neighbours in the Country upon your Resolving That a Committee be appointed to consider of the Trade of England and Ireland â—nd how to make the Trade of this Kingdom more â—eneficial We also hope that your House will consider in â—â—me of Peace what may enable the Nation to Deâ—â—nd themselves in time of War It cannot but 〈◊〉 a trouble to all thinking Men to see a Kingâ—â—m and People once so famous for Trade and Naâ—â—gation to fight themselves out of both without â—â—flecting on the Expence of 50 Millions Sterling â—hich was the Harvest of 700 Years when this â—â—ation was almost sole in the Tilledge of the Sea â—â—ow we are incompass'd with Rivals and cannot â—â—pect such plentiful Crops Therefore we have 〈◊〉 much reason to consider how to secure our Trade in time of Peace as we have our Liberties in time of War Among the many Rivals of our Trade and Navigation I have often thought Ireland to be the most dangerous and that which first led me into the opinion was the practice of the two last Reigns incouraging the Irish more than their English Subjects in Trade and Navigation they being proper Tools to support Popery and Slavery which Ireland was a fit Nursery for and altho' the English there are mortal Enemies to the first yet are they bred up with and sharers in the latter that is in the Power they have over the Irish in Arbitrary Administration and that which first led the English into such despotick Practice was the numbers of the Irish and their aversion to the English Laws and Religion which upon any alteration of Government in England the Irish get up in Rebellion To prevent which the English were forc'd to be Extraordinary in their Discipline over them and this manage of inferiour Magistrates in the Country was followed by superiour Courts of Justiceâ— until it reacht the English themselves yet could they not complain since in their stations from the Constable to the Justice the same was practised All which I think was designed to breed up Instruments for Arbitrary Government in Ireland to introduce it here and we may remember Irish Judgeâ— removed from Ireland here to serve a Turn This I mention tho' it may be thought Foreign 〈◊〉 Trade because I think admitting Ireland to â—heir own Conduct either in Government or Commerce c. is dangerous to England But I â—â—all not hold you longer from the subject of Trade â—â—e design of this Letter and that you may not â—â—ink I write on common Fame give me leave 〈◊〉 tell you that I have been concerned in the Trade of Ireland and have been twice in that Kingdom where I made the Observations following First That the Kingdom lyes with greater Adâ—â—ntage for Trade and Navigation than any Part 〈◊〉 Europe Secondly That both its Land and Seas are blest 〈◊〉 Nature with better Products than any Part of â—â—â—rope Thirdly That it stands betwixt us and all the â—â—ofitable Commerce of the World Fourthly That all this is in the Possession of â—â—reigners and Irish the English in Ireland being â—â—oprietors of most of the Land giving themselves to Rural Employments This being matter of Fact that you will consiâ—â—â— the reason England hath to enquire into the â—â—â—pose and manage of the Trade of that Kingdom â—â—ich hath lost this Nation so much Blood and â—â—â—easure to recover after 32 Rebellions â—n the compass of a Letter I cannot innumerate 〈◊〉 he particulars where in Ireland interferes with the Trade of England I shall only insist upon Five Viz. First That of their Fishing which they have variety of sorts more than we have in England early on their Coast nearer than we are to a Market so that they may sell before ours are out of the Sea Secondly They have Provisions of all sort Fifty per Cent. cheaper than we have Thrdily They do by their cheapness of Hideâ— and plenty of Bark make Land and Leather Cenâ— per Cent. cheaper than we can Fourthly By their vast Woods they supply Franâ—â— and Spain with Staves build Ships at Fifty per Cent. cheaper than we can by which they draw oâ—â— from England our Ship-Carpenters which in thâ—â— end may destroy our Navigation and make theâ—â— the Carryers of our Merchandize and encrease theâ—â— Seamen which by the way are most Irish for as 〈◊〉 said before the English generaly follow Countâ—â— Imployments Fifthly By the cheapness and large Staple 〈◊〉 their Wooll multitude of Irish Spinners and cheapness of their Work they are in a fair way of beiâ—â— more than Rivals in our Wollen Manufactury ' 〈◊〉 great numbers of our Clothiers running into thâ—â— Kingdom with what small Stocks they have whiâ—â— they are the more encourag'd unto by their raisiâ—â— the Coyn Twenty per Cent. above its Value in England so that he which goes from hence with Eighâ—â— Pounds hath a Hundred when he arrives in Irelaâ—â— Thus at a blow we loose our Manufacturies Men and Money A fair return you will say for â—ur kindness in relieving them here and restoring â—hem there to their Estates But that which I think â—he most unaccountable of all is that we suffer them 〈◊〉 hold Parliaments settle Estates pass Attainders Regulate our Trade Pardon their own Rebellions â—hat we have paid for This could be done by noâ—â—ing but Irish Assurance nor endured by any but English Conquerors for so I hope they will yet alâ—ow us to be if not that your House will take a â—ourse to make them remember it After what is said you may expect I should proâ—ose some Expedients to prevent Ireland from runâ—ing away with a Million Sterling per Annum of â—â—e Trade of this Nation What I conceive might be a Remedy to preserve 〈◊〉 and yet not hurt them for I am not Ruining 〈◊〉 Brethren that are there is as followeth First That they should not be admitted 〈◊〉 Build or keep at Sea any Ship but to have all 〈◊〉 Carriage of that Kingdom by Ships of England Secondly That they should be bounded and â—â—escribed in all their Trade by Act of Parliament of England not only to the places they shall â—rade but to the quantity of their Natural Proâ—â—ct they shall Export and to the Season and â—â—me when so that England may have the first â—arket Thirdly That they may not Fish but with Boatâ—â— and Men of England Fourthly That their Money be brought to 〈◊〉 Standard of England Fifthly That they hold no
Parliaments but 〈◊〉 Governed by the Parliament Laws of England Sixthly That they be not permitted to maâ—â— any Manufactures whatsoever except Linnen I will trouble you no longer than to pray yoâ—â— Reading of Mr. Carey of Bristols Book who haâ—â— writ with great Judgment and Affection to 〈◊〉 Country on this subject I wish we had more Mâ—â—â— that considered the Trade of the Nation the 〈◊〉 of which will be more dangerous than a standinâ— Army AN ANSWER TO A LETTER from a Getleman in the Country to a Member of the House of COMMONS in ENGLAND On the VOTES of the 14th of December 1697. Relating to the TRADE of IRELAND SIR WE live in an Age where scribling is the Language of one Man to another and too often used on a Subject to which â—â—ey are as much strangers as to each other's Perâ—â—n This seems our case we come abroad with the â—â—ow'd to please our selves tho' we disturb others â—â—t that which brings me in Print is because I â—â—ink Men of better Understanding will not trouâ—â—e themselves to Answer your unpolish'd Libel on â—â—e Government and our Bretheren in Ireland and by that means your Invectives might have the success you wish't for viz. a belief amongst the Industrious part of the Nation which were theâ—â— true the first work of England should be to remoâ—â— our Friends destroy the Natives and send oâ—â—â— a Hundred Thousand Souldiers to keep the Islaâ—â— from them that know how to make a good use 〈◊〉 it if we don't But the best way of confuting yoâ—â— Maxims in Trade and Government is to repeâ—â— them and then a very few words will Answâ—â— them I begin with your assertion That it cannot 〈◊〉 be the trouble of all thinking Men to see a Kingdom and People once so famous for Trade and Navigation to Fight themselves out of both To tâ—â— it 's answer'd I meet with few of your opinion 〈◊〉 such as think the Nation did ill to fight at all Obedience to the late K. tho in Wooden Shoâ—â—â— and Faggots on our backs to Smithfield was our â—â—ry your Holy Church tells us but that whiâ—â— makes few believe it is that Doctrine was alwâ—â— preach't by Men of debauch'd Lives and Proâ—â—â—tutes for preferment But Sir I must tell 〈◊〉 what Men that think as much as your's say 〈◊〉 that is They believe that by the War which 〈◊〉 ended with so much honour and advantage to 〈◊〉 Nation we have secured our Trade and Navigation with somthing more that perhaps you are 〈◊〉 friend unto our Laws and Religion but as 〈◊〉 Trade and Navigation pray how should we 〈◊〉 preserved them if the French had been Masters of â—â—e United Provinces For seeing we and the Dutch â—â—ere fully imploy'd both together to deal with the â—rench alone which way could we have blovvn the â—rench and Dutch Fleets out of the Sea in case â—â—ey had been united Those that find fault vvith â—â—r War vvould be pleased vvith our Captivity â—â—ft vvords are called for by such as are vvounded â—ith Truths therefore I shall not speak my â—houghts of your Principels You tell us of 700 â—â—ers Harvest and 50 Millions spent in this War â—â—t vvere more English-men think vve have the â—orth of it but I hope you do not believe the â—hole 50 Millions are carryed out of the Kingâ—â—m it is demonstrable that the greatest part is still â—â—ongst us tho' I confess it may be in vvorse hands â—â—n before the War I must ovvn my self no â—â—end to that practice vvhich inriches the Servant 〈◊〉 beggers the Master It should be the abhorâ—â—â—ce of all good Men to see people in Civil Imployâ—â—â—ts ready to burst vvith unrighteous Gain and 〈◊〉 industrious Merchant languishing by the Opression of their Servants but this vve hope vvill â—â—â—nquired into Your next Paragraph begins thus Among the â—â—â—y rivals of our Trade and Navigation I have 〈◊〉 thought Ireland to be the most dangerous and 〈◊〉 which led me into this Opinion was the praâ—â—â— of the two last Reigns incouraging the Irish more 〈◊〉 their English Subjects in Trade and Navigation thereby to make Ireland a Nursery for Arbitrary Government to which the English were abettors There needs no other Answer to your Thoughts That Ireland is most dangerous to the Trade oâ— England but that all the yearly Exports of Ireland amount not to the Value of one East-India Shipâ— Cargoe as vvill appear by vvhat follovvs That you say of the design of the two last Reigns tâ— introduce Arbitrary Government is not doubted bâ— that the English in Ireland were Abettors to it 〈◊〉 most manifestly False there were no Men in thâ— Three Kingdoms that ventured their Lives moâ— bravely against it then they did and to themâ— think in a great measure we owe our Quiet and oâ—â— Trade on the late happy Revolution of this Kingdom which I fancy is the reason you are so angâ—â— with them perhaps you cannot forgive the staâ—â— they of Inneskilling and Londonderry made to 〈◊〉 late Kings Army when they designed for Scotlaâ—â— if they could have reduced those Men in their wâ—â— They would then have been troublesome to 〈◊〉 nearer home where you and your Friends were râ—â—dy to receive them As to the English's being for Arbitrary Government you are as much out as in the numberâ— the Irish Seamen and least you should thinâ—â— speak at randome as you do know I was borâ—â— a City that hath a great share in the Trade of 〈◊〉 land have been thrice in that Kingdom 〈◊〉 made all the Observation I could of the Nature Trade and Constitution of that Country amongst other Things I found they had very little Navigation Dublin their Capital had not one Ship belonging to it Carickfergus or Belfast and Corck had a few small Craft but not a Ship of Force or Burthen in the Kingdom I enquired particularly the Number of their Irish Seamen and by all I asked was answered they never saw one that could Top and Yard a phrase they have among Seamen Your next Paragraph tells us How dangerous it is to England to leave Ireland to their own conduct in Trade and Government Surely you are a stranger to the Laws of both Kingdoms or else you would have known that they can Pass no Act of Parliament in Ireland but what comes first from the King and Councel here and cannot alter one Word in it but must take the Act just as it comes from England Your following Observations of the Scituation Nature Product c. are true for that Reason I think we should keep it in English Hands and not follow your Proposals to drive them out But of that when I come to your Expedients Now as to your Five particulars wherein you say Ireland Interferes with the Trade of England First in that of their Fishing wherein no doubt they have Advantage above us but they never had yet Men Money or Craft to make use of it the more 's the pity it being a loss to
us and I think a fault that we do not help them Your second Assertion is true in part Their Provisions are Cheaper but then let me tell you they are not so good as ours and their Butter and Cheefe is near as dear Your third and fourth Observations are so aparently False that one Word will Answer them both you say you have been twice in Ireland but besides your self I may venture to say there was never any man in it but can tell you there is not Timber to supply the tenth part of the Use of the Kingdom I have seen a Survey of all the Woods in that Island and except Shellela there is not so much valuable Timber in the whole as one Gentleman hath in England Surely then we are in no danger of their Building Ships or Tanning Leather Your Fifth Observation is of their Wool in which you are right but as for the multitude of Irish Spinners you are in an Error they are so far from being our Rivals in the Woollen Manufactury that this last year they could not get so much in all the Country as to cloath their small Army But however I think we have reason to look carefully into that Manufactury which is the Soul of all we have left of Trade and yet I see Advocates for the East-India Trade to the destruction of our Manufactury at home In this methinks we Act like ill Husbands that being Abused abroad Revenge themselves at home on their Wives and Children We are wheedl'd out of our Manufacturies by Designing Men amongst our selves kick'd out of our Fishing abroad and then like Sampson we pull down the House upon our selves to be reveng'd for our two Eyes So I take our Woollen Manufactury and Fishing to be But let us destroy Ireland beat our Wives and Children and we shall Recover all You end your Fifth Paragraph with that which you think the most unaccountable of all The suffering them to hold Parliaments Now Sir if you never read History and so are ignorant how the Crown of England came first to intituled to Ireland then it is great Assurance in you to talk of the Constitution of a Kingdom you know nothing of if you have Read you must know there was a Compact that they should hold Parliaments with the same Privileges as England and altho' they have by their own Parliaments abridged themselves by Poynings Law in some things yet have they still an Act of Parliament for Annual Parliaments and another Act that all Laws made in England before the Tenth of Henry VII should be in force in Ireland I believe you will own we had Parliaments in England before â—denry VII they have then the same Right 〈◊〉 hold Parliaments that we have but they are a poor People and must submit Have a care of that French Maxim we know not whose turn it may be next I remember in the Reign of Charles II. discoursing with the Duke of Ormond who I think take him every way was one of the greatest Men of that time upon the Tryal of the Earl of Shaftsbury his Grace said My Lord Shaftsbury was never my Friend yet were I a Commoner and one of his Jury I would starve before I would find him Guilty by straining the Law We must have a care of Constitutions and Laws they are of better use to preserve our selves than to take off our Enemies If you were of this opinion you would not be against Ireland's holding Parliaments have a care Sir of breaking into Constitutions we know not who may come next we are sure His present Majesty will preserve our Constitution and it 't is our happiness He is more tender of them then many of our selves but if we will destroy them in a good Reign there may come a time when our own Presidents may bebrought against us You end your Paragraph with an Invective saying You hope the House will make them Remember they were Conquered I remember to have seen a Book in this Reign by Order of Parliament Burnt by the Common-Hangman for Asserting that conquering Doctrine It is by our Laws that all the Monarchs of England and a monst the rest his present Majesty is declared to be King of Ireland de Jure when King of England de Factoâ— Now if you please to remember the Brittish of Ireland who are Proprietors of most of that Kingdom were as one man in the Interest of England fought as is said before for and with the King that came to deliver them from the Usurpation and Tyranny of the late King James for so it was He having lost his Title by Abdication before he came to Ireland And King William came there to rescue his Protestant Subjects in Ireland from the Ravage and Murders of the Rebellious Irish Subjects This I hope you will not make a Conquest if it be we have had two or three of them in this Reign by the Execution of Traytors at Tyburn You now come to your Expedients wich are like that of an English Sea Captain that being in danger of two Dunkirk Men of War a French Officer on Board him Asked the Captain what he should do for he dreaded being carryed into France Never fear said the Captain I wont be taken How can you be sure of that said the French Man I will first blow up my Ship reply'd the Captain at which Monsieur shrug'd his shoulders and said Par ma foy un tres bon expedient Anglois So are your Expedients as will appear presently I will repeat them in order and then one Answer will serve them all 1. That they should not Build or keep at Sea one Ship 2. That they be Bounded Prescribed in all their Trade by Act of Parliament here not only to the place they shall go but also to the Qualities and Natures of the Commodities they Export and to thâ— Timewhen they shall export that we may have the sirâ—â— market 3. That they should not Fish but with Men anâ— Boats of England 4. That their Money be brought to the Standard 〈◊〉 England 5. That they hold no Parliament but be Governeâ— by the Parliament of England 6. That they be not permitted to make any Manâ— facturies but Linnen I told you before one Answer should serve 〈◊〉 them all and that shall be with a Question 〈◊〉 as a Porter made a Lord Mayor of London in 〈◊〉 Usurpers time for Regulating the Price of Beeâ— was Proclaming That none should be sold 〈◊〉 more then a Penny a Quart A Porter standing 〈◊〉 my Lord Mayors Horse call'd out that theâ— was the most material thing left out which waâ— appointing who should drink that small Beer for 〈◊〉 swore he 'd drink none So Sir you should have appointed in your Expedients who should live in Ireland for no Englishman will And surely our Nation will not think it safe in any others Hands Methinks you make a bold stroke to propose Ireland should be Governed by the Parliament of England that in