of Yorke were left alive That by endeavouring to ruine his brother he wrought his owne overthrow by quitting the right unto the Crown to the which he was so nigh himselfe For Edward though he were young had yet no sonne and but one daughter who might very well miscarry and such were his disorders as there was little likelihood he should have any more That being therefore to be presumed heire he much injured himselfe by giving the Crown away from himselfe to his enemies who could never thinke themselves safe as long as he lived These reasons and others which the discreet woman knew how to make use of prevailed so farre with Clarence as that he gave her his word to joyne with his brother as soone as hee should be come into England Which sheweth of what little efficacy oathes and alliance are when a powerfull interest comes in place Clarence for some sleight domestique distasts failed his brother even to the endangering the losse of his Kingdome You shall see him faile his father in Law even to the making him lose his life Whence wee are taught that in great affaires wee ought onely to trust such to whom profit and danger are univocall together with us Many of the King of France his ships were making ready in Harfleur for the Earle of Warwickes service and some of his owne likewise where he received sundry dispatches from many Lords of England They desired him not to delay his returne though hee were to come all alone for being looked for by so many that were desirous to spend their lives in his service hee needed no foraine forces and that his delay might endanger his friends and overthrow the enterprize He acquainted the Queene and his companions herewithall whose opinions were that hee should forth with be gone with such ships as hee should finde in readinesse and that as soon as the Queenes ships should be in due equipage her father the King of Sicily had sent her as many as hee could to this effect she and her sonne would imbarque themselves upon the first newes of any hopes of good successe in England so as having taken leave of the King and thanked him for so many and so great favours hee went into the Fleet whither by command from the King the Admirall of France and divers other ships were come to guard him from Charles his Fleet which lay expecting him in the mouth of the River Seine and which was much greater than the Kings Warwicks and the Admirals all joyned together Doubtlesse had not fortune plaied one of her wonted trickes the English had not returned to England for the Burgonians were many strong and resolute to doe all that was possible to take the Earle But the night before the Earles departure the Dukes ships were by a great tempest scattered many of them were sunke the rest driven into sundry places not any two of them being found together So as the Earle putting to Sea the next day with a faire wind as if the tempest had risen and were allayed to doe him service came to Anchor in Dartsmouth haven in Devonshire the same place where six moneths before he tooke shipping for Calleis Edward was at this time busied in sports and revellings not thinking on foraine affaires relying upon Charles his mighty Fleet which lay in wait to fight with him and hinder his passage into England When he heard he was landed he past from his first confidence to a second and worser thinking hee had him now in a noose Hee advertised Charles and desired him to take order hee should not returne againe to France and then hee needed trouble himselfe no further for that he was sufficient of himselfe to hinder all his designes within his Kingdome and to chastise him But Charls who was a wise and vigilant Prince was not of this opinion he would have had him to have hindred his landing without the adventuring of his Person and Kingdome upon the uncertainty of battell and the inconstancy of his people and fortune The first thing Warwicke did was to make Proclamations be made every where in Henries name that all men from sixteene to threescore yeere old upon grievous punishment should come and present themselves armed before him to serve Henry the lawfull King against Edward Duke of Yorke the unlawfull usurper of the Kingdome He was forthwith obeyed great numbers of people flockt unto him even those who the yeere before were wholly devoted to Edwards service A change though strange yet not to be wondred at Old things cause satiety new businesses provoke fresh appetite Edward being in this straight resolved to doe the same which the Earle had done Hee summoned all the Peeres of the Land was obeyed but by a few and by those more out of feare than out of any good will Hee went to Nottingham accompanied by his brother the Duke of Gloucester the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine presuming there to raise an Army answerable to his need The Rebels this meane while increased and the Ministers in their Pulpits did approve of Henries right The bastard Faulconbridge and the Earle of Pembrooke the one in the West the other in Wales did proclaime him King That which most troubled Edward was that Marquesse Montaigne having gathered together 6000. fighting men and brought them almost unto Nottingham hee returned backe either for that he thought Edwards affaires were now desperate and that the ayreevery where resounding Long live Henry Long live Warwicke he thought it foolishnesse not to share of his brothers good fortune or else for that hee had now a just occasion to revenge himselfe of Edwards ingratitude as hee tearmed it who for his service done unto him and his blood shed for him in so many battels and dangers had onely requited him with the bare Title of Marquesse He declared himselfe against him and brought those 6000 along with him proclaiming Henry King as the others had done I know not whether he had reason to accuse Edward of ingratitude or no. Voluptuous people who like him are given to their pleasures are naturally prodigall in their owne dissolutenesse and backward enough in paying what they owe. I am very certain his other brothers could not complaine thereof though Warwicke injuriously did The Archbishop of Yorke wore the second Mitre of England and the Earle of Warwicke if wee may believe Comines to boote with his owne Revenues which were very great had 80000 Crowns a yeer comming in in Lordships Confiscations and Places meerely conferred upon him by the Kings grace which was much more in those daies than 300000 would be now But it is hatefull and dangerous to Princes when pretensions grow to that height as there is no meanes of recompence and that the onely pretence of the pretenders seeming to upbraid doth tacitely demand and seeme to plead the participation of their Princes dignity and estate Edward knew not what to say to these alterations which hourely
common sense faile to suggest unto him what injury hee was to suffer by the rule of the house of Lancaster notwithstanding the seeming favourable proceedings of Parliament in his behalfe hee cloaked therefore his sorrow and seemed to be glad at what did inwardly afflict him hee endeavoured to fit himselfe to the present times till fortune might afford some other occasion When Warwicke had thus taken order for things at home hee applied himselfe to foraine affaires his first thoughts were to divert Duke Charles from assisting Edward beleeving that whilest hee was busyed with the Armes of France in Picardy and those of England in the confines about Callis danger would enforce him to mind his owne affaires and not trouble himselfe with what concerned other men hee sent 400 men to Callis to make inrodes into the parts about Boloigne which were with all dutifull respect received by Vauclere which freed him of all suspition of being any way inclined to the contrary party Before Edward landed in Holland Charles was informed that hee was dead neither was hee troubled at the newes moved by his antient inclination to the house of Lancaster and though Warwickes power did much molest him not hoping ever to gaine him hee hoped notwithstanding strongly to oppose him by meanes of the two Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter who had beene by him maintained in their miseries but when hee heard hee was arrived in Holland he was altogether amazed for should hee assist him he should draw upon him Henries enmity neither could hee deny him aide since his Wife was his Sister Charles knew not that Callis was at Warwickes command building much thereon hee sent Comines to see what hee could promise to himselfe therein for Vauclere having denyed entrance to Warwicke and accepted of a Pension from him hee had reason to believe him to depend upon him the Duke and not to be reconcileable with Warwicke but as soone as Comines was come to Callis hee found hee had lost his labour hee was not received as formerly all hee met wore the Earles colours the gate of the house wherein hee lay and his owne Chamber doore were marked with the White-crosse Songs were every where sung of the firme friendship and intelligence betweene Lewis and Warwicke Being by Vauclere invited to Dinner hee met there a great many Gentlemen who talked neglectfully of Edward and those most who had formerly seemed most to affect him none but Vauclere himselfe spake modestly of him Comines faining the first report of Edwards death to be true said to them that 't was now to no purpose to talke any more of him since hee was dead and that if hee were yet alive the Duke of Burgondy had contracted no other friendship with him then with whatsoever other King That the Articles of contract mentioned onely England and the King thereof that the friendship between England and Burgondy should still continue the same the names of Edward and Henry onely altered Charles was not displeased with this agreement though it was not as he could have desired for under-hand hee could do what he listed whilst hee was free from suspition of being molested by England which was that he most feared The Wollen-Drapers of London wrought well for him in this businesse for Warwicke having taken 4000 men into pay to send against him the Merchants for feare the War might overthrow their Trafficke did so behave themselves as they made him alter his resolution which had it not happen'd much mischiefe might have ensued to him for this fell out just at the same time when Lewis had taken from him Amiens and St. Quintines so as his affaires were likely to have succeeded ill he not being able to defend himselfe in two severall parts against two so potent enemies Charles had not yet seene Edward their first encounter was in the Towne St. Paul the perswasions the King used to him were that he himselfe shared with him in his losse since that he had not now to do with Henry of Lancaster but with the Earle of Warwicke whose Friendship was never to be hoped for as long as Lewis his amity did prevaile that by assisting him hee should not onely assist a Brother in Law and one that would alwayes be his friend but hee should do a worke becomming a just and a great Prince without exposing himselfe to a long and impossible businesse since hee had such intelligence such friends and servants within the Kingdome as hee needed onely to shew himselfe with some Convoy of Ships armed with a few men rather for reputation sake then any neede These perswasions were but coldly entertained by Charles for the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter shewed unto him what hee owed to his Birth hee himselfe comming of the house of Lancaster and promised him what hee could desire against Warwicke to whom they were both irreconcileable enemies Edward was not well pleased to be nourished with hopes whilest Charles made him believe that his dissembling was necessary for them both for him because hee was not to fight with two Kingdomes at one and the same time and for Edward because opportunity might render his succour more usefull But Edward not satisfied with these put-offs considering that his designes were the lesse likely to succeede well by how much the more firmely Henry grew settled in his Kingdome hee caused foure Ships to be made ready for him at Vere in Holland which being a free Haven not denyed to any one the Ships might seeme to be set forth by Edward himselfe and hired 14 more for him of the Easterlings bargaining that they should passe him over into England and serve him fifteene dayes after he should be landed Hee caused moreover 50000 Florines to be secretly delivered unto him and that this aide might not seeme to be given by him he made it be proclaimed that whosoever should assist Edward should incurre great punishment hereby hee freed himselfe from giving suspition to England and come what might come remain'd friends to both sides Edward had 2000 men with him besides Mariners with which having landed at Ravenspur in Yorkeshire he sent forth some light horse to discover how the Inhabitants were inclined and finding them wholly turned over to Henries side not so much as willing to heare him named hee changed his resolution hee gave out that he did not pretend to the Kingdome Fearing lest the troubles that might thereby arise might alienate the peoples hearts but to his patrimoniall estate of Yorke under the obedience of Henry It cannot be imagined what good effect this his crafty wisedome produced for this his pretence being thought not onely moderate but just no man opposed him therein Equity orany thing which resembles it is of so great efficacy amongst men as that hee who but a little before was banished declared a Traitor and had his Lands confiscated yet being so great a Prince by birth as hee was and having beene King it moved all men to compassionate him
in due time with equall cruelty The Duke of Somerset the Prior of Saint Iohns and fourteene others were beheaded on a munday This battell was the last of the Civill warres during Edwards time The Queene was brought to London and some yeeres after ransomed as some say by her father Renatus King of Sicilie for fifty thousand Crownes which were lent him by Lewis the eleventh and not having wherewithall to re-pay them hee sold unto him his pretence unto the Kingdome of Naples by which title Charles afterwards went and laid claime to it Tillet is alledged for one of those who writ this I confesse I never found any such thing in his Collection I remember I have therein read that Charles the Count of Provence who tooke upon him the Title of King of Sicily after Renatus his death made Lewis the eleventh his heire by vertue whereof Charles the eighth pretended to that Kingdome The two brothers of Sancta Martha in their Genealogicall History of the house of France affirme the same and speaking of this Queene they say she was set at liberty in the yeere 1475. having renounced all she could lay clame unto in England by the way of Joynture they mention the opinion of the fifty thousand Crownes but they believe it not to be true However it was she was sent backe to France to spend the rest of her life in perpetuall sorrow not for the losse of her husband or Kingdome but of her sonne whose sad memory accompanied her to her grave After this Edward visited the neighbouring Countries chastising in sundry manners such as had appeared against him from thence he went to London to remedy an inconvenience which if it had hapned at the Queenes arrivall his affaires had not succeeded so prosperously Authors observe him to have good fortune in such accidents as might have hurt him since they hapned at such times as they could not doe so Had the Queene come before Warwickes defeat he might peradventure have been enforced to a second forsaking of England if the Duke of Somerset had stayed for the Earle of Pembrooke at Tewkesbury or that the like accident we are to speake of had then hapned he had met with much of danger and difficulty The Earle of Warwicke after Edwards flight into Flaunders had given the charge of the Narrow-seas betweene England and France to Thomas Nevill a base borne sonne to the Lord Faulconbridge Earle of Kent a man well knowne for the greatnesse of his courage and Spirit The Earle of Warwicke being dead and he having lost the profits of his place which was Vice-admirall being declared an enemy to the King and consequently an exile void of meanes he betooke himselfe to live by piracy robbing all ships that past by whether friends or foes But thinking that by doing little harme he could doe himselfe but little good he bethought himselfe that Edward being now with his forces in the Westerne parts of the Kingdome a faire occasion was offered of handsomely handling his affaires With this designe he landed in Kent he had many ships full fraught with desperate people and such as abhorred poverty and parcimony not knowing how to live but by rapine and wickednesse flocked unto him to these were joyned seventeene thousand men more if not better yet upon better pretences They gave out that they would set Henry at liberty re-invest him in his estate and drive out the usurper the pretence bare with it a specious shew but their ends were to sacke London they assaulted it on three parts upon the Bridge upon Algate and upon Bishopsgate but not able to force the City they were by the inhabitants thereof beaten backe and many of them slaine Thomas Nevill their chiefe Commander hearing that Edward hasted towards him retired with his first followers to Sandwich leaving the rest to returne upon their perill to their owne homes but not long after having mis-governed himselfe in his charge or given some signes of infidelity or were it that the King thought it not safe to trust his Fleet with one of the Lancastrian faction especially in a time when the Earle of Richmond was in Brittany he was arrested in the Haven of Southampton and executed paying for his former defaults which to the hurt of all men hee had committed by Sea and Land The Earle of Pembrooke was yet in Wales after all the rest of his faction were either slaine or fled which much troubled Edward he commanded Roger Vaughan a man much followed in that Countrey to kill him in any whatsoever manner but the Earle being informed thereof prevented him using Vaughan as Vaughan would have used him he then retired himselfe to Pembrooke a strong place where hee thought himselfe safe but he was there besieged by Morgan ap Thomas who so blocked up the Castle with ditches and trenches that it was impossible for him to get out had it not been by the meanes of David ap Thomas brother to Morgan This man brought him forth and embarked him and his nephew Henry Earle of Richmond who were both by fortune driven into a Haven in Brittany his intention was to have landed in Normandy and to have put himselfe into the protection of King Lewis who was likely to runne advantage thereby for after the warre made under the title of the Common good Lewis was very jealous of his brother and of the Dukes of Burgundy and Brittany and feared that England now free from home dissentions might assist them He apprehended nothing more then that the English should once more set footing in Normandy so as the Earle of Richmond next heire to the Crowne after Henry and his sonne was likely to serve him as a powerfull meanes to keepe Edward so busied at home by such as sided with the house of Lancaster as that hee should not dreame of forraine enterprizes but being falne upon Brittany the Duke thereof which was Francis the second knew very well how to make use of this accident to his advantage for hee was now sure he had a pledge which would upon all occasions enforce Edward to comply with his desires Hee graciously received them and promised them all security hee sent them to Uannes in appearance free and at liberty but in effect hee set a good guard upon them This Princes escape was the deadly blow to the house of Yorke for though Edward left no meane unassayed to have him in his hands hee could never get him When Edward had setled the businesse in Kent he himselfe being gone thither to punish the faulty hee thought not himselfe sufficiently established as long as Henry lived and till hee had extirpated the roote from whence did budde forth all the rebellions Some have thought that Gloucester put this into his head That even from that time hee began to have thoughts of the Kingdome and that to have hereby one lesse opposition thereunto he advised his brother to it the which I believe but not upon that designe there was
necessary for those who may happen not to be such as are the soule and sense to a living body nor ought they for this to thinke themselves ere a whit the lesse firmly rooted for as God is the more potent for the impotency he hath to sinne so their potency is more solide whilst incorporated into the Lawes it becomes impeccable otherwise if they stood onely upon their owne legges hatred and feare their naturall enemies were borne coetaneans with them to insnare them These my prayses of this Nation may perchance appeare not to be true to him who shall consider the beginning of our story since that passing over the relation of so many glorious Kings I take myrise from the unfortunate reigne of Richard the second who comming to the Crowne at eleven yeares of age doth prove the miserable condition of such States as are governed by an intant King But vertue and vice change together with the times a necessary vicissitude in governments not in a proper respect but in respect of the generall for if it were otherwise people endowed with equall generosity would either reciprocally destroy themselves or else they would all fall under the command of some one who were more eminent in vertue then all the rest Man hath his age prefixt so have Kingdomes to die of decrepite age is not usuall of disorders usuall Kingdomes perish more by disorders then by decrepit age so as the people members of the King their â—…ead cannot but languish when he languisheth I conclude that the end of these my slight endeavours are to represent as in a looking glasse to Princes moderation to subjects obedience for that violent changes draw after them slaughter misery and destruction Errata In the life of R. 2. of H. 4 and H. 5. Page 1. Line 10. Reade Cressy ibid. 25. This. 3. 4. Leon. ibid. 36. attestate 10. 38. Dukes ibid. Flanckers 18. 2. keyes Ibid. 28. seize 20. 2. to much wisedome 31 6. not the nearnesse 38. 9. Berkely 41. 14. incapable 44. 1. the. 50. 21. who 52. 26. Corâ—…eri 53. 27. unprovided 45. 22. lands 55. 32. fell'd 58. 2. King Richard had concluded for 30. yeares ibid. if it had beene ibid. 46. illegall 59. 6. a tree water'd ibid. 32. but under ibid. 48. heire to Richard Glendour using 69. 22. the oare 70. 43. who 74. 47. covering 76. 45. Corbeil 77. 6. might have been if of ibid. 18. Bourges 79. 29. Mowbâ—…ay ibid. 26. bolder resolves revenge being 82. 1. intending ibid. 39. and in another 89. 10. contumacy ibid. 35. Angoulesme 90. 24. Suburbs St. Maâ—…ceau 91. 12. was onely 101. 9 that the injury 105. 7. a Carthusian ibid. 13. Du Main ibid. 20. examine whether the late 106. 19 Meroveus were the son of Clodian 107. 1. Clotharius 110. 42. Malcolme 111. 12. more peace nor lesse trouble 113. 14. undertaken ibid. 41. rewarder 114. 3. Richard the third 115. 19 Seine ibid. 37. resolved 116. 44. Eu. 118. 22. puft up 119. 48 the arrowes 120. 31. Bornonville ibid. ead Hembert d'Agincourt ibid. 39. little lesse 126. 37. Valentiana 127. 48. Touque 130. 34. to 131 3 streets were to ibid. 5. Burgondy ibid. 13. others sex for 132. 9. Archery ibid. 35. many 143. 25. by the Duke 145. 44. Montague 146. 21. bloudy hands and Crocodiles teares 148. 11. Bride ibid. 15. Charenten 149. 19. Villa nova ibid. 27. rather to hinder the enemies ibid. 47. mine 152. 35. leaving ibid. 37. that ibid. 47. passion which in 154. 24. beset with jewels 155. 37. Swâ—…ton 157. 4. iâ—… is he that ibid. 8. any ibid. 14. price ibid. 17. Earle of Mortaigne ibid. 24. Thiam 158. 16 Marne invironing ibid. 41. besiegers 159. 35. Montague ibid. 42. went to her 160. 23. Senlis 162. 18. armes his Errata in the life of Henry 6. Page 7. Line 24. Reade Iohn the fift 10. 31. being arm'd and in march 11. 24. fortune 15. 4. Iaqueline 18. 8. Gough 24. 6. Touraine 29. 47. Amadeus 30. 21. not to loose ibid. 42. Ioyeuse 38. 23. Argentres Hall 39. 42. a Dukedome 42. 33. overburdened 43. 35. This is worthy 48. 21 yet are ibid. 32. once 56. 21. Hubbub 57. 33. to the second 67. 33. maugre those 68. 18. Huts 69. 29. Ioane 72. 11. mission 79. 13. river Soame confining 92. 29. Eugenius the 4. 104. 30. together all 105. 41. Bruges 106. 20. might serve 107. 29. not but. ibid. 36. Roxborough 112. 13. Iaquelina 113. 18. haven 114. 24. cultivated ibid. 39. Henry At the same time Longueville ibid. 42. Charles his obedience playing 115. 17. Tholouse ibid. 46. when 117. 34. unto him his 119. 18. Duchies ibid. 31. enmity 120. 21. Lewis 121. 11. not able 122. 1. Towne ibid. 26 whomsoever ibid 30. England These were 123. 33. environed with enemies ib. in marg 1443. 124. 26. a separation 125. 43. not acknowledge God 128. 12. humble devout ibid. 43. men and together with them the Queen perceiving 129. 20. a lover of his 130. 48. Fougeres 131. 9. did not approve ibid. 29. would not faile ibid. 35. Louviers 132. 14. emborsed by them ibid. 42. The Count of Dunois 133. 22. by Charles to the. â—…bid 36. of the same Castle ibid. 43. Argenion 134. 26. Fresnoy ibid. 42. towres ibid. 46. slaughter was greater of 136. 48. the 8 of December 137. 22. whence ibid. 25. Bresse Lord high Marshall of Normandy and. 138. 10. Guenne went handsomely forwards though ibid. 11. fast as ibid. 12. Guisâ—…in ibid. 17. 〈◊〉 138. 23. 60. ibid. 44. Fresnoy 139. 7. Sir Matthew Gough c. up ibid. 10. Formigni ibid. 16. among which were Tâ—…el Mowbray and Sir Thomas Drâ—…w Vere and Gough with the. ibid. 23. that they ibid. 41. Castres 140. 48. Cheriburg Bricquebec Valonges 141. 11. was very strong ibid. 13. conceale ibid. 42. that the. 142. 6. Falaise 145. 28. They. ibid. 42. the. 148. 2. kinsman ibid. 24. retire 149. 31. with ibid. 35. of some who shund 150. 14. Eeden 151. 35. 10000. 152. 15. found 153. 42. he 154. 19. sects the one doth not beleeve the other 155. 9. State ibid. 14 but. 156. 16. get 161. 12. forbare not ibid. 26. esteemed so much the lesse to be ibid. 48. Sudley 162. 33. not notwithstanding 166. 11. this ib. 22. bestead 169. 1. inhibit ib. 7. he 170 49. but to restore 172. 39. he should 176. 45. were upon 177. 4. cruelty The Reader may doe himselfe a pleasure and me a courtesie if with his pen he will correct these Errata before he reade the Book which if it take so well as may give encouragement for a second Impression I will take care the like shall not be committed THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND FRom foure Edwards did Richard the second descend of which the first three were succeeding Kings the fourth Prince of Wales furnamed the Blacke Prince who dying before his Father Edward the third did not attaine the Crowne England could not boast of braver Princes nor Europe of more
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
all his other Ensigns cursing those who had perswaded them to shut themselves up in that Fort upon perjur'd Oaths of succour they yeilded themselves their lives only saved the which was denied to such as had served Henry the fifth to those who had sworne the finall Peace to those who were Complices in the Death of the Duke of Burgony and to such Souldiers as were Scotts Irish or Welsh together with Melene they surrendred all other Forts which were in their hands amongst which were Marchuse and Monliere those who would sweare fealty and Homage had their liberties granted them without Ransome the which all of them almost did in particular Greville mov'd therunto as I beleeve by his beleeving Charles to bee dead at Rochell for when hee knew the contrary hee was not long in forswearing himselfe This meane while Arthur Count de Richmond Brother to Iohn fift Duke of Britanny escaped away from the Earle of Suffolke Lord Lieutenant to the King in Normandy with whom ever since the Battell of Agencourt he had beene Prisoner A civill liberty was permitted him upon Oath and promise not to depart the which as long as the King lived was precisely observed by him not listning to his friends who had sundry times offered to backe him if he would fly away now thinking that by reason of the Kings Death he might with safety to his honour escape he fled pretending himselfe to be free from his Oath as personall to him that was dead but who shall well observe it shall find that bare promises not aggravated by curtesies no wayes due nor inforced as was this the largnes of his Imprisonment are of as much force in morall affaires with Princes and amongst such as are Nobly borne as is an Oath in Religion especially when as pretensions not dying with the King they together with their estates remaine in title and in substance intire unto their Successours if when the King dyed he had beene close Prisoner he could not without a note of folly have said himselfe to be disoblig'd from his promise so as having escap'd hee seem'd to repent that resolution which though at all times requisite was then the more to be esteemed of as it was now the more blame worthy since his owne Death and not the Death of any other was only able to acquit him of his Oath and promise made His first flight was to his Brother in Britanny from thence to his Cousin Philip in Flanders from whom he received a Commission to procure a Parley betweene him Britanny and Bedford so as being return'd from his Brother and having concluded the Interview Bedford went to receive them upon the confines of Normandie all three of them comming into an appointed place where Philip stayed expecting them the Confederacy which was contracted betweene them was confirmed by a double Marriage the one betweene the Duke of Bedford and Anne the younger Sister to Philip together with the County of Artois in portion in case they should have any Issue the other betweene Count Richmond and Philips eldest Sister Widdow to the Dolphin Lewis This being done Burgony and Richmond withdrew themselves to Arras Bedford to Paris and the Duke of Britanny to his owne Country to whom Bedford paid 6000. Crownes for his expences in that journey The inconstancy of the Dukes of Britanny in their friendship may seeme strange to some being subject to often and momentary changes but who will examine passages from the time that that State grew litigious will not wonder at it I have thought good to give you a short breviat thereof for the better understanding of the History and to ease the Reader of the paines of seeking that in others which I should have omitted Iohn the third Duke of Britanny who dyed without Issue married his Neece Iane of Britanny Daughter to Guy his next Brother but now dead to Charles of Blois second Sonne to Guy of Chatillione Count de Blois and Margaret Sister to Philip the sixt King of France to the end that shee being the true Heire other Woemen having beene formerly Heires to that Dukedome shee might have a Husband that might defend her When he was dead Iohn Count de Montfort his third Brother who during his life had no wayes opposed his Neece pretended by prerogative of sex to be Heire unto the State so as Blois relying upon France and he on England they had fierce Warre together for 23. yeares in which time 200000. Men were slaine in that quarrell To Count Montfort who as not having intirely possessed Britanny was not numbred amongst the Dukes therof did his Sonne Iohn succeed named Iohn the fourth after that Charles de Blois slaine in a great Battaile left him possessor therof The King of France who could not by force take from him his Estate indeavour'd to weaken him by Interposition Hee agreed upon this with the Widdow and the Sonnes of Charles the Defunct who renounced their pretensions to the Dutchy and he his pretences to the Vice-county of Limages restoring unto them together with other obligations the County of Pointevere an agreement which lasted not long among ulcerated minds The Duke beside these had two other great Enemies Beretrand de Gueschin and Oliver de Clissenne his naturall Subjects who having betaken themselves to the service of Charles the fift against the English proved so gallant Men that both of them one after the death of the other were Constables of France so as they having drawne unto the Kings pay the greatest part of the Lords and Commanders of Britanny who under their command had fought against Charles de Blois they left the Duke quite bereft of Captaines and Military affaires and but badly obeyed by his Subjects who were naturally inclin'd to the French so as wrought thereunto by gratitude Edward the third being his Father in Law who had put him into his Estate and by necessity the King of France being his Neighbouring powerfull Enemy hee turned sometimes one way sometimes another till being abandoned by his Subjects it behoved him to retire himselfe into England forsaking his Countrey least he should be made Prisoner by them not for that they hated him but for that they hated his friendship with the English whom they thought to be the cause of their ruine being at last aware that the King of France molested him not out of the pretended suspitions but to bereave him of his Estate they sent for him backe a little before the Death of Charles the fift wherby hoping now to be in quiet to please them he renounced his friendship with England and sided with Charles the 6 t who succeeded to Charles the fift Clissonne who was of greater power with the now King then he had been with the former finding him without his leaning stocke Ransomed Iohn Count de Pointevere from his Imprisonment in England upon whom as Sonne to Charles de Blois and Iane of Britanny Heire to Iohn the third the pretences to the Dutchy
horse and those wearied resolved to set upon him before his bowmen should come up vnto him And to make the Earle the more confident hee sent forth 50. horse as if there had beene no more in the Castle The Earle sent Sir Ralph Standish with 100. horse to encounter them who had hardly begun the skirmish when the rest that were within the Castle sallyed forth slew him and his companions and without any interposition of time set upon the Earle who as hee was manfully fighting was defeated by a Culverin which being shot among the thickest of his men swept away a great many of them and at the second shot broke the Earles legge above his ankle who in a swound fell from his horse and was taken prisoner with Woodville and a hundred other horse Two hundred were slaine the rest saved themselves by flight The Earle was carried to Beauvois where within a few dayes hee died His losse was as much bewayled as his valour had hee lived was full of expectation and hope Hee was the fift Earle of Arundell of the noble house of Fitsallen Six others of the same succeeded him the last of which was Henry who dying without heires male the Earledome and the title fell upon Philip Howard eldest sonne to Thomas Duke of Northfolke and Mary his wife daughter to the said Henry This Thomas was father to the now present Earle of Arundell Earle Marshall of England who married the Lady Alithea daughter to Gilbert Lord Talbot Earle of Shrewesbury lineally descended from Iohnâ—…ord â—…ord Talbot of whom wee have spoken in this our story I was willing to â—…ist upon this particular here which I desire may not bee imputed to me as a superfluous digression but rather to the gratitude which from mee and all Italy is due unto them both Tenne yeares were past since the battaile of Aiencourt where and since when the Duke of Bourbon was prisoner in England when having payed his ransome of 18000. pounds sterlin the very day destinied for his returne hee was seized upon by his last infirmitie which brought him to his grave dying a free man after having lived so long a captive The confederacy friendship and affinitie of the two Couzins Bedford and Burgony were come to the period of their dissolution not so much for the death of the ones wife the others sister as for that the distasts caused by divers passages betweene them had afforded field-roome to such as desired a breach betweene them to whisper such tales in both their eares as being supposed to be spoken in the prejudice of each other could by neither of them be taken in good part but with a great resentment of their honours an Idoll which amongst imaginary deities especially betweene Princes is the most supreame though as too suspitiously false sometimes with much losse too much idolatrised friends enterposed themselves but 't was not sufficient the gangren'd sores of their soules were not to be cured by Lenities A meeting betweene them was treated of out of hopes that by an enterview and speech together they might come to understand one anothers minde better then by reports 't was obtained Saint Omers was named and agreed upon for the place A place which belonging to Philip redounded to his honour since Bedford went to him not he to Bedford Bedford came thither first whilst Philip being in his owne dominion and his owne house should have beene there to have met and welcomed him But hee was so farre from doing this that though he came last he pretended to be the first visited Perhaps a just pretension in a neutrall place hee being the last commer thither For as for other respects which give precedency to Princes there goes not much difficultie to the deciding of the question Bedford had two which argue for his precedency the one casuall and but for a time the other borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft His regency of France was that which was casuall and therefore I build not upon it as well for that Philip might have beene regent if hee had so pleased though what might have beene gives place to what is as likewise for that France held it an unjust usurped dignity though hee ought not to esteeme it so who held Henry for King of France for that that was borne with him and whereof hee could not bee bereft Bedford was the Sonne Brother and Uncle of a King And tooke these prerogatives from him superiour without question to any thing that Philip could alledge they were in their genealogies equall For if Iohn King of France were great Grandfather to Philip Edward the third King of England was the like to Bedford and if any difference bee made betweene the Princes of the bloud in France and the Princes of the bloud in England where there is no such title by Law the former being priviledged by the pretended Salique Law the latter not since women doe succeede t is a reason whereof Philip ought make no use since that Law was by him broken and so much the lesse against Bedford as that if Henry should dye without heyres hee was the next presumed heyre to the Crowne In titles they were alike in soveraignty and peculiar power Philip was before him But if soveraignty were ever to precede there are little soveraigne Lords and no Princes who should take place of great Princes who are no soveraigne Lords and power which contributes advantage doth nor contribute degrees of dignity But let all bee granted civility will not permit the affecting of the best place in a mans owne house but rather wils that it bee given alwayes to our equals yea sometimes to our inferiours To end this difference Philip propounded that the businesse might bee discust by third persons which Bedford would not condescend unto so as parting without the sight of one another their friendship was broken and all memorials of their former affinity were cancelled wherein if the English lost all hee got not much for one would thinke that in the fall of this great tree hee should have seized upon one of the greatest boughes for himselfe the which if hee had not formerly done the fault was his since he by their assistance which did divert those who might have troubled him obtained territories else-where to the unjust and violent possession whereof I meane Hannault Holland Zeland and Frisland he had never come their naturall Princes being alive if France had beene at liberty Hee had sundry times given fast signes of this his bad inclination especially when notwithstanding the heate of warre hee was contented that his brother in law the Count de Richmont should receive the sword of Constableship and that Charles de Bourbon the now Duke a great sider with King Charles and an implacable enemy of the English should marry his sister Agnis powerfull meanes for the accommodation which his delayes did not cut off but deferre Hee had thus two strings to his bow Moreover when the councell
the same I cannot imagine where Lille can have had this if not from Meirus none of all the English Writers I have met with having so much as dream't thereof Belleforest by alleadging Lille and Meirus and giving word for word what Meirus saith doth plainely shew hee had it from him and from whence Meirus had it it is not hard to guesse since hee was a Dutchman his Author was Margarita the Sister of Edward the fourth second wife to Charles Duke of Burgandi Philips son Of all women that ever were she was the most passionately given to the faction of her owne family for if shee had a hand in the false supposition of an Edward Plantagenet and afterwards by her owne invention did suppose the sonne of a Iew turned Christian to the end that he might personate the Duke of Yorke when he together with his brother Edward the fifth was smoothered in the Tower and so trouble the affaires of Henry the seaventh as wee shall hereafter see t is no wonder if shee invented this Genealogie to defame him and make him to bee by the World despised besides it is not likely that a young Queene Dowager lately come into the Kingdome who neither had had time nor occasion to raise herselfe a faction in the Kingdome without regency or authority without meanes either to punish or reward should be so long permitted to live in so dishonest a manner not onely in the face of her sonne a milde youth but in the fight of her too powerfull and sensible brother-in-lawe of the nobility and all the Kingdome for it is not to bee supposed that the Court could bee hud winckt in foure great bellies shee was therefore undoubtedly married and her marriage wincked at by reason of her husbands birth which though it was not answerable to her present condition yet to be tollerated in respect of his fore fathers for nobility doth not lose it priviledges for want of fortune and want of worth which hee wanted not if wee may beleeve them who were likely to have better testimonials thereof then Meirus and if hee were put to death which is not certain it was not for his basenes of birth but for his offence in having dared contrary to the lawes to marry the Kings mother Queene Katharine was followed in her death and imitated in her marriage In death shee was followed by Queene Iane daughter to Charles the second surnamed the wicked King of Navar Dowager to Henry the fourth King of England and before him to Iohn the fourth Duke of Britanny by whom shee had Iohn the now present Duke and Arthur Count de Richmond Constable of France In her marriage shee was imitated by Giva Colinia daughter to the late Count Saint Paul who for fancy sake like her did marry Sir Richard Woodveil afterwards created Earle Rivers without acquainting her brother the now present Count St. Paul therewithall nor yet her uncle the Bishop of Tirrovane and as from Katharines marriage Henry the seaventh did proceed and all the Kings that have succeeded him even till this present day so from Iacholinus marriage did Elizabeth wife to Edward the fourth proceed from whom came Elizabeth wife to Henry the seaventh the first mother of the Kings of England and great Britanny they were both French women married to two brothers alike in resolution and fortune so as if those that blame them could have foreseene their succession they would have commended them for bad actions are stiled good by their happy events In the last insurrections in Normandy the English had lost Harfluer a losse of great consequence for the preservation of that province the Duke of Somerset went to besiedge it and to recover it accompanied by Faulkonbridge and Talbot Estouteville commanded there in chiefe with a Garrison of 600. Souldiers and though the Towne did suffer much by battery the walles being thereby defaced and the houses beaten downe yet could they not come to an assault The Bastards of Orleans and Burbone presented themselves before it in the way of succour and did on all sides molest the besiedgers hoping by disordering them to succour the Towne but not succeeding therein they abandoned the enterprise The Duke of Somerset got as much honour in the winning of this Towne as shame in the losse of it for having wonne it in the Duke of Yorkes regency hee not long after lost it in his owne Tancherville yeelded it selfe likewise to Talbot after a siedge of foure monthes as did also Beauchastaean and Maleville Charles on the other side having past the Loire with the Constable and Count de Marsh did by assault take Chasteau Landone hanging up all the French they found there Charni and Nemours yeelded themselves up unto him hee battered the Towne of Monteaâ—… till such time as Thomas Gerard who did defend it sold it to him for a summe for mony so say the English not Chartiere who saith hee wan it by force so as the Castle afterwards yeelded all the French wherein were hanged and the English set at liberty at the Dolphins request from thence hee went to Paris where having not beene since it returned to his obedience hee made his entry with great solemnity and acclamation all these losses hapned in the interim when the Duke of Yorke being called from his regency and the Earle of Warwick appointed in his place no man thought how to regaine them for Yorke being out of authority and Warwick seaven weekes weather bound so as hee could not passe into France for lack of winde this was the cause why Monstreau without any further contestation yeelded it selfe unto Charles Yorke during all the time of his regency in Normandy was not personally present at any act of Warre saving at the taking in of Fescampe yet at his departure hee left the fame of a wise and just Man Florimand de Brimaâ—… Balieffe of Pontieu had private advertisement that the Fort of Crotoi was ill provided of victuall and not likely therewithall to bee supplied if it were beguirt with an unexpected siedge Hee advertised Philip hereof who suddenly dispacht away Messieurs de Achi Crovi Kenti Iaques de Brimeau Boudlers Lavense and Graen with good forces to besiedge it but hee did not provide for the most essentiall thing which was to block up the heaven for it had not victualls wherewithall to sustaine it selfe for 8. dayes The Garrison which feared nothing but hunger an engine against which there is no defence finding the Sea open sent forth a vessell which by severall returns freed them from the pressing affaire and were no wayes affraid of being otherwise oppugned The Burgonians were too lateaware of their errour so as manning forth foure ships they tooke from them the liberty of the Sea and there land forces were daily augmented Philip was come for this purpose to Hedine and leavied new forces in Hannault and Piccardy This Fort was a place of great consequence a Sea haven the inlet into Picardy
the Duke of Yorke was to bee acknowledged King The people joyfully received this declaration and the next day which was the fourth of March hee went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum being sung hee made the offering which Kings use to doe and was in Westminster proclaimed King by the name of Edward the fourth FINIS THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND Between the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke WHEREIN IS CONTAINED The Prosecution thereof in the lives of EDWARD the fourth EDWARD the fifth RICHARD the third and HENRY the seventh Written originally in Italian By Sir Francis Biondi Knight late Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to His Majesty of Great Brittaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Monmouth The second Volume LONDON Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard 1646. To the Readers his beloved COUNTREY-MEN I Know it is not usuall to say any thing before Second parts of the Same continued Story nor truely am I so inamour'd of my own Pen as to write more then according to some acception may be thought Needfull The reasons then that drew me to this otherwise Unnecessary Epistle are First to let my Readers know lest I may seem to derogate from my Authour by tacitely arrogating to My Selfe that the three Last lives of this Volume are not yet as I can heare of printed in Italian and the Authour being dead out of whose written Papers whilst he was here in England I translated them I know not whether they may ever undergoe the Presse in the Language wherein they were by him penn'd or no. My next inducing reason is That the subject of both parts of this Treatise being Civill Warres and this Second comming forth in a Time of Civill Warres in the Same Countrey I hope I may be excused for doing what in me lies to perswade to a Happy Peace whereunto I know no more powerfull Argument then by shewing the Miseries of Warre which is a Tragedie that alwaies destroyes the Stage whereon it is acted and which when it once seizeth upon a Land rich in the plenty of a Long Peace and full with the Surfeit of Continued Ease seldome leaves Purging those Superfluities till All not onely Superfluous but meere Necessaries be wasted and consumed as is sufficiently made to appeare throughent this whole History I know no Nation in Christendome that could till of some late yeeres more truely have boasted of the blessings of Peace Plenty and Ease then this nâ—…w Miserable Kingdome of Ours insomuch as it may be truely said of Us Quae alia res civiles furores peperit quà m nimia faelicitas Ariosto sayes Non cognosce la pace è non la stima Chi provata non ha la guerra prima We have now sufficiently try'd both Peace and Warre let us wisely betake our selves to the Best choice and say with Livy Melior tutiorque certa pax quà m sperata victoria illa in tuâ haec deorum in manu est And what though the ballance of Victory may leane some times much more to the one side then to the other many Checks may be taken but the Game is never wonne till the Mate be given and if you will believe Guicchiardine who was a Solid and Experienced Statesman be will tell you that Nelle guerre fatte communemente da molti Potentati contra un solo suole essere major le spavento che gli effetti perche prestamente si rafreddano gli impeti primi cemminciando a nascere varietà de pareri onde s'indebolisce tra loro la fede e le forze e cosi spesso auviene che le imprese comminciate con grandissima riputatione caggieno in melte difficultà e finalmente diventano vane If all be true that is of late reported ouâ—… two great neighbouring Kings are concluding a Peace if so we may invert the Proverbe of Tunc tua res agitur c. I believe we are most concerned when Their walls are Least on fire and unlesse it please Almighty God so to inspire the hearts both of our King and Parliament to the speedy piecing up of these unfortunate Rents and mischieveous Misunderstandings as that we may have a happy and speedy Peace cordially agreed on by all sides I am afraid we may finde my beliefe to be too true for Civill Warres give faire Advantage to Forraigne Powers Remember then that an honourable Peace is the Center of Warre wherein it should rest and that when Warre hath any other end then Peace it turnes into Publique Murther and consider that if injustissima pâ—…x justissimo bello sit anteferenda as it is held by some how Blessed will the Peace-makers be in setting an end to that warre which is by all sides acknowledged to be Unnaturall having our Saviours word for their attestate that they shall be Own'd for the Children of God Ita bellum suscipiatur saith Cicero ut nihil aliud quà m pax quesita videatur That this may be the endeavour of all parties interressed is the Sincere Counsell and Humble Advise of him who is a Faithfull and Loyall Subject unto his King an earnest Interceder to God Almighty for a Blessing upon the Parliament a Hearty Well-wisher to his Countrey and who wilâ—… conclude all with the words of the man according to Gods owne heartâ—… Seeke Peace and pursue it Imprimatur May 18. 1645 Na. Breut THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome is worthy of observation but hard it is to give a just reason thereof whether power Justice or the peoples inclination It was not power since he was admitted of by election not Justice for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people especially the tumultuous people of a City though Metropolitan without the joynt approbation of all the Shires and say it did by right belong unto him a businesse of such importance against a King that was no usurper who succeeded to two who for the space of more then threescore yeares his owne reigne comprehended were acknowledged and received for Kings was not to be decided in so short a time he being Sonne to the last one of the best deserving and most glorious Princes that England ever had and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares so as he had his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome nor Edward bereft him of it The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one and gave it to the other whereby Princes may learne that long possession without the practice of Princely actions and the foregoing such affeâ—…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people is
having sworne allegeance to both sides was before his death degraded from the Honour of Knighthood in this manner He had a Coat of Armes put on him reverst his gilt Spurs were by a Cooke hewed off his heeles and his Sword broken over his head a thing much more ignominious than death it selfe especially to a man of so Noble and Worthy a Family Edward having thus with a little water quencht a flame which was likely to have set all England on fire fortified all the Frontiers built Forts upon such parts of the Sea as were fittest for landing hee denounced heavie punishments against any who should favour or give receptacle to Henry Queen Margarite or any of their associates He forbare not to use the like care in the other parts of his Kingdome especially in the Southerne parts where landing was easiest for such as should come from Normandy In the places of the Earle of Northumberland and Earle of Pembrooke who were fled with Henry hee created Iohn Nevill Lord Montague Earle of Northumberland and the Lord William Herbert Earle of Pembrooke But Nevill soon after gave up this title to the King againe that he might restore it to Northumberland who had his pardon and in recompence he had the title of a Marquesse Henry together with his Wife and Sonne was now in Scotland where all men his conditions considered thought any fortune indifferent for him as his humour differing from the humour of other men made them believe a Kingdome and Cottage to be all one to him But wee may easily erre in our judgements not so much that we are altogether blind as by reason of the falshood of the objects which we propound unto our selves the which presumed to be permanent doe vary either because of the alterations of the humours of the body or by reason of the change of opinion proceeding from the inconstancy of imagination which together with the diversity of time doth diversifie the thought of our affaires King Henry were it either that his understanding was troubled or that he was impatient to live in this condition or that hee hoped by his presence to put life into his affaires which required another manner of man to worke such a miracle or that his Wife perswaded him thereunto went himselfe alone into England in disguise I rather believe his Wife was the cause thereof for that if it had sprung totally from him shee would not have suffered him to have put it in execution knowing how little was to be expected from his dexterity This resolution though it were rash and not to be done but by men of singular judgement and valour was hazzardous enough Desperate affaires require desperate resolutions The good King had no sooner set foot into England but he was known taken and with his legges tied underneath his horses belly sent to London and met by the Earle of Warwicke not out of any respect but that he might the more safely be brought to the Tower where hee was shut up and a good guard set upon him The Queen hearing of this misfortune all her hopes being frustrated went with her Son into France the Duke of Sommerset together with his brother Iohn went into Flanders where they lived miserably till being long after known by Charles Duke of Burgundy whose Father Philip died not till the yeare 1467 they had a small pension whereon to live conferred on them by him Charles was descended from the King of Portugall Son to Philippa sister to Henry the IIIl and therefore very affectionate to the house of Lancaster Philip Commines writes that hee hath seene a Duke following this Princes Court bare foot and bare legged begging from doore to doore not being knowne by any man that hee was the nighest a kinne of the house of Lancaster and Husband to a Sister of Edward the Fourth that being at last knowne hee had a small pension for livelyhood given him by Charles That the Duke of Sommerset and divers others were there likewise But he is deceived in his name hee in the margent calls him the Duke of Chester whereas there was never any such Duke the County of Chester belonging properly to the Princes of Wales since the time of Edward the black Prince to this very day The begger Duke who had to wife the sister of Edward the Fourth was Henry Holland Duke of Exceter who escaped in those parts and chose rather to begge his bread from doore to doore than to be knowen for feare of danger Amongst so many unfortunate men none did better outlive their calamities than did the Earle of Pembrook Brother by the Mothers side to Henry for though hee went a long time wandring up and downe full of feares and dangers yet he outlived his enemies hee saw the extirpation of the house of Yorke and that of Lancaster reestablished in the person of Henry the Seventh his Nephew and dyed peacefully in the eleventh yeere of his Reigne Earl of Pembrooke and Duke of Bedford Henries imprisonment his Wives and Sons being in France the flight and banishment of the chiefest of that faction did secure Edward and quieted the Kingdome for a while This calme afforded him occasion of reforming such disorders as by reason of civill dissention were sprung up in Courts of Justice in his Revenues in Monies and foraine correspondences and to shew his liberality and gratitude to those who had served him by distributing the confiscated goods which were very many as many they were who had merited reward wherein he dealt so fully as there was not any one unsatisfied By his affability he afterwards wonne the hearts of all men but with some observation of excesse for vertues when they part from their center doe usually insensibly passe from one denomination to another for if affability become familiarity it loseth its name not that familiarity accompanied with decency doth not become a Prince for if he desire to recreate himselfe no recreation can be had without some kind of domestiquenesse but that it is sometimes to be used not alwaies and therein choyce alwaies to be made of the best most vertuously given and those of the noblest sort for they being in next relation of greatnesse to the Prince they free him of indifferency which would make him be despised by all men Affability which is commendable consists in giving free accesse to such as demand Justice in listning to good counsell and in looking upon the people with a gratious eye all which may be done without that excesse which was observed in Edward To his affability he added clemency which did not slip like the other out of its naturall precincts for it being a difficult matter to pardon ones enemies he pardoned all those who in what manner soever had formerly opposed his greatnesse so as they would forsake further adhering to such as did yet persist in their aversenesse to him The part of a wise man for by this meanes hee got the hearts of those who were
opposite unto him before and hee afterwards found the good thereof when losing his Kingdome as hee did he never had recovered it had he not thus wonne upon the peoples affections which is the Prince his chiefest safeguard Publique affaires being thus accommodated he descended to what more particularly concerned himselfe which are not notwithstanding to be separated from what concernes the State Marriage from whence proceeds lawfull successours is the strength as well of Kingdomes as of private families Three marriages were propounded to him The first Marguerit sister to Iames the third King of Scotland whose advantages were the breach of the marriage with Edward sonne to Henry and thereby the undoing the chiefest hopes of the house of Lancaster That upon any new occasion of civill broyles he should either have Scotland side with him or remaine neuter He should thereby free himselfe from the daily troubles nourished by the obstinate enmity of so hardy and warlike a neighbour But understanding that she was of a sickly body and consequently not likely to beare children he would none of her The second was Isabell sister to Henry the fourth King of Castile his hopes by her were the succession of that Kingdome and by the assistance thereof the recovery of Gascony in like manner as by the assistance of Gascony given by Edward the blacke Prince King Peter father to the great grand-mother of this King Edward recovered Castile The English writers say that her being too yong as not being then above six or seven yeeres old was the cause why that match was no further proceeded in But I finde that she being married to Ferdinand and dying Queen of Castile not when she was three and fifty yeeres old and in the yeere 1506. as Edward Hall doth calculate it but in the fiftieth yeere of her age and in the yeere 1504. she must be in the yeere 1464. which was the time when this marriage was treated of thirteen yeeres old so but ten yeeres younger than Edward so as their yeeres were not unproportionate Halls calculation is grounded upon the stories of Spaine which he does not particularize in and upon an Epitaph ingraven upon this Queenes tombe in Granado which he never saw Mine upon the Spanish storie written by Lewis Myerne Turquet my father in law a most exact writer and by the Jesuit Iohn Mariana who saith she was borne the 24. of May in the yeere 1451. So as some other cause made him not choose her The third was Bona daughter to Lodowicke Duke of Savoy and sister to Charlotte Queene of France with whom she at the present was This was imbrac'd the Earle of Warwicke was sent to Lewis the eleventh to demand her of him neither could Edward put on a better resolution For his affaires in England being setled by Henry's imprisonment no feare was to be had of Scotland without aide and provocation from France which was not better to be eschewed by any meanes than this for though Charlotte bore not such sway with her husband as to governe him as shee listed yet held shee very good correspondency with him And Lewis whose onely ends were to lessen the power of the Princes and great Lords of France particularly that of his brother Charles and the two Dukes of Brittany and Burgundy laid willingly hold upon this occasion to acquit himselfe of the impornity of Margarite Queene of England who endeavoured to perswade him to a dangerous and fruitlesse warre and which was averse to his genius and designes by withdrawing him from the other to the which reason and his owne inclination bore him Moreover the Duke of Savoy having been an ancient confederate and neere allie to the Duke of Burgundy this would be a meanes to marre their intelligence for though he were his father in Law such ties amongst Princes unlesse they be knitted with new knots are subject to be loosed and broken by every daies occasioned interest For these reasons this match was agreed upon between King Lewis and the Earle of Warwicke and Monsieur de Dammartin was sent into England to strike it up with Edward But whilst Warwicke thought he had succesfully executed his Masters commands he unexpectedly heard that hee was married Edward was gone a hunting progresse towards Grafton a house belonging to Iacoline of Luxenburg sister to the Count St. Paul wife to the Lord Rivers and widdow to the Duke of Bedford who died Regent in France With her was a daughter of hers named Elizabeth widdow to Sir Iohn Gray who was slaine in the second battell at St. Albans siding with Henry so as having lost a part of her Jointure by the confiscation of her husbands goods shee desired him to conferre it againe upon her She was a woman of no extraordinary beauty but of such conditions as surpassing what was in her of beauty made her to be valued and beloved by all men The King did not onely grant her what she desired but growing in love with her became her petitioner for wanton dalliance which she resolutely denied to yeeld unto His appetite increasing by meeting with an obstacle he resolved to marry her taking therein advice of those who never counsell Princes contrary to their inclinations Yorkes Widow the Kings mother foreseeing the evils that were to ensue admonished him She bid him beware of the injury hee did his cousin the Earle of Warwicke the Dutchesse was sister to Warwickes Father whose spirit would not endure such an affront since the King of France would not believe that he was come to treat of a match but to cousen him laugh at him and pry into his state nor was it likely hee could thinke otherwise since that hee having got the Crowne by the Earles valour and the pursuit of his friends it was not likely that beeing so neere a kinne unto him and a man of so great an esteem he should offend him by doing so mis-becomming a thing without his knowledge She shewed him how that the marriage of Princes had for their ends the good of their State the alliance of such as could or doe them good or harme and portion proportionable to the charge of a wife and their own reputations That none of all these were met withall in this which was now treated of rather in laying a foundation for a peace hee should offend a great King and expose himselfe to so unjust a warre the cause whereof being blame-worthy as he should not therein finde any friends or confederates That yet if she were a maid it might admit of some excuse but being a mother of children a subject and without portion these were conditions likely to produce instead of benefit hatred and enmity abroad hatred and enmity at home danger and blame every where Edwards answer was that he doubted not but that his cousin would conforme his will to his that he was sure enough of his love that the King of France was not in a condition to hurt him having other thoughts which did
hate the other But since he could make no alliance of more jealousie to France nor of more commodity to the Low-Countreys he sent Anthony the eldest of his naturall sonnes commonly called the Bastard of Burgundy with some others Ambassadour into England to this effect He came with a retinue of 400. horse with rich Liveries and richer furniture He was graciously received by the King The businesse being propounded in Councell none with stood it but the Earle of Warwicke For framing the Rebellion which hee had formerly plotted with himselfe hee conceived this match would be harmfull to Lewis on whom he intended to relie and good for Edward whom he intended to destroy But he having but one vote the Ambassadours request was granted and Edward promised friendship to the friends of Burgundy and enmity to his enemies He presented his sister to the Bastard and other Ambassadors who kissed her hand as their Princesse and presented her with very rich Jewels which she accepted of with termes of gratitude both to her father in law and husband Great were the entertainments that were made Challenges at Tilt passed between the Bastard and the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and between his followers and the English Gentry the which I passe by as not requisite to our story In midst of these revellings came the newes of Philippes death which much grieved the Bastard so as taking leave of the King and of the new Dutchesse of Burgundy and being richly presented he passed over into Brabant and made such a relation to the Duke his brother of his Bride as did very well satisfie him Who as soon as he had appeased the Legeois wherein he spent some time he desired Edward to send her over unto him according to the Articles of the Contract which he forthwith did She tooke shipping at Dover being attended on by 500. horse and accompanied by the two sisters Anne Dutchesse of Exceter and Elizabeth Dutchesse of Suffolke She landed at Slewes and went from thence to Bourges where the marriage was celebrated The Earle of Warwicke could not at length so well dissemble his distasts as that the King did not perceive them But Princes are not wont to give satisfaction to their inferiours especially to their subjects lest they might tacitely confesse those faults into which as being exempt they pretend they cannot fall or else shew some sort of humiliation repugnant to their greatnesse This increased the Earles indignation for surposed ignorance admits of excuse which confest knowledge doth not so as thinking himselfe injured before contrary to all reason and his injury being now doubled by the no account that was made of it he resolved forthwith to doe what he along time before had thought upon And so dangerous resolutions not being to be undertaken without assistance he judged the assistance of his owne brothers fittest the Archbishop of Yorke and the Marquesse When he had begun his discourse and laid open the reasons which moved him thereunto hee made an odious Parallell between Henry and Edward magnifying the gratitude and goodnesse of the former the ingratitude and wickednesse of the other He shewed how that their house had been the forwardest to spend their lives and livelihoods in the service of the Duke of Yorke the father and of Edward himselfe to make him King who had not recompenced them according to their high deserts and yet durst upbraid them with having been the raiser of their house whilst next under God they ought their chiefest honour to Henry that not contented thus to vilifie them he had endeavoured to dishonour their family and render it infamous by attempting to vitiate a daughter thereof He exaggerated the affront about the match with the Lady Bona which would not have been offered to the most contemptible man in the world Moreover that he had no waies excused it unto him but passed it over in silence not weighing that a mans honour ought to be more deare unto him than the apple of his eye or life it selfe Yet that he did not wonder at all this for that Edward judging other men by himselfe he thought other men should make as small account of their honour as he had alwaies done of his promises That his resolution was to doe what possibly hee could to take from him that Crowne which he had placed on his head and place it againe upon Henry a good and lawfull King That since they did partake with him in the injuries they ought likewise share with him in the revenge which would easily be effected if they would chearefully and heartily betake themselves unto it as they ought and as the chiefest of the Kingdome would doe And that he did assure himselfe they should not want assistance from Princes beyond the Seas necessity requiring it This proposition as it was unexpected so was it not at the first accepted of by the brothers But the Archbishop after long disputes giving way thereunto the Marquesse though with much difficulty suffered himselfe at last to be perswaded likewise moved by the tie of blood not any inclination of his owne for he loved Edward and was beloved by him This ambiguity was the ruine of them all for hee not able to deny his brothers nor yet to betray his Prince did amisse on both sides He assisted Edward by not cordially assisting his brother and he betrayed his brother by not heartily betaking himselfe to betray Edward Warwicke having laid this first groud-worke of his ruinous building he pursued the fabricke thereof with the Duke of Clarence for seeing him no waies pleased hee resolved to trie him Hee seemed to be sensible of the coolnesse used by the King of late to the Duke and expected what he would reply But he like a Cornet which with the first breath sends the sound abroad answered It was in vaine to complaine of things ancient and desperate That the King was in his owne nature disobliging and ungratefull and most to such as he was most obliged unto That since he made no account of his owne brothers much lesse would he doe it of other friends That he more valued his wives blood than his owne That he had disposed of three rich heires by marrying them to her sonne her brother and the Lord Hastings Mushroms sprung up in one night not having any consideration of his owne brethren Continuing in such like angry and threatning discourse hee gave the Earle occasion to lay himselfe open unto him who offered unto him his daugher with equivalent portion to those that he had named with numberlesse other promises and hopes The Duke was so blinded with his anger as hee minded not the injury he did unto himselfe that favouring the house of Lancaster the thing now in question hee destroyed his owne When it was more available to him to have his brother King than all the good could derive to him from this his ill taken advice The Earle more blinde than he did not consider the interest of
considering that they were likely to meete with many such bickerings before they should come to London and not likely to hold out against them all their numbers not being answerable to the way they were to goe they turned towards Warwicke intending to expect the comming of the Earle thereof who being come from Calleis did together with his Sonne in Law raise people in all parts But before either the King or Warwicke got thither fortune brought the two Armies face to face within three miles of Bambery in a certaine place where were three hills In two whereof the two Armies were encampt the third left to the successe of fortune not assayed by the Welch because they could not without much hazzard make themselves masters thereof though they had a great minde so to doe The Earle of Pembrooke and the Lord Stafford were lodged in Bambery where to shunne disputes which upon the like occasion might arise they agreed each of them to take such lodging as they first should light upon The Baron being lodged to his liking the Earle forgetting his agreement and using his authority would I know not why have him change lodging the which he unwillingly did because so doing he was to quit the company of a Gentlewoman whom he found lodged there And having no other meanes to shew his resentment at the present hee together with all his people left the Towne leaving the Earle without any Bowmen who by their shooting were likely to bee the best advantage of the Battell The Earle was not herewithall dismayed but going to the Campe tooke any resolution rather than to retire It was just the day after St. Iames his day when Sir Henry Nevill Son to the L. Latimer thinking hee had been too long idle went forth to skirmish early in the morning being followed by a company of light horse But delighting more therein than he had reason hee so far advanced himselfe as not knowing how to retire hee was taken and soone after put to death upon coole bloud His youth nobility and valour the chiefest of all endowments not being sufficient to save him This act of cruelty incensed the Northerne people who resolving to revenge his death let flie their darts at the hill where the Welchmen lay whereby inforcing them to come down into the plaine where the battel began It was not sufficient for the E. of Pembrook who fought upon disadvantage to execute the part of a Commander it behoved him to play the part of a souldier whilst his brother Sr. Rich. Herbert minding nothing but the battel did so behave himself as the true story of his valour is not to be exceeded by any fabulous Romanza for making way through the enemies troops with his sword in his hand he passed twice through the whole length of their army returning to his own men if not untoucht yet without any mortall wound The which as I believe was occasioned for that his worth admired by those that saw it did by joyning delight with danger and wonder with delight with-hold the hands of all men from injuring him The battell did almost totally lean to his side when Iohn Clapham a Servant of the E. of Warwicks who had gathered together 500 of the poorest basest sort of people about Northampton appear'd upon the top of one of those hils with a white Beare in his Ensigne crying out a Warwicke a Warwicke the which did so much frighten the Welch as believing Warwicke to be there with all his forces they began to fly Sir Richards valour not being sufficient to detain them In this flight the prisoners not numbred 5000 men were slaine The Earle of Pembrooke his brother Sir Richard and many other Gentlemen wer taken prisoners and without any triall at Law beheaded at Bambery The Earle who was appointed first to suffer addressing himselfe to Conniers and Clapham entreated them in the behalfe of his brother hee objected unto them his youth and comelinesse of stature answerable to his Martiall mind that his valour even by themselves admired might one day be serviceable to his Countrey But Sir Henry Nevils death had so exasperated them as that it occasioned his death the death of his brother and of many others A lamentable Tragedy presented by so worthy men So as it is no wonder if vertue be hated since it is not usefull but rather harmefull to the owners thereof Sir Edward Herbert Baron of Cherbery doth at this time live descended from them a Gentleman who hath given such proofe of his valour as well in his owne private occasions in England as in the warres in the Low-Countries as hee may justly be said to sympathize with the said Sir Richard but in schollership he hath the advantage of adding that glory to his Ancestors by his famous Philosophicall composures which in the like kind hee hath not received from them Their cruelties did not here cease for those of Northampton having chosen unto themselves one Robert of Risdale for their Captaine and joyned certaine others unto him they surprized the Earle Rivers father to the Queen and his sonne Iohn in his mansion-house of Grafton brought them to Northampton and without more adoe beheaded them The Lord Stafford was generally accused for the losse of this battell who for so sleight a cause and upon so urgent an occasion forsooke the Kings service to revenge himselfe upon the Earle of Pembrooke And to say the truth this misfortune had not hapned at least not with the death of so many and so worthy men had hee been there Edward therefore sent forth Commissions to the Sheriffes of Devonshire and Somersetshire to seeke him out finde him and upon paine of their lives to put him to death They were not wanting in diligence they found him where he thought he had been sufficiently concealed and executed their command The victors this meane while had retired themselves to Warwicke whither the Earle thereof was come with a great body of armed men And understanding that the King was marching towards him hee advertised the Duke of Clarence who forthwith joyned with him bringing along a great number of armed men They were likely presently to have come to blowes according to the custome of England had not some great personages desirous of peace and of the good of the Weale publique interposed to finde some way of accommodation This negotiation made Edward so carelesse as that confidently believing in peace hee neglected all duties of Military discipline whilst Warwicke more wary than he being by his spies certified of the Guards negligence and the heedlesnesse of all the rest who behaved themselves as if no enemy had been set upon the King by night and without any resistance tooke him prisoner A blow likely to end the difference without blood-shed He first put him in the Castle of Warwicke from thence that no man might know what was become of him he sent him to Medlam a Castle in Yorkeshire then in the custody of the Archbishop
to comfort the mother Vauclere sent unto him willing him to retire else he should be enforced to treat him rudely But by what ensued I believe Philip Comines report to be true that by secret message he had desired him not to wonder at what had hapned that all was done for his service that if hee should have suffered him to come in hee had been utterly lost since England Burgundy the Towne and a great part of the garrison were his enemies That his best course was to retire into France not taking any further thought concerning that Fort assuring him that in due time he would give a good account thereof But by naming England to be his enemy hee onely meant Edward not the generality for never was any man better beloved by the people than was he which was the onely cause of Edwards aversion and feares for the peoples love doth usually raise jealousies in the Prince Edward seeing him gone thought himselfe rid of a troublesome burden which turned little to his advantage for the continuance of his jealousies would have made him more cautelous than hee was The reasons why Burgundy hated him were because Warwicke had ruined the house of Lancaster to which hee was most affectionate his mothers mother being a branch thereof That hee was a friend to the King of France a Prince by him infinitely hated and the opposing of his marriage for no other end but that he thought hee should thereby become too powerfull for France The inhabitants of Calleis opposed him not for that they hated his person but because the warre would have broken their commerce with London for the Company of Wollen-drapers kept a Store-house in Calleis from whence the Low-countries and all Germany were furnished to the great benefit of particular men and the King did thereby receive a yeerely toll of 50000 Crowns Comines saith but 15000 and that it came all into the Earls coffers As for the Garrison it cannot be denied but that the greatest part of them had dependence upon him But Monsieur de Duras a Gascon and the Kings Marshall being then there with a great many souldiers under his command hee would have runne danger of being taken prisoner if he should have entered the Town Vauclere by his dissembling compassed his ends for the newes of this his unexpected behaviour comming to the Court of England the King tooke the command of that Towne from Warwicke and bestowed it on Vauclere And the Duke of Burgondy to confirme him in this his charge sent thankes unto him by Philip de Comines and gave him a pension of 1000 Crownes a yeere Notwithstanding all this Vauclere served and deceived them all as the effects shewed Hee demeaned himselfe in this manner not out of any loyalty to the King or love hee bore unto the Earle but that hee might have two strings to his Bow and doubly secure his owne interest For had hee been loyall to the King hee could not have given the Earle any hopes nor have effected them when hee might doe it without danger and if hee had loved the Earle hee would not have denied him entrance into the Towne it being the onely place hee could receive succour from But hee not knowing which of them would prevaile chose not to endanger himselfe whilst being in good condition hee might betake himselfe to that side which should be most availeable for him Mens ends are commonly their owne interests for the which they thinke it lawfull to abandon vertue which alwaies goes accompanied by some crosse which they abhorre The Earle of Warwicke finding that now hee had no hopes in Calleis but what were future sayled towards Diepe as hee was advised by Vauclere and according to his first intention By the way hee tooke as many ships as hee met withall belonging to Charles his subjects gaining thereby great riches which did furnish him at his present need and forced Charles to send a great Fleet into those Seas to revenge himselfe either by taking him prisoner or inhibiting his returne for England Being come to Diepe and by command from Lewis received with all manner of respect hee was by the said Lewas met at Amboise where causing him to be provided with all things necessary hee promised him his best assistance and caused a great many ships be rigg'd out for him well provided with Souldiers and Mariners And this hee did the sooner for that Charles had threatned him if hee should assist Warwicke Queen Margaret came to meet him as soone as she heard he was arrived and with her the Earles of Pembrooke and of Oxford the last of which had lately escaped out of prison and was fled from England Lewis to have the surer tie upon him caused Prince Edward the Queens sonne to marry with Anne the Earle of Warwicks second daughter Warwicke taking thereby to sonne in law the sonne of him whom he had formerly deposed that he might now depose him that he had placed in his place As soone as the marriage was concluded Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence tooke an oath never to put a period to the warre till such time as Henry or in default of him his sonne Edward should recover the Kingdome And Queen Margaret promised to make them two Governours of the Kingdome till such time as her sonne should be of yeeres King Edward was daily advertised by Duke Charles what treaties were in hand to his prejudice the Duke complaining that Edward should more minde his pleasures than his affaires But it was in vaine to object the feare of danger to a courageous Prince a lover of pastimes vaine it was to perswade him to quit his sports and plunge himselfe in troubles since it was so unlikely that should befall him which did He advised him to oppose the Earle at Sea for that if hee should set foot on Land and have his partakers joyne with him the danger and difficulty would be the greater Hee on the other side desired hee might land believing that at his pleasure hee might take him prisoner or kill him before hee could be succoured He made diligent inquiry after such as hee might suspect to be Warwickes friends so as those that were knowne to wish him well were in an ill condition Many of them tooke Sanctuary Marquesse Montaigne brother to Warwicke obtained his pardon and came over to the Kings side But the wisest resolution hee could take was to send over a Gentlewoman into France who under pretence of visiting the Dutchesse of Clarence might worke upon her husband This woman being arrived at Calleis made Vauclere believe that businesses were likely to be accommodated and that the King had sent her over to this purpose When shee was come to Amboise she so well performed the trust imposed in her that having shewed the Duke what danger hee was in by taking part against his brother she made it appeare that the house of Lancaster could never raigne voyd of jealousies whilst any one of the house
increased and finding no place safe for him since hee wanted forces hee went not without great danger to Linne where he found two Holland ships and one English hee imbarkt himselfe and was waited upon by the three said ships and seven hundred men without any manner of baggage or one penny of money A great and unexpected misfortune but that which immediately after presented it selfe was farre worse had hee not luckily eschewed it For had hee been taken hee had none to ransome him so would have lost both liberty and Kingdome Eight of the Easterlings ships the Easterlings were then great enemies to the English and did them all the mischiefe they could discovering these three Ships and believing them to be English gave them chase but could not come up unto them till they had cast Anchor before Alchemar in Holland the ebbe being so low as they could not winne the Haven The Easterlings cast Anchor likewise but a good way from them the burden of their Ships not permitting them to doe otherwise so as they were inforced to expect the returne of the tide to board them But Monsieur de Gretures Governour under the Duke of Burgundy in Holland being luckily at that time in Alchemar and understanding of Edwards being there by some whom hee had sent of purpose unto him in flat bottom'd Boats forbade the Easterlings to use any manner of hostility and went himselfe to bring him and all his men into the City Edward was at this time so bare of money as not having wherewithall to pay for his wastage hee gave the Captaine a rich vestment lined with Sables promising not to forget the curtesy and to satisfie him better afterwards A strange change of Fortune happened in a few houres to such a Prince meerly out of negligence and carelesnesse Hee lost a Kingdome without one blow striking and was forced to have recourse unto a Prince whose onely presence did upbraid unto him his carelesnesse lust and bad government Charles hearing of this was very much displeased finding himselfe charged with so needfull a King and so great a retinue whom hee could not bee wanting unto in assistance not out of any humanity or alliance but for that Warwicke enjoying the Kingdome it behooved him to maintaine the contrary party and drive him out or else to suffer the incommodities of a long War Queene Elizabeth the originall of these alterations seeing her selfe abandoned without succour and the enemy upon her back tooke Sanctuary at Westminster where with small attendance she was brought to bed of a Sonne named Edward hee who for some few weekes after his Fathers death was the V. King of that name and who symbolized in birth name and death with his cousin the Sonne of the Dutchesse of Clarence borne a Shipboard before Calleis The pompe of Baptisme had nothing in it of royall save the Mothers teares accompanyed by many mens commiseration which is then greatest when most concealed Many of her best friends betooke themselves likewise to sundry other Sanctuaries who proved afterwards serviceable to her at Edwards returne The Kentish-men prone to insurrections seeing there was now no King of two the one being fled the other a prisoner came to London and sack't the Suburbs and it may be would have sack't the City it selfe had not the Earle of Warwicke diverted them whose comming thither was noysed and who punished the Complices of the insurrection This piece of Justice added to his reputation and the peoples love Upon the 6 of Octob. he entered the Tower accompanied by many Lords in particular his brother the Archbishop of Yorke the Prior of St. Iohns the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Shrewsbury some of them drawne by affection some by feareâ—… he set King Henry at liberty after nine yeares captivity he brought him to the Bishop of Londons house where hee tarried till the thirteenth day and then brought him in person and in royall attire to Pauls carrying his traine himselfe and the Earle of Oxford the sword accompanied with the peoples acclamations who cried out God save the King forgetting that a little before they had prayed for Edward against him A Parliament was summoned wherein Edward was declared a Taytour to his Countrey and an usurper of the Crown his goods confiscate all Statutes made in his name and by his authority annull'd the Crownes of England and France confirmed upon Henry and the heires male of his body and for want of such upon the Duke of Clarence and his posterity who hereafter was to be acknowledged the next heire to his Father Richard Duke of Yorke and Edward for his faults committed deprived of his birth-right and the prerogatives thereof The Earles of Pembrooke and Oxford were restored in bloud and to their dignities and goods The Earle of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence declared Governours of the Kingdome Marquesse Mountague was received into grace and his fault pardoned since revolting against Edward hee was the chiefe cause of his quitting the Kingdome those who sided with him were deprived of their Honours Titles and Faculties and such punished as in this quarrell had taken up Armes against Henry Whereupon Iohn Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord Deputy of Ireland for Edward was found in a hollow Tree brought to London and beheaded in the Tower The Parliament being ended the Earle of Pembrooke went into Wales to take Order for such Lands as hee possest before his confiscation and finding there Henry the Sonne of Edmond Earle of Richmond with the Widow of William Earle of Pembrooke his brother that was beheaded at Banbury who though held as a prisoner by this Lady was alwayes nobly entreated hee tooke him from her when hee was not yet full ten yeares old and brought him to London where hee presented him to King Henry who after hee had ey'd him a while said to the standers by that this child should succeed him and put a period to all the quarrells which afterwards happening confirmed the opinion that was held of his sanctity since by the spirit of prophecy hee foresaw the succession of Henry the seventh Queene Margaret who was then in France being advertised by Letters from Henry of the regainment of the Kingdome did together with her Sonne forthwith put to Sea but the windes being contrary drove her on Land and kept her there a long time and had they forever kept her there they had beene the more favourable for then shee had not met with the mischiefe shee did in the losse of her Sonne When Warwicks returne to England and King Henries re-establishment was knowne at Callis every one tooke unto him the Earles Impressa Vauclere was the first that did so His Impressa was a ragged staffe made of Gold Silver Silk or Cloath according to his condition that wore it As this unexpected inclination made the Duke of Burgondy more sollicitous so did it inwardly displease the Duke of Clarence who had already alter'd his opinion Neither did nature and
what is anothers The Victories of Charles the Seventh against Henry the Sixth were of the later sort for he preserved his Crown and won what Henry possest in France but Lewis who in his overcoming could not pretend to other advantage then the driving out an enemy who hazarded nothing while he hazarded all was not to put himself upon Fortune without a proportionable recompence to his expence and losse so as if he bought Peace 't was in respect of his danger at so cheap a rate as the Seventy five thousand Crowns he paid down ready money and the Fifty thousand for Nine yeers would not have served him for One bare yeers expence to boot with a Thousand dangers and damages so as he did what wisedom bad him do not attending the opinion of others who did not arrive at this Physical knowledge That real Victory is properly his who giving way to dangers that he may withstand them doth without danger obtain his end as he did all this notwithstanding I should not praise him had he no other enemies beside Edward for 't were to propose to Princes a Maxime of Cowardize His men believed that Edward seemed to make an agreement that he might the better deceive him but he thought not so for Edwards occasions did not square with such dissimulation He had the Winter at hand wanted Towns was distasted by Charles deceived by the Constable was naturally a lover of his Pastimes so as Lewis his chiefest care was how to be rid of him not valuing Moneys or what others thought of him and that he might the sooner be gone he borrowed of every one he would willingly have paid more but would not part with any Towns or Provinces he would rather have hazarded all Edward gave him to understand he would by writing give him notice of some that betrayed him I know not whether the Constable knew thus much or no but he had many reasons to doubt it and remembring that at a Diet held the yeer before at Bovines Lewis and Charles had secretly proscribed him to the end that he might pay for his so many Treacheries though by somes means he used Lewis afterward hindred the execution thereof he doubted the like in this Agreement his conscience accused him of his past frauds used with the other two and now with Edward so as he feared lest their agreement might be his ruine this caused him day by day to send new Messengers to Lewis with advertisements and counsels drawn from the Forge of his unfortunate Inventions making himself so much the more suspected by how much the affected ostentation of his fidelity bereft him of belief He thought that since Lewis hated no Prince alive more then Charles to hold him in hand with hateful Reports was the means to continue him still his enemy and that the War continuing the thred that was woven for his destruction might either be lost or else grow knotty He sent unto him his Secretary and together with him a Gentleman called Lewis Greville who being first referred to Monsieur de Bouchage and to Commines Lewis being informed of the businesse sent for Monsieur de Contai one of Charles his servants who though he were his prisoner did notwithstanding passe with Messages between them he placed this man in a Cupboard which was in his Chamber to the end that hearing what he was to say to these men he might report the same to Charles and placing himself neer to the Cupboard he sent for them in Their Message was That they were sent from Charles to the Constable to alienate him from friendship with England and that finding him distasted by the King of England they had wel-nigh perswaded him not onely to abandon his friendship but to lend his helping hand to rifle him in his return This was spoken by Creville who believing to be better credited by humouring him imitated Charles his action stamping with his foot swearing and giving Edward injurious terms Lewis feigning as if he had been deaf made him say the same thing over again to the end that Contai might the better hear him who mad to hear his Prince thus abused longed to acquaint him with it This mock-mask ended with an advice of the Constables who knew not that the Agreement was fully made with Edward that Lewis to shun the danger which hung over him should make a Truce with Charles whereunto he obliged himself to make Charles stand and that he should give unto the English a Town or two to hold them in hopes this Winter who could not be so wicked as not to be content therewith The designes of these his Counsels were that the English by this means tarrying in France and the Truce with Charles being to expire the next Spring Lewis might be subject to the fear of War and he might gain time by these two Towns to pacifie Edward for his abuse at S. Quintines and to sowe Dissention between the other two so as all three having need of him he might by diversly deceiving them save himself and seem to oblige them whilest he did betray them Assoon as Creville was gone Contai came forth from the Cupboard as much incensed as Lewis was gladded that Charles should know what sport the Constable made with him I have this particular from Commines as all the rest concerning the businesse now treated on which though it be not simply requisite to our Story yet it is most necessary for knitting up the businesse and to make known the natures of the above-named together with the true causes which did fore-ripen the Constables death A Parley and Interview was this mean while agreed upon between the two Kings with agreement that Edward should return for England assoon as he should have received his Seventy five thousand Crowns and that in pledge of his return he should leave as Hostages the Lord Howard and Sir Iohn Cheynes Master of his Horse who were to be set at liberty upon the certain News of his arrival in England Lewis assigned Sixteen thousand Crowns annual Pension to be given to some of the chief English Lords and was very bountiful in his gifts to Edwards servants When Charles heard of this Accord he hasted to finde out Edward from whom understanding what had been done and how that he had comprehended him in the Truce he answered That he had not brought him out of England for any thing that concerned himself but for Edwards own affairs to the end that he might have occasion to imitate the glorious actions of his Predecessors in France by recovering what of right belonged unto him That since he was agreed not to do it he was no ways concerned therein and as touching the Truce to the end he might see how little he esteemed it he would not accept thereof till Three Moneths after he should be landed in England The King would have convinced him with reason shewing him that all the inconvenience had risen from him but he not listening
thereunto departed so much distasted as there never was after this any good Intelligence between them If Charles were angry at this Truce it amazed the Constable much more before he knew the certain conclusion thereof and when he knew it he sent his Confessor to Edward to intreat him not to give belief to Lewis his words or promises That he would be pleased to accept of the two Towns of Eu and S. Valleri which should be delivered up unto him That he might lodge there the beginning of the Winter promising him better Towns within two moneths space but he named them not He offered likewise to lend him Fifty thousand Crowns to the end that he might not be necessitated to make the Agreement But Edward answered The Truce was concluded and was to be observed if he were displeased thereat he might thank himself for if he had kept his promise to him he had not done it The place of Parley between the two Kings was Pichines a Town belonging to the Vidame of Amiens three Leagues distant from the Citie where whilst a wooden Bridge was cast over the River of Some and parties from either side were sent to view it Edward came within half a League of Amiens and was by Lewis presented with Three hundred Cartload of the best Wines that could be found and his people had in the City free egresse and regresse Lewis had caused many Tables laden with all sorts of salt-Meats which might provoke to drink to be set at the entring in of the Gate they were guarded by the best drinkers of France Besides all this he gave Commission to all the Innes and Taverns that they should feast the English and not suffer them to pay a peny Upon which occasion Nine thousand English came into the Town Some of the more cautelous French seeing this were not void of suspition in somuch as they did advertise Lewis thereof who having set people to observe their behaviours Finding them all singing and making merry and the most part of them drunk he found no cause of fear 'T was a wonder that in three days all which time this open Court was kept there hapned not any falling out or quarrel amongst so many drunkards Assoon as the Bridge was fully finished Edward marched towards it with his Army in a glorious manner Lewis his Army being nothing in comparison to his Lewis was come thither before Edward Amongst the Orders of the Parley one was That each of them shoule send Four of their men into the company of the others to have an eye upon what should be done to the end that if they should finde any cause of suspition they might advertise their Masters But this was needlesse The two Kings were to be attended upon the Bridge by Twelve men onely of which those that are named were Iohn Duke of Burbon the Cardinal of Burbon his Brother and Commines Lord of Argenton who had a Suit upon him like to that which King Lewis wore for it was his custom oftentimes to have some-body neer him clad in like manner as he himself was Commines writes that when Edward appeared his very presence spoke him a King and that though he begun to grow somewhat fat he was notwithstanding very handsom though not altogether so comely as when Warwick made him flee to Flanders at which time he was the handsomest and most comely man that ever he saw There were with him his Brother the Duke of Clarence the Earl of Northumberland the Lord Hastings his Chamberlain the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor and others to the number of Twelve The Duke of Gloucester came not thither for that having not given his consent to the Truce he would not be present when it was to be sworn unto When Edward was come within Five spaces of the Grate he took off his Cap which was of black Velvet whereon was a rich Jewel of Diamonds they made â—…owe Reverences each to other and embraced each other thorow the partitions of the Grate Lewis was the first that spoke he said He never coveted any sight so much as this and that he blessed God that had brought them together to so good an End Edward having courteously replied in French the Chancellor of England read the Treaty asking Lewis whether it were the same that he had sent and if he were therewithal content he answered Yes as likewise with that which was sent him from the King of England Hereupon the Masse-book and the Crosse being brought they laid their hands thereon and swore to observe the Truce of Nine yeers comprehending therein those that were within named and the Marriage between their children This being done Lewis said merrily to Edward He might do well to come to Paris to see the fair Ladies there and take his pastime and that if he should chance to commit some trivial trangressions he would assigne the Cardinal of Burbon to him for his Confessor This Cardinal was a young Prince no enemy to good-fellowship So as Edward being well pleased with the complemental Invitation Lewis for a good while play'd upon them both Lewis after this commanded his men to retire and Edwards men forth with withdrew uncommanded They discoursed a pretty while together it not being well known whereon but as it is believed to the prejudice of the Constable Lewis asked him what he would advise him to do if the Duke of Burgundy should not accept of the Truce as it was likely he would not in regard of the proud terms he had used to him Offer it him the second time replied Edward and if he shall not then accept of it do what you think best Lewis made this enquiry concerning Burgundy onely that he might enquire of Edward as he did and discover what his opinion was of the Duke of Bretaigne Edward said The Duke of Bretaigne was his friend and such a one as he had not found the like in his need that therefore he desired Lewis not to molest him but suffer him to live in quiet Lewis was not well pleased with this answer for his intentions were not good towards that Prince and he was the worse pleased for that he knew not the reason of it which was his detaining of the Earl of Richmond for it was in Bretaigne's power to trouble Edward if he listed for though he should neither have assisted Richmond with Men nor Money yet the permitting him to return to England would be sufficient to shake all the foundation of that Kingdom Lancasters faction was ready to rise hearing of his name and to trouble the possession of the Crown the which he having peaceably enjoy'd since Henry's death he was not likely to do so long so opposed Lewis was ignorant of these interests but cloking his dislike they took leave each of other having embraced such Lords and Princes as were there Edward returned to his Camp and Lewis to Amiens from whence he sent to Edward whatever he thought behoveful for him even to
Torches and Candles The Duke of Gloucester that he might pay the dues of Civility went to visit him and returned presented with silver Plate and horses most richly caparison'd This King spared nothing where he might win those that might either be serviceable to him or harmful He met with two things at this Interview which displeased him the one Edwards inclination to come to Paris for being a Prince amorously given he might by falling in love with some Lady fall likewise in love with the Countrey and so perchance take an humour to tread in the footsteps of his Predecessor the other his having declared himself so passionate in the Duke of Britanny's interest He endeavoured to withdraw him from the later of these two he caused him to be sifted by two several persons as if they had casually faln upon this discourse but he perceiving their drift said the onely cause to make him passe the Seas again would be the molestation of the Duke of Bretaigne and therefore wished them to talk no more thereof Some of those that had to do in the Treaty of the Truce went to sup with Lewis at Amiens amongst which the Lord Howard was one who told him in his ear that if he pleased he would use some means to make Edward come and recreate himself with him at Amiens and perchance at Paris This discourse wounded Lewis his ears but smiling and putting a good face upon it without further answer he fell to wash his hands The Lord Howard did not notwithstanding forbear to talk of this with some others who formerly aware thereof answered 'T was impossible for the King to make any stay in any one place for such were Charles his insolencies as did enforce him to wage War But Howard conceiving them aright forbare the further pursuit Many of Edwards servants were displeased with this Agreement believing he had not considered his Honour therein One of them named Lewis de Bretailles a Guascoigner being with Commines and demanded in how many Battels Edward had been present replied In eight or nine and that he was victorious in them all except in this which you have made him lose for to return to England without fighting or losse will redound more to his dishonour then all his former won Battels will do to his honour Lewis being told of this answer swore according to his custom that this mans mouth must be stopped he caused him to be sent for to Dinner to him he made him many offers to draw him to his service but he not accepting of any he gave him a thousand Crowns he promised him to prefer his Brethren who were in France and he made Commines tell him in private that if he would endeavour the continuance of the good intelligence and friendship between the two Crowns to boot with the doing an office worthy of a man of Honour he should oblige the King of France to reward him These Artifices did Lewis use One day after Dinner being come into his chamber and laughing at Edward for having suffered himself to be caught with presents he turned himself round and saw at his back a Guascoigne-Merchant who lived in England and was come to beg leave for the transportation of certain Gascoigne-Wines without the paying of a certain Impost he was somewhat out of countenance perceiving he had heard all he had said he therefore granted his request and caused him to be brought to Bourdeaux where he gave him a good Office in that City to the end that he might not return for England and to that Office added a thousand Franks by means whereof he might send for his wife and children and would not suffer him to go himself for them but made him send his brother His having been too carelesse of his speech and his fear lest the Merchant should tell what he had heard forced this liberality and favour from him against his will One named Rapines a servant of the Constables was come to Amiens before Edward departed thence with Letters of Credence at the same time when Monsieur de Contay was likewise returned from Charles His businesse was to complain of his Masters misfortune who was subject to the misreports of wicked men whilst the King had no one servant more faithful nor more affectionate to his service then was he He made the same offer as formerly had been made in the Constables name To make the English in their return be set upon by Charles But being told this was not to be done since the agreement was concluded Lewis gave him a Letter written with his own hand to deliver to the Constable and made him read it before it was sealed up so as Rapines thought his dispatch was very gracious He in this Letter by way of trust made him a relation of what had past and added That he was so over-burdened with the present affairs as he stood in need of having by him such a head as was his A conceit which Rapines did not truely understand but Lewis explaining himself to some of his familiar friends that were about him said He stood in need of such a head but without the body to the end it might no more deceive him Assoon as Edward had received the Moneys agreed upon he went his way leaving with Lewis the forenamed Hostages and although in some of his passage he was way-laid by Charles his people yet he arrived safely at Callis It seemed strange to many that he having past the Seas with the fairest and most powerful Army that ever King of England did so small a sum of Money should make him return Commines believes that his avarice to pocket up the Moneys he had received from his people for this Enterprise was the cause thereof but he is deceived he had almost spent it all nor had he as yet though afterwards he did given occasion to be noted of this vice The true cause was the failing of the foundation of the Enterprise by the default and negligence of Charles and the Constable his cozenages Charles believed that when Edward was once in France he should be enforced to fight whether he would or no and that he would entertain Lewis whilst he might do his affairs elsewhere just as his father Philip did with the Duke of Bedford under Henry the sixth but the condition of affairs was altered Edward could not make War alone as did Bedford The English did then possesse in France all that lay between the River Loire and the Sea and a great part of Guienne now scarcely Calais Henry the sixth was born King and a King by Succession having then no Competitiours Edward a new King a stranger to the Crown perturbed with jealousies of the contrary Faction chiefly of the Earl of Richmond the head thereof who though at his request he were detained in Bretaigne yet did he not live free from fear of him The expences of those times besides that France did contribute thereunto it self what was by way of
had not any to intercede for him He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter Edward Earl of Warwicks and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury both of them born under the like unfortunate Constellation for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time She hers in Henry the eights King Lewis when Charles was dead thought to make himself master of those States believing he could not meet with any obstacle since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson Morat and Nanci neither had he been deceived if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son of working upon her Counsellors by gifts promises and additions of Honours and of winning the peoples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated but his thirsting after this Conquest which to him appeared easie diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully and was the ruine if not of all yet of his most principal designes Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands but as of right belonging unto him being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death Han Bohin S. Quintines and Peron out of the same reason did the like Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him Heâ—…ine Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves All this progresse of affairs appertained to Picardy In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange a man of great power in those parts and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience Neither did he pretend usurpation in this the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold by his father Iohn the second King of France upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male such Grants not falling according to the French phrase unto the Distaff And he had some pretences to the County though not from the Crown The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal all her Embassies Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suffered by having the King of France so neer him possest of Abbeville Bullein Hedine Arras and other places upon the Sea neer Callice and in the face of England But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her his private interest made him notwithstanding be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis preferred private interest before all reason of State Edward though sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done a very good means certainly before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand The hopes of marrying his daughter the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid and his chief men being won by Pensions were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves Lewis received the Ambassadours courteously and was bountiful to them at their going away so sent them away without any answer the which he said he would send by Ambassadours of his own who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse upon pretences of having no Instructions working by this means his own desired ends and hindering Edward from doing had he been so disposed what he ought to have done and though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage he would have sent for the Princesse away after the first yeer according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny divers yeers being now past and she not sent for yet were they not listned unto Any the least obstacle to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts and if nothing else his unwillingnesse to see the English in France would have slackned his proceedings and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders whilst he busied himself elsewhere and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for themselves he did it for that he was sure by reason of the many strong places that were there they would make but a slowe and costly progresse and when Edward seemed to accept of this invitation if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy namely Bullein no more was heard of the businesse Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife and she needing assistance would have married him but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes nor she any that would assist her in her misery which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third not listning to any other that was propounded to her not to that of the Dolphine for that he was but nine yeers old and she twenty or one and twenty and for that she hated his father not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme who was afterward father to Francis the first because Lewis would not consent thereunto being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power not to that of the Prince of Cleve because she liked him not Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature from being affable and liberal he became austere and a varitious to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings as their penal Laws which the Kings themselves make no use of as being too full of rigour He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not punctual observance of them and making no difference neither in respect of Blood Quality or Title he put the Kingdom into a great fright making them believe he would become formidable for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death there was not any one that durst contradict him But the greedy heaping up of Money which he used was so much the more monstrous in him by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France and from France to England the former that according to their Obligation the French might send for the betrothed Princesse the others to excuse their delay laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed she could not be sent for in manner becoming the
dignity and greatnesse of both the Crowns so as he who earnestly desires a thing is by nothing more easily deceived then by the confirmation of new promises Edward did easily believe and Lewis made advantage of his falshood and brought about his ends without contradiction which had he carried the businesse otherwise he could not have done But he who says the English have won more honour by Fighting then by their Treaties says not amisse for they are more aptly disposed to the former At this time did Iames the third reign in Scotland who coming to the Crown at seven yeers of age met with lewd education and most villanous corrupters so as not being wicked of himself but made so by them as he grew in yeers he encreased in his lusts cruelties and rapine and rewarding the authors of his Disorders by the sale of Goods belonging to the Church he purchased the hatred of his Nobility and of his whole Kingdom From these his excesses he did not exempt his own Family he dealt badly with his brother and incestuously violated his youngest sister he let slip the opportunity he had to trouble England it being divided within it self and was himself vexed by his subjects the worm of conscience not working upon him in the cessation of his Rebellions not yet the fear of such pains as Heaven inflicts for punishment upon incorrigible sinners Tthese things for what concern'd him And for what concerned Edward his jealousies of the Lancastrian Faction caused their peaceful living together even from the very beginning of their Reigns thorow a Truce of Fifteen yeers but the Truce being now well-nigh expired and Iames having put one of his brothers to death and imprisoned the other which was the Duke of Aubeny thinking he could not defend himself against his domestick enemies without fastning himself to strangers he was desirous to interest Edward in the conservation of his Dignity and Person To this purpose he demanded Cicely Edwards second daughter for wife to his son Iames Prince of Scotland and he obtained it with this Condition That though the Marriage could not yet be consummated both of them being children Edward should pay down part of the portion for the repayment of which in case the Marriage should not go on he had the chiefest Merchants of Edenborough bound The King of Scotland thought himself now to be safe by this shadowie Alliance but the Duke of Aubeny having escaped out of prison by means of a Cord made of linen and made his Addresses to Lewis who would not receive him for he held some secret Intelligence with Iames against Edward he passed over into England where having represented the King his brothers general injustice to make him appear wicked and his particular injustice to his brothers to make his wickednesse appear unnatural and cruel he prayed aid of Edward and his intreaties were made the more efficacious being accompanied by those of Iames Douglas who was likewise a banisht man which moved the King to wage War with him whereunto he could not have been perswaded had not King Iames himself given him the occasion Lewis who having covenanted another Match for the Dolphin thought Edward could not chuse but be revenged endeavoured to divert him by making the King of Scotland engage him in a War and the King of Scotland perswaded thereunto either by hopes or Moneys or both violated his late-made Affinity and Peace not regarding the injustice and dishonour of the action nor yet the danger he put himself into he being so detested both by God and man and not able to raise Forces without the assistance of his Countrey yet affying more in France then he had reason to do he did what of himself he was able to please Lewis He sent some Troops to make Inrodes upon the Confines of England which did rather provoke then harm the enemy so as Edward finding himself enforced and offended on the one side and humbly intreated on the other side he raised a powerful Army and sent it into Scotland under the command of his brother the Duke of Gloucester King Iames had not the like ability to resist as he had to irritate for being abused by the flatteries of three wicked personages who had drawn upon him the general hatred of all men he durst not gather the whole Nobility into a Body lest being united they might take some strange resolution against him Necessity notwithstanding constrained him to summon them and raise an Army not altering though the form of his Government for mistrusting all the rest he made use onely of the Counsels of his forenamed flatterers not calling his Nobility to any Counsel or Deliberation an indignity which they not able to endure they met together a little after midnight in a Church where being perswaded by Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus they would have the first War made against these men as those that were their Countreys most dangerous enemies and had not the wiser sort moderated the more hastie the King might have run hazard in his own person The chiefest of them went towards the Court not making any noise followed onely by as many as might serve to do the businesse The King was advertised of this Meeting at the same time 't was made so as rising up hastily to see what was to be done he sent Robert Cockeran one of the Triumviri to make discovery but being met by them they detained him set a Guard upon him and passed on to the Court and to the Kings Chamber seizing without any manner of resistance upon all such as were about the King except Iohn Ramsey for whom the King interceded and who being very young was not polluted with their enormities The rest were led into the Camp where the Army crying out that they might be put to death they were all hanged without any legal proceeding and not having any Ropes in readinesse for so sudden an execution each man strove to make offer of his horses halter or reins and those whose offers were entertained thought themselves much honoured thereby This businesse bred such a difference between the King and his subjects as each of them retired themselves to their own homes not thinking any longer to defend the Kingdom and the King with some few others did to little purpose shut themselves up in the Castle of Edenborough for had they been evilly minded towards him they would have taken him in the Lander the place where this businesse happened The Summer was well advanced before the Duke of Gloucester entred Scotland he laid siege to the Castle of Berwick defended by the Earl Bodwel the Town having yeelded to him without resistance he would not lose the season by staying there himself but environing it with Four thousand fighting men he passed forwards to Edenborough not permitting through the Duke of Aubeney's desires any harm to be done there a contrary course to what had been formerly taken and because it was impossible to treat
with King Iames who did not suffer any one to come into the Castle he made a publike Proclamation to be made in the chief Market place by Garter King at Arms that if he would not make good to Edward what under his hand he was by agreement obliged unto if he did not before September next make satisfaction for the damages and injuries done to England and did not put the Duke of Aubeny in his former condition without the diminishing of his Possessions Authority or Offices he would put his whole Kingdom to fire and sword But the King returning no Answer neither by message nor writing being equally unfit either to give satisfaction or make resistance the Nobles who had encamped themselves at Haddington with a great number of men being abandoned by the King and not willing to abandon themselves and Countrey sent Ambassadours to the Duke of Gloucester offering for what belonged to them to effect the Marriage and requiring the like of him promising that it should not fail on their sides if all the Articles agreed upon were not put in execution and an inviolable Peace for the time to come were not made between the two Kingdoms To the which Gloucester answered that the Match was broken by means contrary to the end for which it was made That he did not know the King his brothers intentions and whether he was not resolved as he had good cause not to think any more of it That his Instructions were To demand restitution of the Moneys the which he did requiring speedy payment for what concerned the Peace That it was not to be had unlesse they would promise to deliver up unto him the Castle of Berwick or unlesse in case they could not do it they would oblige themselves not to assist the besieged nor molest the besiegers till such time as it were either taken or surrendred These Demands seemed very hard to the Scots They answered The cause why the Marriage was not effected was by reason of the young couples yeers not through any default of theirs That the Moneys could not justly be demanded the time of repayment being not yet come That if the security given in for the repayment of them did not suffice they would give in other That Berwick was situated upon the very Bound of Scotland built by the Scots and by just Title always possessed by them nor was their claim thereunto the weaker because the English had made themselves Masters of it since violence doth not prejudice the right of a just ancient natural and primary possession But the Duke of Aubeny put an end to all these differences for Gloucester permitting him to go into the Scotish Camp and the Lords there promising him that if he would submit himself to the King they would procure his pardon and the restitution of all his goods he was declared under the King Lord Lieutenant of the Kingdom and it was resolved though not without much opposition that the Castle of Berwick should be surrendred and a Truce for certain moneths was agreed upon to the end that the Peace might be treated on without disturbance oâ—… hostility so as the Duke of Gloucester having recovered Berwick One and twenty yeers after Henry the sixth had given it to the Scots he retired himself to Newcastle where he expected directions from his brother who having weighed the concernment of this Match the Kings decaying condition the danger he was in of being deposed he being hated and the Duke of Aubeny beloved he demanded his Moneys which were forthwith payed him leaving Scotland to its turmoils the which though the Duke of Aubeny did sincerely endeavour to quiet by remitting the King his brother to the plenary possession of his Kingdom yet could he not reconcile the King unto him For if the remembrance of injuries be never to be forgotten by men of perverse natures good turns are the more easily forgotten ingratitude being an enemy to all Christian and Moral vertues King Iames his minde was so contaminated and depraved as it would not suffer him to think well of his brother though the effects demonstrated the contrary nay he was likely to have made him follow his other brother had he not by his friends been advertised thereof which made him flee into England from whence having delivered up to Edward the Castle of Dunbarre he went to France where running at Tilt with the Duke of Orleans who was afterwards Lewis the twelfth he was unfortunately slain by the splinter of a Lance which wounded him thorow the sight-hole of his Helmet Edward had long suffered Lewis to take his advantage not onely in such parts of the Heir of Burgundy's Countrey as were far distant from him but even in those which were neare to Callice permitting him contrary to all reason of State to make himself master of Bullein and other Forts upon the Sea onely out of the hopes of his Daughters marriage but growing too late suspicious of it he sent the Lord Howard to France to sift out the truth who though he saw the solemne receiving of Margaret Daughter to the late heire of Burgondy and Maximilian of Austria and saw her married to the Dolphin in Amboyse yet when he tooke his leave Lewis according to his wonted dissimulation confirmed unto him his former promises as if a new match contracted with all the Church-Ceremonies and the Bride in the house did not prejudice the former so as being returned to England hee truly related the difference of what his Eyes saw and Lewis told him Lewis had handled this match according to his wonted craft not seeming to be therein obliged to those of Gaunt who had concluded it maugre their Prince the Brides Father and they did it willingly for taking from him the Counties of Artois Burgondy and Carolois the Counties of Macon and Auxorres which they gave in portion to the Dolphin they made him the lesse able to offend them they would likewise if they could have given him Hainault and Namours not considering that these Provinces in the hands of so great a King were like to forme the chaine of their servitude But Fortune favoured them beyond all expectation for this marriage so advantageous for that Kingdome was together with the Bride yet a Virgin not many Yeares after renounced by Charles the eight that he might take to Wife Anne the Daughter and Heire of Francis Duke of Britaigne and thereby to possesse himselfe of that Dukedome and the aforenamed Margaret borne under an unhappy constellation for matter of Husbands was in a very short time Widow to three To Charles who did yet live and to two others who died Iohn Prince of Aragon who lived not many moneths and Philibert the 8th Duke of Savoy who within a few Yeares dyed so as she had no issue by any of them Edward was so sensible of this his great abuse as that he resolved on revenge every one with cheerfulnesse provided for War the Clergy supply'd in monies
reasons seemed good unto the Queene who discovered not the venome thereof Whereupon shee wrote to her Brother exhorting him to cashire all the armed extraordinary attendants and that he should come along onely with her sonnes Houshold servants thereby to shunne the raising of suspition in such who having had reason formerly to hate him would now have cause to accuse him as one Seditious and of small Trust. These admonitions wrought the effect which Glocester desired and so much the rather for that hee having written with all manner of Submission to the King and in most affectionate termes of Friendship to Rivers it wrought so as they tooke their journey without Armes or extraordinary Retinew directing their course towards Northampton where they were met by Himselfe Buckingham and a great many Lords and pretending they should be incommodated for scarcity of Lodgings if they should keepe all together there they made the King go twelve miles farther towards London to Stony-Stratford but the two Dukes stayâ—…d behinde and under pretence of Honour kept with them Earle Rivers and Feasted him with such demonstrations of Joy as not being usuall hee might easily have discovered the deceipt had hee not beene betrayed by the blind folded good opinion hee had of Himselfe When he was gone to his Lodging to rest all night the two Dukes caused the Keyes of the City to be brought to them to the end that no man might get out They slept little spending the greatest part of the Night in counsell and advise they rose early and sent to all the Villages thereabouts where their servants were billeted willing them to be ready on Horseback and sending some to keepe on the way betwixt that and Stony-Stratford with order to send backe all passengers that should goe that way A strange diligence which yet wrought no impression in such as observed it for they believed it to be done that none might come to the King before Themselves But Rivers was of an other opinion for if there had beene any reason for it they should have communicated it to him after many severall conjectures hee resolved to go Himselfe and finde out the bottome of the businesse but no sooner did hee appeare before them then that picking a quarrell that hee had an intention to keepe them from the King and ruine them the which hee should not be able to effect not suffering him to reply but tumultuously interrupting him when hee was about to speake they committed him to the custody of some of their owne Servants and hasted to Stony-Stratford and got thither just as the King was putting foote in stirrup kneeling downe before him who cheerefully received them not knowing their designes they addressed themselves to Richard Gray Brother to the Marquesse Dorset objecting to him that hee together with his Brother and his Unkle had aspired to the Government of the King and Kingdome by raising of Divisions and by bringing under some of the Nobility that they might destroy the Rest that the Marquesse to make his insolencies the more feasible had taken out of the Tower of London all the Royall Treasure and had sent men to Sea to the end that none might oppose him Both which were true but in a contrary sense it being so ordered by the Counsell for the Kingdomes service not his owne The King having heard the Accusation shewed how judicious a Prince hee would have beene had it beene his fortune to have lived for not knowing how to excuse the Marquesse being ignorant by reason of his long absence of what hee had done hee thought hee might excuse the rest since they had beene continually about him So as not giving Richard leave to reply hee sayd for what concern'd the Marquesse hee knew not what to say since hee might be deceived but as for his Unckle Rivers and his Brother Richard he was very certaine they could have no hand in any such businesse for that they had alwayes beene in His company To the which Buckingham replyed His Majesty was deceived that their designes were not knowne to His Majesty and that they did not deserve to be excused by so good a Prince Immediately in his presence was the said Richard seiz'd upon as likewise Sir Thomas Vaughan and Sir Richard Hawte and the King in stead of going forwards was brought back to Northampton such of his attendance as Glocester durst not assy in were removed and others put in their place whereat the yong King did complaine and was much greived having onely the Name of a King and not being of age to defend Himselfe much lesse his Kinred and Servants And that Dissimulation might not be wanting though now 't was needlesse the Duke of Gloucester the next day sent a made dish from his Owne Table to the Earle Rivers with a message that hee should not be troubled at his restraint willing him to be of good courage for very sodainely all things would be to his good liking How much of this Rivers believed may easily be imagined but baulking the injury and apprehending worse he returned thankes for the honour done unto him desiring the Messenger that hee would carry it to his Nephew Richard for that being young and not accustomed to such accidents as these he needed the more this favour This feigned courtesy was like the lightening which fore-runnes Thunder for after many change of Prisons they were brought to Pomfrect and there beheaded as in its proper place shall bee told The next night with great diligence this newes came to the Queene who presently guessed at the Dukes designe shee too late repented the counsell given to her brother to disband his forces shee apparantly saw her owne danger but much more the danger of the Duke of Yorke and her Daughters Shee at the very same houre fled from her Pallace and tooke Sanctuary in Westminster and lodged in the Abbey to the great compassion of such who at that time of the night saw Trunkes Beds and other things carried up and downe in the streetes in such haste and feare as the servants hindered one another in their service not knowing what would become either of their Master or Themselves The Lord Hastings had received the like advertisement but with a contrary resentment he rejoyced at the Queenes sufferings all which were answerable to his wish but imagined not that Glocester would proceed any farther for hee having loved King Edward loved his Children nor would he for all the World that any harme should have befalne them Being thus satisfied in his Owne beliefe he at the same instant it being past midnight dispatcht away a Gentleman to the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour of England who found him in his first sleepe hee would not suffer him to be awaked but the servants not obeying him he was brought in and acquainted him with what had been done to the King Rivers Gray and the Kings house-hold he concealed not the Queenes betaking her selfe to Sanctuary adding that hee should not
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
treason in Henry the Sevenths time confest what had beene sayd after the same manner 't is here not knowing what became of their bodies after they were taken from the place were hee had buried them He suffered for other faults the punishment he deserved for this as did likewise the rest God doth not alwayes punish all faults in an instant but seldome suffers evill actions to have good ends for being approved of neither by men nor by the Lawes if they escape one punishment they fall upon another and for their second fault receive the punishment due for the former As long as Richard lived after this He was both outwardly and inwardly troubled with feares and agonies and according to the relations of some that were most inward with him He after this so execrable act injoy'd not one houre of quiet his countenance was changed his eyes were troubled and ghastly Hee wore coates of Male underneath his clothes and had almost continually His hand upon His Daggers-hilt ready to strike as if Hee had then beene strucken He spent whole nights in watching and if at any time He chanced to take a little rest He would be wakened with fearfull Dreames which would force him to quit His bed and so walke up and downe His chamber full of prodigious feares The other two though they escaped humane Justice yet were they met with all by Justice from above for Miles Forest dyed having almost all his members first rotted and then cut off if Deighton fared not altogether so ill yet was hee in daily expectation to be made an exemplary spectacle by some ignominious death for it is affirm'd by one who writes of him that in his time he was alive in Callis but so universally hated and detested by all men that hee was pointed at as he went along the streetes Others affirme that he lived and dyed there in great misery The first intestine troubles which Richard was afflicted withall were occasioned by the bad intelligence which was held betweene Him and the Duke of Buckingham What the occasion thereof might be is onely knowne by conjecture yet such as is not likely to erre They were both naturally proud therefore prone to breake and though Buckingham first endevoured Glocesters friendship before Glocester His he did it not in respect of his alike Genius but fearing least hee might fall from the greatesse he was in under the authority of the Queene and her kinred to shun this Rock he gave against the Other which though it were the more dangerous yet did he rather chuse to submit himselfe to a Superior who was borne great then to his Inferiors who had acquir'd greatnesse It is said that Edward being dead he sent his servant Persall presently to Yorke where Richard then was who being privately admitted by night made offer unto him of his Masters service in this change of King and that if neede should be his master would come unto him in Person waited on by a Thousand fighting men that he made the same be said over to him againe when he came to Nottingham and that when he returned to Yorke he went to visit him attended by three hundred horse where a close friendship being contracted betweene them things followed as hath been said even to the Usurpation of the Crowne after which they cooled in their affections to the amazement of those who observed their friendship for they came to the point of not Trusting one another and 't was thought moreover that in the last journey to Glocester Buckingham ran hazard of his life The cause of their distast was supposed to arise from some claime Buckingham had to the Duke of Hertfords Lands for that reputing himselfe to be his Heire he thought that Richard would not have denied them unto him neither in Justice nor yet in Recompence of his service But these Lands were so linkt to the Crown as that being falne from the house of Lancaster upon the late depos'd Henry and from Him upon the Crowne they were to be free from any privat propriety or pretension which still continuing in the Duke Richard feared least his thoughts might exceed the condition of a Subject insomuch as when Buckingham demanded them he received so sharpe so threatning and so scornefull a deniall as not able to endure it he fained himselfe sick that so he might not be at the Coronation and Richard sent him word that if he would not come he would make him be brought thither whereupon he was forced to go in all the rich and stately Equipage which at an Extraordinary charge he had prepared before their distasts Others notwithstanding will have that the distasts between them rose after this not having as Then any being that the King standing in need of him would not have hazarded the losing of him in that manner and that the Duke very well acquainted with his Nature would not have hazarded his Life being assured that upon any whatsoever occasion he could not expect better dealings then his Nephews had met withall Notwithstanding the first opinion was thought true in respect of his proud behaviour as likewise for that in the very act of Richards Coronation he turned his Eyes another way as Repenting he had bin the occasioner of it and that Richard though he knew him to be distracted treated him civilly and presented him at his departure to Glocester but his Alienation grew after he was come to his house at Brecknock and had had discourse with Dr. Morton Bishop of Ely This Bishop was a learned man and of a good life a constant part-taker with Henry the sixt neither did he ever forsake him even till his imprisonment He fled with the Queen and Prince into France and returned with them into England But their affaires succeeding ill and Edward being established in the Kingdome He was by him received into favour for knowing him to have bin Loyall to his First master he thought he would be the like to Him so as leaving him Executor of his last Will and Testament he continued his wonted loyalty to his Children which Richard knowing to be such as was unalterable he put him in the Tower and afterwards assigned him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham with whom discoursing of Richards iniquities he gave the rise to his Ruine for they found the true way to put a period to the Civill warres by marrying Henry Earle of Richmond to Edwards eldest daughter But having retired himselfe to Rome with intention not to meddle any more in Worldly affaires he returned not till sent for by the said Earle when he was King by whom hee was made Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England and who likewise procured him to be made Cardinall in which Honours he died as vertuously as he had lived This man at the Dukes returne found a great alteration in him towards Richard He hoped to worke some good effect thereout not by propounding any thing but by seconding his opinions
but he freed himselfe from any the least signe of guilt and Richard seemed not to valve his Wife least if He should embrue his Hands in the blood of a Lady of so great quality He might yet more incite the Peoples hatred He was contented shee should be committed to the custody of her Husband with order that she should be kept in some private place of her House and that none should be suffered to come to her who might conveigh Letters to her Son or Messages to any Other He also caused William Collingborne who had beene High Sheriffe of Wiltshire and Dorsetshire to be executed for having written by way of jeare That a Cot a Rat and Lovell the Dog did Governe England under a Hog alluding by Cat to Catesby by Rat to Ratcliffe and by the Dog to the Lord Lovell who gave the Dog for his Armes as did Richard the Boare for His and these three were His chiefest Favourites Some were of opinion Hee was put to death for having had Intelligence with the Earle of Richmond and with Marquis Dorset for hee was convict to have proffered Money to a certaine man to carry Letters into Britanny wherein Hee perswaded them to come Instantly and Land at Poole in Dorsetshire whilst Hee assisted by others would raise the People To keepe himselfe from troubles out of Forraine parts and that He might the betteâ—… minde his Home-broyles Richard thought necessary to hold good intelligence with the King of Scotland who often troubling Him with Inroades diverted him from his Home-affaires wherein consisted the preservation of his Life and Kingdome This businesse was treated by Commissioners who agreed upon a Truce for Three yeares each of them being to keepe what they were possest of except the Castle of Dunbarre which was given to King Edward by the Duke of Albany the last time that Hee fled from Scotland which the Scots would have restored And that he might have a double tie upon them he concluded a Marriage betweene the Duke of Rothsay Prince and Heâ—…e of Scotland and his Neece Anne of Poole Daughter to Iohn Duke of Suffolke and his Owne Sister Anne a Lady so affectionately beloved by him as his Onely Sonne the Prince of Wales being dead he made Her Sonne Iohn Earle of Lincolne be proclamed heire to the Crowne disinheriting of meere hatred his brothers Daughters and for that having declared them to be Bastards his Owne title was preserved by the continuaâ—…ce of their such repute All these precautions did noâ—… notwithstanding free his perturbed minde from those furies which leaving their naturall habitation had brought Hell into his Conscience so as though Buckingham were dead and so many others Dead and Banisht yet could not he have any Security his 〈◊〉 commited his deserved Hatred and the Earle of Richmond would not suffer him to enjoy any one houres rest And albeit in his contriving how to usurpe the Crowne hee made no account of Him whilst his brother livâ—…d his minde being then fixt upon Henry that had beene King and was then in Being yet Times and Persons being changed He likewise changed Opinion the one being Dead the other Alive and at Liberty and who was the onely man that with Right and Justice could do that to Him which he unjustly and against all Right had cruelly done to others Hee therefore indevour'd againe to have the Earle in his possession or at least that the Duke of Britanny by bereaving him of his Liberty as he had done in his brother King Edwards time would secure him from the Mischiefe that might ensue by his comming into England and not believing he was likely to obtaine a favour of this nature by way of Friendship much lesse for any Rights sake he grounded his demands upon the basis of Profit and Interest the onely meanes to obtaine ones desire from such as have no feeling of Justice He loaded his Embassadours with Monies and Presents to present unto the Duke together with Them he offered him Richmondshire and all the Revenues of the Earle as likewise all that belonged in England to all those that were fled over to him into Britanny the which being very much would have sufficed to have corrupted any other save Duke Francis the second one of the Noblest and most vertuous Princes that lived in those times as he was held by all men This is Argeâ—…es his relation who affirmes hee hath found among the Records of Britanny the grant of this County together with the Names of the Churches Monasteries and Priories therein but if the Duke should die without heires of his body the Reversion should fall to the King The Embassadours or Deputies as Hee 〈◊〉 them could not have accesse unto the Duke being come to a season that He was beside Himselfe an infirmity He was often subject unto whereupon they made their adresses to Peter Landais who had power to dispose of the Prince and State as He pleased The large sums of English money made him listen to what they propounded his base minde not valuing Honour made him accept of the Offer but not in such manner as it was propounded For He being the man that was to deliver up the Earle the Duke not being in condition either to yeild him or to detaine Him He would have Richmondshire to himselfe whereupon many Messengers were sundry times dispatcht for England which was the Earles safety for these practises being discovered in England and the Bishop of Ely being adveâ—…tised in 〈◊〉 He speedily gave the Earle notice thereof advising him immediately to depart from thence for that He was bought and sold betweene Richard and those who were of chiefe authority in that State so as if He did not sodainely save himselfe He would fall into his enemies hands The Earle received this advertisement when He was at Vennes from whence hee sent 〈◊〉 France 〈◊〉 a safe-conduct which was by the King thereof without delay sent him and it being impossible to save Himselfe and all his Partakers at the same time he feigned to send the Lords that were with him to visit the Duke at Rennes giving order to the Earle of Pembroke who conducted them that when they should be upon the Confines He should immediately quit the Countrey as he did whilst He himselfe feigning two dayes after to visit a friend of his not farre from Vannes got on horse-back waited on onely by Five servants and when He was entred the Wood He put on one of His servants Coates and got by By-wayes out of the State and arrived at Aniou whether the Earle of Pembroke with the rest were but long before come His escape was the easier in that it was not suspected having left above three Hundred English all of His Retinue behinde him in Vennes otherwise it would have gone ill with Him For Peter had already raised people and appointed Commanders over them who were within three dayes to have beene at Vennes to have detained Him hearing by what meanes I cannot
as out of Faction or out of Envie could not endure that Henry should reign the one that the Duke of York son to Edward the 4 was Alive the other that the King was resolved to put the Earl of Warwick who was prisoner in the Tower secretly to death The First was divulged to nurse up Hopes in such as were ill affected the Second to encrease Hatred against the King as if equally cruel with Richard he were about to treat the Earl of Warwick as Richard had treated his Nephews Whereupon Simond meeting with so fit an occasion bethought himself to make Lambert personate the Duke of York but presently altering his Opinion he judged it fitter for his purpose to have him personate the prisoner the Earl of Warwick and that if his endeavours should succeed and that Lambert should be made King he himself should be recompensed with the Chief Miter of England and the Government of King and Kingdom Neither did he think to meet with any great Obstacle herein since that the love to the House of York remaining yet in the hearts of Most of the Kingdom they could not possibly endure that the King having married the Princesse Elizabeth he should not suffer her to be Crowned as she ought to be Resolving hereupon he began to give such instruction to Lambert as such a businesse required and met with an Aptnesse in him fit to receive whatsoever documents but considering afterwards that his pupil was to represent the person of one that was known to many and not known to him he thought it was unpossible to be done without the Assistance of some-body who was conversant in the Court who might be informed by those that had served the Earl of his childish conversation and of all things that had befallen since King Edward's death at which time he was but Ten yeers old None being fitter for such an Office then the Queen Dowager she was imagined to be the Instructresse for she was but little satisfied to see her daughter so little beloved and so coolly treated as a Wife and as a Queen wanting the usual Marks of that dignity for Henry had neglected her Coronation though he had lately born him a Son not that her intention was to make Lambert King but to make use of him to Depose her Son-in-law to substitute the infant-Prince the lawful Successor in his place and in case she should meet with too great oppositions Lincoln or Warwick which were Both of the House of York That which made people of this opinion was Her being shortly after confined to a Monastery upon no weighty pretence as we shall see The King thought it expedient to punish her under the colour of a Petty known fault for a heinous one which was not fitting to be known Howsoever it was Lambert took upon him the gestures and behaviour of a great Personage with so miraculous punctuality as that these being joyned to his Natural Sweetnesse a True Prince could not be formed out with more true Perfections then were these false ones which appeared to be true in Him The reasons which made Simond change his first designe and chuse rather to have his Comedian personate the son to the Duke of Clarence then King Edward's son though he that was Dead might easilier be counterfeited then he that was Alive was That when a speech went of his being escaped out of the Tower he observed so Great Joy in the People as he thought he should have more to further him in his designe and that it would be easier for him to insinuate a falshood in the Person of This man falsly supposed to have made an escape then in that Other whose escape would the hardlier be believed for in it Two Impossibilities were to be supposed Pity in the Varlets that were to murder him which could not without danger enter into such souls especially under such a King as was Richard and the Escape from the Tower which augmenting the danger took from the belief of any Compassion in Them or Life in Him But that which chiefly made him resolve upon This was that whilst he was doubtful what to do 't was said for a truth that Warwick was Dead in the Tower Now to act this Comedy well he did not think England a fit Scene a proportionable Distance being required in things which must be taken for what they are not unavoidable difficulties were to be met withal upon the place which might be avoided abroad where no Witnesses being to convince nor Acquaintance to confound boldnesse becomes impudence without which Cheats of this nature can hardly be effected He resolved to go over into Ireland a Kingdom affectionate to the House of York and wherein King Henry at his coming to the Crown had altered nothing neither Deputy Councellor nor Officer the same commanded there that were there placed by Richard a negligence to be blamed in so Prudent a Prince as He was who knew the inclination of that Kingdom and People wherein if alterations chance to happen remedies are hardly come by none being to be had from within it Self and all External helps the Sea interposed between them and home being Difficult Dangerous and Slowe All which made for Symond's purpose who coming before Thomas Fitz-Gerald Earl of Kildare who was Deputy a man ill-affected to Henry as he was well-affected to the House of York presented his pretended Prince unto him using such illusions as Lambert not having any one part in him which did not gainsay his mean Extraction the Deputy believed him to be what his Masters speeches and his Studied Nobility made him appear to be insomuch that acquainting some of his trustiest friends with this Secret under the Seal of Confession he found them and together with them the People prone to Rebellion They received this fancied Prince with great honour they gave the Castle of Dublin to him for his Lodging and few days after proclaimed him King by the name of Edward the Sixth There was not any one Province that denied him obedience and all of them joyned in declaring War against Henry whilst on the contrary side there was not any one that spake a word or drew a sword in his behalf But that Kingdom being but bare of Money and Arms and but meanly furnished with Souldiers they hoped that such in England as were friends to the House of York and Margaret Dutchesse of Burgundy would in a businesse of so great consequence assist them with their Supplies whom they advertise that Edward Plantagenet is escaped out of the Tower and come into Ireland where he was received and proclaimed King that they were purposed to bring him into England his hereditary Kingdom if they would be ready with their assistance to secure his Entry and that his Aunt of Burgundy would assist him with Money Souldiers and Commanders Margaret by reason of her vertue for she had nothing in her blameable but her inveterate hate to the House of Lancaster was in great
esteem amongst the Flemings she was the third wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy who being slain before Nanci left no Heir behinde him save Mary born to him by Elizabeth of Burbon his second wife who was married to Maximilian of Austria son to the Emperour Frederick the third to whom she bare Philip and Margaret which their mother being dead were brought up with much charity and affection by this window she doing for Them as she could have done had they been her Own children which caused the Subjects moved thereunto by her so great Charity to honour and obey her as if she had been their Naturally-reigning Princesse Her husband had left her a very great Dowry so as she having had no other occasion of Expence saving her frugal Domestick affairs she might by the Moneys she had gathered in so many yeers of her Self unassisted by any Other undertake this business She therefore willingly listened to the Embassie not that she was Ignorant of the Falshood of it for she knew her Nephew so strictly kept as he could not escape but that she might have an occasion to trouble Henry His marriage with her Neece which should have reconciled her to him did the more Incense her against him since it was the way to Establish him in the Kingdom and to take it from Her House without any Hope of ever Recovering it again whereupon she readily Promised Assistance and in it's due time Sent it more Readily The King when he heard of this Rebellion in Ireland was very much troubled being too-late aware he had done ill to leave that Nation under the Command of such as depended upon his Predecessor And though he could not have imagined such an accident as This yet was he not to be excused for Wisedom ought to foresee not onely Evident but Contingent dangers neither was it Contigency to trust Ireland in the hands of such as were Well-wishers to the Adverse party it was not to be believed that together with their Prince they would change their Inclinations for Hatred in inveterate Factions is seldome changed But having no ready remedie nor being able to exercise his own Valour upon this occasion as he had done upon Others by reason of the Sea's interposal he called his Council together to know their Opinions and to resolve upon what was to be done They propounded and concluded upon Three expedients First a General Pardon for All faults Treason against the Kings Person not excepted to all such as within a Prefixt time should Confesse themselves guilty a thing most Usual upon Other occasions but necessary at This time since Ordinary Treason which is usually pardonable was not Now treated of but treason grown to such a Height as makes the partakers therein Desperate even to the Uttermost Hazard their welfare being incompatible with the welfare of the Prince This Article was resolved on in consideration of Sir Thomas Broughton who had saved the Lord Lovel for being a powerful man in his Countrey he might have assembled many men who joyned to the rest might have done much harm and though there was no doubt of his Correspondency with the Irish yet it was Now no fitting time to proceed against him with Severity it was thought fittest for the Present Danger not to put him to Desperation not to Provoke him to Mischief and to shew him a way to save himself Secondly that Edward Plantagenet should be taken out of the Tower and shewn to the People to the end they might know he was not dead and that the supposed Plantagenet in Ireland was a meer Chimaera framed onely to trouble the State Thirdly that the Queen-mother should be confined to the Nunnery of Bermondsey and that her goods should be confiscated for that having promised the Princesse Elizabeth to the now-King whilst he was in Britanny she had contrary to the Articles of Agreement delivered Her and the rest of her sisters up to Richard The issue of these three Resolutions were Broughton bit not at this bait of Pardon Edward Plantagenet was led in Procession to Pauls being by the way discoursed withal by divers of the chief of the Nobility that knew him especially by such of whom the King had any Suspition to the end they might be convinc't in their reason The which though it availed in England yet did it no good in Ireland where the King was accused That out of an intent to rob Edward the Sixth of his Inheritance which he had Tyrannously enjoy'd he had shewed to the view of the People a young boy who was somewhat like him to the end they might believe a Falshood thereby cheating the World and by an unparallel'd Imposture profaning the Church and sacred Ceremonies The resolution concerning the Queen was that Alone which took Effect though not without Scandal for there being no other cause then what was alleadged the punishment savoured too much of Avarice and Cruelty of Avarice because the King got thereby her Confiscation which was very Great of Cruelty because the Weaknesse and Vanity of a Woman the Weaknesse caused by the Threats the Vanity by the Promises of a Tyrant and the Irksomnesse of a Sanctuary an End whereof she was Never to expect did not deserve so Severe a punishment Not but that her fault was very Great since she did what in Her lay to render the Kings return vain and to make those Lords for ever lose their Countrey and their Possessions who upon her promises were gone into Britanny but the Difficulty of so dangerous an enterprise under the conduct of a Young man without Forces against a powerful King a skilful Warriour together with the Example of the Duke of Buckingham who first began it with so Unfortunate Successe were able to have made a Stronger minde then Hers to have Waver'd the sufferings of her Body and Minde made her covet a Quiet which she could not hope for from a few Exil'd People and if This were her Onely fault wherefore was she not at first proceeded against before her daughter's Marriage and the Prince's birth in all which time the King shewed no distaste against her neither held her as a Delinquent But in my Opinion it is to be thought that the Kings nature though Covetous yet not Wicked did not move him to deal so injuriously with her rather that he was induced to these proceedings out of some Hidden cause and that those Forces above mention'd which made her guilty in the highest degree made him so exceeding Severe else he would have punisht her Before as in Justice he might have done But Princes Imaginations are not as manifest as their Actions This Queen was one of Fortune's greatest works whose Inconstancy in the enterchanges of her Felicity and Misery proved Constant from being a widow to a bare Knight she was made wife to a great King who being fled away deposed and banished she was enforced for the Safety of her Self and the Prince her son which she bare there to take
into Cornewall as he had appointed for hearing that they were not totally appeased he thought it was not good to incite them any further To all the rest he gave a Generall Pardon so as in so scandalous a rebellion there were but Three that suffer'd those not being cast into the number which were slain in the Battell who perished rather by Fortune then by way of Punishment The King of Scotland hearing of this rebellion made use of it he went to besiege Norham Castle plundering the countrey This Castle belonged to Fox the Bishop of Durham who fore-seeing it would be besieged had doubly furnished it with all sorts of Munition causing the herds of Cattle what else might be helpful to the Enemy to be withdrawn into the greatest strengths The Earl of Surrey who was ready upon all occasions in Yorke-shire not far from thence hasted thither accompanied with good store of Souldiers the which when King Iames understood he with-drew himself and was pursued by the Earl who not able to over-take him sate down before Hayton Castle one of the strongest Castles between Barwick and Edenborough the which he quickly took and not meeting with any opposition he returned to Yorke-shire not doing any more these two actions having produced no matter of Note but the Preservation of One Castle and the winning of Another At this time came Pedro d' Aiala a man of praise-worthy conditions to Henry being sent Embassadour from Ferdinand and Isabel King and Queen of Castile The pretence of his Embassie was to compound the differences between Henry and the King of Scotland but the true cause was to negotiate a marriage between Katharine their second daughter and Prince Arthur My opinion is that these two wise Princes were cautious of entring into a busines of this nature till by this peace they might see Henries state setled for considering him to be a New King they did not a little weigh the machinations of an Impostour which being grounded upon the appearances though but of a False name were upheld by the King of Scotland who if he should forsake him they would soon vanish Henry willingly embraced the Offer being no way inclined to the unprofitable wars with Scotland by the cessation whereof two great advantages were to redound to him the one he would unkennell Perkin from out the Kingdom with hopes to get him into his power or else that wanting that leaning stock he might easily end the busines Himself the other his desire to reign in Peace being weary of so many molestations which rising one in the neck of another had always troubled him So as agreeing to whatsoever d' Aiala should treate of his Honour and all wherein it might be concern'd always preserved he suffer'd him to go into Scotland where having rough-cast the busines and perswaded the King to listen to Peace for his endeavours were seconded by the Counsel who favoured England he writ to Henry to send some discreat man who together with Him might end the busines with the Commissioners of Scotland The King gave his Commission to Fox Bishop of Durham who was then at Norham and sent him When they met together in Iedworth they could not agree by reason of many difficulties that arose Henry demanded to have Perkin delivered up unto him and Iames could not doe it without a great aspersition to his Honour for though he knew he was but a Iuggler yet having called him the Duke of Yorke made war in his name and married him to a neer kinswoman of his own the doing of it would injure his own Faith and Reputation On Henries behalfe was likewise demanded satisfaction for the Losse he had suffer'd and the Restitution of such Booty as had been taken from England which was impossible to be had the booty was disperst amongst the Souldiers and the King had not of his Own wherwith to give satisfaction for the Losses suffer'd it was more possible for the one to suffer the Losse then for the other to Repay it But all of them being met together with a Desire of Peace 't was easie to find a way to accommodation wherefore leaving off the Treaty til another time they agreed on a Truce upon condition that Perkin should be dismist Scotland The Kings were here withall contented Truce working the same effect King Iames calling Perkin to him shewed him that according to his promise he had done what lay in His power for him which He had not correspondently done in any thing he promised for having made him beleeve hee had a Party in England not so much as one man had appeared to side with him after Two attempts made that he the King had together with his person hazarded his Kingdom to a perpetual war The Scots would none of it neither would his Occasions permit it that he had reason to complain of none but of Himself who in a busines of so great importance had not cast up his accounts aright that the Emperour Arch-duke Dutchesse of Burgundy and the King of France had been faulty both to Himself and Him that he could not doe all of Himself whilest they far from Danger looked on from safe places without either dammage or expence though this were a sufficient cause yet should it not have been of force enough to have made him change his former resolution had there been any one that would have acknowledged him for the Duke of Yorke as there was none that would acknowledge him for so much as an English man Hee would no farther examine his Genealogy nor make himselfe Judge of anothers pretences whilest there is not any one that dreams much lesse beleeves him to be Sonne to Edward the fourth that hee had given him for wife a Noble Lady his neer kinswoman to the end the Scocs might be moved to favour him and the English might take courage to own him and if the second designe which depended on Him Perkin did not succeed well the first which depended on Him the King failed not that his Kingdom would have Peace which they could not have so long as He stayed in it that therefore it behooved him to be gone for having denied to Deliver him up to the King of England as was by the said King Demanded he could not deny to send him out of Scotland which should he not doe it would be contrary to the interests of One of them and repugnant to the affairs of the Other Hee told him Times did alter so as if hee were the man hee gave himself out to be it was impossible but the Time would bring the Truth to light that though Fortune were Powerfull yet was she not able to prevaile against a certain Truth if therefore his Pretence were such he could not want Friends and Furtherers if otherwise it behooved him to look to himself and to put on apparell fitting his condition Perkin though convinced seemed not to be so casting all his bad successe upon the Aversenesse of Fortune And
Thomas Holland Earle of Kent Henry who dyed young Iohn first Duke of Sommerset who maried Margerite daughter to Sr. Iohn Beauchamp Margerite married to Edward Adham earl of Richmond Henry the 7. who married Elizabeth daughter to Henry the 4. Edmund Duke of Sommerset slaine in the â—…attell at S. Albans who married Elenor daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded an 1462. Charls Sommerset Earle of Worcester bastard Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded Anno 1471. dying without heyrs Iohn slaine at the battell of Teuksbury Thomas Ioane married to Iames the first King of Scotland Margerite married to Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Thomas E. of Devonsh beheaded Henry beheaded Iohn slaine at Teuksbury Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester Cardinall of St. Eusebius and Chancellor of England Thomas Beaufort Earle of Dorset Duke of Exeter and Chancellor of England Ioane Beaufort for whose issue looke the next lease Iane Beaufort married to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury beheaded who married Elenor daughter to Thomas Montigue Earle of Salisbury William Lord of Faulkenbridge Edward Earle of Abergaveny George Lord Latimer Robert Bishop of Durham Cuthbert Henry Thomas Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke surnamed The great he married Anne daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Isabel wife of George Plantagenet Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth drowned in a But of Malmâ—…y Edward Earl of Warwicke last heyre male of the Plantagenet he was beheaded Margerite Countesse of Salisbury wife to Richard Poole beheaded the 13. yeare of Henry the 8. she was mother to Cardinall Poole Anne wife to Edward Prince of Wales son to Henry 6. he was slaine by the Duke of Glocester who after married the said Anne Edward Prince of Wales who died before his Father Iohn Marquis Montigue who maried the daughter of Sr Edward Engelthorpe George Archbishop of York and Chancellour of England George Nevil Duke of Bedford degraded together with his father for not having left sufficient meanes to maintaine their honour Luce first married to Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams then to Sir Anthony Browne by whom William Earle of Southampton St Anthony Browne Iane married to Will. Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Thomas Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel William Earle of Arundel Elenor wife to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby George Baron Strange Thomas Earle of Darby Edward Lord Mounteagle Iames Bishop of Ely Catherine wife to Iohn Moubray second duke of Norfolke Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elenor daughter of the Lord Bourchier Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elizabeth daughter to Geo. Talbot 1. earle of Shrewsb Anne wife to Richard Duke of York second son of Edward the fourth Elenor wife to Henry Pearcy second Earle of Northumberland slaine in the service of Henry 6. in the first battell at Saint Albans Henry the third earle of Northumberland slaine in the like service who married Elenor daughter to Richard Lord Poinings Henry the fourth Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people for leavying a taxe imposed by Henry the seventh and the Parliament he married Maudlin daughter to the earle of Pembrocke Henry the fifth earle of Northumberland William Allen a Bishop Iocelin Elenor married to Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham Anne wife to William Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Anne wife to Humfrey Staffoâ—…d first Duke of Buckingham slaine in the first battel at Northhampton Humfrey Earle of Stafford slaine in the first battell of St Albans he married Margerite sister to Edward Beaufort Duke of Sommerset Henry second Duke of Sommerset beheaded by Richard 3. he married Catherine sister to Richard Woodville Earle Rivers Edward Duke of Buckingham Henry of Wiltshire both beheaded by Henry the 8. Iohn Stafford Earle of Wiltshire married to Constance daughter to Sir Henry Greene. Edward Stafford Earle of Wiltshire Catherine wife to George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury George E. of Shrewsbury married to Anne daughter to the Lord Hastings Francis Earle of Shrewsbury Margerite married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland Sicely of whose issue see the next leafe Sicely married to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who waged warre with Henry the 6. as lawfull pretender to the Crowne hee was slaine in the battell of Wakefield King Edward the 4. who married Elizabeth daughter of Richard Woodville Earle Rivers King Edward the 5. Richard duke of York Both slaine in the Toweâ—… by their uncle Richard 3 Elizabeth married to Henry the 7. Arthur prince of Wales Henry the 8. Catherine married to William Courtney earle of Devonshire Henry Earle of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter beheaded by Henry the 8. Edmund who died in the battell with his Father George Duke of Clarence drowned in a But of Malmsey in the Tower he married Isabel daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Warwicke Edward Earle of Warwicke beheaded under Henry the 7. Margerite Countesse of Salisbury married to Sr Richard Poole beheaded under Henry the 8. Henry Lord Montigue beheaded under Henry the 8. Reginald Poole Cardinall Vrsula married to Henry Lord Stafford sonne and heyre to Edward last Duke of Buckingham Richard Duke of Glocester by tyrannicall usurpation called afterward Richard the 3. who married Anne daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke Edward Prince of Wales who died during his fathers life THE INTRODVCTION MY intention is to write the story of England for as much as concernes the Câ—…vill Wars of that Kingdome from their first rise to their happy period Events which the lesse they be known forth of those Climats the more worthy are they of others knowledge Civill knowledge accounts not him wise who applies himselfe only to what concernes his owne Country but who enlargeth his understanding to the universall knowledge of all Nations Such as are unexperienced and too passionatly gâ—…ven to the love of their owne Country doe vsually misprise forraine occurrences whilst alteration in governments doth vary those vertues in them by which they acquired a name above others The Assyrians Medes and Persians the Macedonians Greeks and Romans doe witnesse this unto us people ought not to boast of what they were but if there be any occasion of ostentation of what they for the present are Barbarisme is not so generall in the now present times as in times past of as many Nations as are there is not any one who at this day can vaunt her selfe to be the law-giver unto others What is wanting in some one is peeced up by the advantages which some others have not This discipline of warre learning the liberall sciences arts mechanicall and civill comportment are so diffused as those who last embraced them are like to cisternes which doe more abound with water then doe the house tops and gutters from which they did at first fall There was a time when the Grecians had presumption enough to repute the Romans barbarous their condition shewes us how much they were deceived The Vandalls Lombards and Gothes were civilized at the cost of the
of warre with that Nation and likely that not ensuing to raise a warre at home To which the Count with a sad brow replied That the birth and bloud of such subjects allowing them more authority then stood with the Kings safety was dangerous that to temporize in cures made the malady greater But that as one poyson was antidote to another so dangers could not but by dangers be salved yet with this advantage that the former being certaine 't was a question whether the others would prove so or no That clemencie when 't was the off-spring of weaknesse and feare was alwayes subject to ingratitude and neglect never to thankfulnesse and acknowledgement So as Princes who wanted the Ballance to weigh offences and the power to counterpoise them by condigne punishments might account themselves as already lost These or the like words gave the definitive sentence against Glosters life for they were fast rooted into Richards minde as proceeding from one that was wise a Friend and an Ally and who was void of interest He now wavered no longer neither in respects nor delayes hee firmly resolved to put him to death but had not pitched upon the manner As soone as the Count was gone from England he acquainted the Earle of Huntington and of Nottingham with his designe and having with them agreed upon what was to be done he went out of London one night about Supper time and rid all night accompanied by a great many armed men who lying in ambush not farre from Plashey the Dukes house the King sent Huntington to acquaint him with his comming The message was no sooner delivered but by the sound of trumpets notice was given of the Kings arrivall The Duke who was then in bed threw his night gowne about him and came downe to meet his Majesty taxing Huntington of unkindnesse for not having given him earlier notice But these complementall quarrels were soone appeased by the Kings smiling aspect who desired him to goe make himselfe ready for that he must presently upon some urgent occasion goe along with him to London The Dutchesse in her night cloathes entertained the King whilst her husband did on his apparrell who not having leasure to take his usualll traine along with him got on horse-backe followed by some few and giving order for the rest to follow him As soone as they were come to the place of ambush Richard spur'd on and the Marshall comming from where hee was conceald tooke the Duke prisoner 't was bootlesse for him to call upon the King who seeming as if he heard him not pursued on his way The unfortunate man was brought to the Thames there imbarked and carried to Callis a fort under the command of the said Marshall where hee was shortly after strangled or as many will have it stifled between pillowes A businesse which clearly demonstrates unto us that their number is but small who falling into extravagancies upon confidence in the people have not come to miserable ends And though errors were committed on both sides it cannot notwithstanding be denied but that Princes are provoked unto tyranny more by the insolencies of particular men then of their owne disposition For it being dangerous to proceed by the ordinary course of Law with a priviledged man as was Gloster it behoved Richard to doe that by force which he was not sure to effect by justice since that his danger was more to be feared in the tolerating of such presumptions then in the violating of the Lawes And so it had certainly fallen out had he not done worse But evils fruitfull in themselves produce multitudes of their like And honesty in any one affaire once forsaken quite banisheth all shame in all succeeding actions After the Count Saint Pauls departure the King had received many distasts which wounding his reputation had confirmed him in his resolution of putting the Duke to death Brest a Fort of great consequence in Brettany was by the Duke thereofpawned for a great summe of money to Edward the third upon condition of being rendred when the moneyes should bee paid It was a place which had formerly fitted England for accommodations of warre in these parts And if Richard had had the same designes his predecessors had as he had not it may bee hee would not so punctually have observed conditions but as matters now went having received the monies he restored it to the owner without further dispute The Duke of Gloster who no whit abated his blaming of the Kings actions did in bitter manner twit him in the teeth with his restitution as done to the prejudice and dishonour of the State the King who thought he had not well understood him so outragious was his language willed him to speak it over againe and he not changing the sense but saying the very self same words over again did so much incense his Majesty as after having shewed him that he had done nothing which without infamy he could have forborne to have done he seemed to his other Uncles to be much greeved thereat who though they confessed him to be over violent did yet excuse him affirming him to be as void of malice as jealous of the honour of the kingdome the which he was in so high a degree as that he could not suffer the least diminution thereof how just soever Afterwards when any discourse concerning the King was offered hee spoke of him as of one degenerate and without courage that being unfit for government the greatest favours that could be done him were to allot livelihood unto him in some commodious prison Whereupon his brethren despairing of his amendment and fearing lest their presence might adde to his boldnesse retired themselves to their Countrey-houses beleeving that being left alone he would be more reasonable But so far was he from this as that he fell upon a resolution which if it were not the cause was the last pretence of his death he had as well plotted the Kings ruine as the King his Hereupon a randesvous was made in Arundell Castle where a resolution was taken of ceasing upon the Kings person of imprisoning the Dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to the end that they might not disturbe the businesse and of hanging the greatest part of all the Privie Councell The chiefe conspirators were the Earle of Darby Arundell the Marshall and Warwicke and of Prelates the Archbishop of Canterbury the Abbot of Saint Albons and the Prior of Westminster This conspiracie is thus reported by a certaine Historian but I cannot beleeve it to be true for reasons which shall hereafter bee alledged The Earle Marshall discovered the plot unto the King and the King unto the Councell which perswaded him to retaine the Duke the which being done Arundell and Warwicke were forthwith imprisoned And to shun the danger of a popular insurrection publicke proclamation was made that the fore named persons were imprisoned not for any former fault but for fresh treasonable offences to be made knowne the next Parliament where
of reason they had required of him Assoone as they were gone the first thing he did was to secure the consines upon Scotland by adding to the Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroope Lord Greystock and Sir Robert Vmfrevill The last of which desirous to trie his fortune set upon the enemy of Godering where hee slew 600. of them and tooke 300. prisoners whilst the King sent a Herald into France with new letters of defiance who having accesse unto the Councell but not unto the King departed with this replie That answer should be made in time and place convenient The King was a ship-board in Antona when he was informed that the Earle of Cambridge the Lord Henry Scroope and Sir Thomas Grey had conspired his death This was the onely mischiefe undertaking against him though in vaine by the raging bloud of Civill ware More certainly would have beene indeavoured had it not beene for the warres with France which hindred such attempts whilst it served for a cauter to the bad humours of England This Princes misfortunes were put over to those that followed him for the cautery being closed up after his death produced such sicknesse as slew his sonne and grandchild as wee shall see in the second Volume The three Conspirators were apprehended The first was grandsonne to Edward the third cousen german to Richard the second and Henry the fourth and brother to the Duke of Yorke a Prince of great expectation one of whom England and the King himselfe did promise unto themselves deeds worthy of his birth in these present occasions he easily confessed I will not say the truth but that which being likely to be true redounded to his advantage that it should be beleeved He confessed that he and the other two had beene bribed by great summes of money received by the way of anticipation which caused them resolve since it was impossible for them to deliver him alive into the French mens hands to kill him before he should set footing in Normandy This did very much afflict the King he thought it improbale that men of so great fortunes should be capable of so base corruption for in his person they betrayed their Country exposed the very flower of England to the slaughter and cut the very nerves of the fortune of the land He bewailed the fault but did not perceive the true occasion of the treason which if he had done he had perhaps by rooting out the house of Yorke prevented the ruine wich was a framing against his house of Lancaster But humanity attains not to the secrets of above and if it did it is not wise enough to divert the wisdome of heaven God is as well the reward of good in thousands as he is the punisher of evill in the third fourth generation In Richard the 2. he punished the death of Edward the second In Henry the sixt and his sonne the death of Richard the second In Edward the fifth and his brother the death of Henry the sixt and his sonne And in Richard the third the death of Edward the fifth and his brother and yet hee was pleased to suffer those to dye in peace which were the authors thereof I would not place Edward the third in this number if his mothers fault did not in some sort lay upon him the aspersion of parricide Henry the fourth who murthered Richard the second and Edward the 4. who murthered Henry the sixt remained all unpunished But to Richard the second he denyed life perhaps repentance his inhumanity not deserving successor nor pardon And though he died a violent death yet not so ill as he deserved for who doth live through cruelty should through cruelty die It was not credited that the Earle of Cambridge was corrupted by France as he himself said but of his own accord for being married to Anne great grandchild to Lionell Duke of Clarence and sister to Edmond Earle of March to whom the Crowne did of right belong his designe was to kill the King and his brethren that so he might make his brother in law King who having no children nor in a capacity of having any he and his sonne were to succeed in the right of Anne so as fearing lest to confesse the truth might endanger his heires life he framed this fable He and his complices were beheaded And though he was pittied by all yet his resolving upon so wicked a deed in the nicke of so important a businesse to the common losse and danger did much abate their commiseration for his death was thought expedient for the life and safety of King and and subjects Walsingham writes that the Lord Scroop Lord Treasurer whose hypocrisie had wonne so much of credit with the King that nothing was done without his approvall was he who was corrupted by the Embassadors of France and that the other two received their infection from him That the Embassadors being returned home reported that they had so ordered the businesse that King Henry was as then either diverted from the enterprise of France or slaine A manuscript cited by Iohn Speed saith that the King of France gave them a million of Crownes that they might either kill him or deliver him up prisoner into his hands and that the Earle of Cambridge desirous to draw the Earle of March unto his party revealed the designe unto him forcing him by threats to sweare secrecy and that having obtained one onely hour for resolution the Earle of Marsh accused him unto the King The sentence of death which in history is recorded saith That it was so wrought as that the Earle of Marsh should take upon him the government of the Kingdome in case Richard the 2. were dead there remained still an opinion that he was yet living in Scotland and that he should be proclaimed heire to the Crown in opposition to Henry of Lancaster usurper The which doth partly correspond with the manuscript as likewise that the Earle of Marsh was the accuser it being probable that having no children and voide of ambition and of a peacefull condition he would not hazard his life to satisfie his brother in lawes ambition But it is not possible that the King of France should have payed this mony for if so it would have beene found after the delinquents death and some mention would have been made thereof Moreover the revenues of France in those daies not amounting by much to so great a sum it must of necessity either be taken out of an already gathered treasure or from the common peoples purse not from the treasury for Princes lay up treasure onely in peace and by good government both which were a long time unknowne to that Kingdome Not from the purse of the common people for it was impossible in such an instant and with so much secrecy to have drawne it from them So as for what appeares to me the reasons alledged in their sentence ought most to be beleeved the rather for that King Henry did never upbraid
affaire in France could not prosper if those of England did amisse this newes made a great impression in the Duke so as deputing the Earle of Warwicke who was but a little before come thither with 6000. men His Lieutenant in the Regency of France hee went together with his Wife to England and came to Lancaster where the Parliament was at that time called The first action hee did was to blame such Lords as had sided in this difference not naming his Brother or Uncle to whom his discourse tended who drawne by their venome had stir'd up the People to the danger of the King and Kingdome and utter subversion of the affaires in France hee exhorted them to lay aside their passions and take to them more moderate and civill thoughts Gloster did not forbeare for all this to present in full Parliament his complaints against the Bishop First that Richard Woodville Lieutenant of the Tower had by the Bishops instigation denyed him entrance Secondly that hee was resolv'd to lay hands upon the King and carry him from Eltham to Windsor without the Kings consent or consent of the Councell Thirdly that when as hee had resolv'd to hinder him herein Hee had caused the Bridge to bee shut up upon him caused the chaines to bee drawne and placed men armed with bowes arrowes and all other manner of weapons in the chambers windowes and corners neare about to hinder his passage and to kill him and as many as were with him Fourthly that hee had beene told by Henry the fifth as hee lay asleepe in the great chamber at Westminster in his Fathers time by the barking of a Dog a certaine man was discover'd behind the hangings who being question'd by the Earle of Arundel said that hee was placed there by directions from the Bishop of Winchester to kill the Prince in his bed and that being removed from thence hee was immediatly drowned in the Thames Fifthly that he had told him likewise that his Father in his latter times being troubled with grievous indispositions the Bishop should say unto him that since hee was no longer fit for governmrnt hee should doe well to transferre both the government and Crowne upon him The Parliament was not easily brought to beleeve the circumstances of this accusation especially when the Bishop gave in his answere To the first hee said that before the Duke of Gloster went to Hannault hee and the councell good reasons moving them thereunto had ordered that the Towre of London for the time to come should bee victualled and munition'd as other forts use to be That after his being gone to Hannault the Citie being in apparent danger threatned by libels and seditious speeches particularly against strangers the greatest part whereof were for this cause fled the councell fearing a rebellion had appointed Richard Woodville to be Lieutenant of the Towre who to boote with the great affiance the deceased King had in him was Chamberlaine and Councellor to the Duke of Bedford with directions that during this his charge hee should not suffer any one whosoever to enter therein that was stronger then himselfe without particular commandement from the King or order to bee given by the Councell that the Duke at his returne disliking this order would breake it Hee pretended to enter and inhabite there being offended that Woodville denied him entrance and that the Bishop had advis'd him so to doe the which hee did not deny his reason being that the Duke desiring Richard Scot Lieutenant of the Tower to deliver up into his custody one Randall a Frier convict of treason against the late King and who had bin some yeares Prisoner Richard not able to deliver him without order from the Councell nor to refuse his delivery without offending the Duke desired him to send him such a command as might serve for his discharge the which the Duke denied to doe saying his commandement might serve for a sufficient discharge so as the Bishop seeing him so farre exceed the limits of his authority and not knowing where it would end could not chuse but give Richard this advice so much the more for that after his returne from Hannault hee had not forborne to allure some of the People saying that if they had beene ill dealt withall in his absence as hee understood they had they should bee so no more now that hee was present and that as for the Tower which was reinforced to keepe them in awe as who should say they were not loyall Hee would find a remedy for that if they so pleased To the second that hee never had any intention to lay hands upon the King much lesse to take him from where hee was to governe him otherwise then till then hee had beene unlesse it were by the resolution of the Councell that such a thought could no wayes availe him but rather prove harmefull and dangerous to him the which hee offered to make good in time and place convenient To the third that hee denied not to have done as much as was alleadged but not to the end as was objected that hee had beene certainely inform'd ever since the last Parliament at Winchester of the great ill will the Duke bore him which made him resolve not to bee there to shunne the evils wherewithall hee was threatned that evident signes were seene of this that certaine people of base condition being assembled together on the Thames side where boates use to land were heard to say that if they should meete with the Bishop in that place they would throw him into the River and that the Sunday before All-Saints day the Duke being demanded by the Councell concerning his ill will to the Bishop hee said it is true and that it might bee his reasons should bee seene one day in writing that the next Munday by the Dukes commandement no reason being given for it the Citizens were all night in Armes saying injurious things against the Bishop that commandement was likewise given to the Courtiers to bee with the Duke by 8. in the morning armed that on Tuesday hee gave directions to the Major and Aldermen to send unto him 300. Horse-men to waite upon him whither hee was to goe which was as it was said to remove away the King without the Councels knowledge all which being manifest signes of this the Bishops danger hee resolved to prevent him as it is lawfull for every one to defend himselfe so as if he had fortified the Bridge to the end it might not bee forc't it was not done with any intention of damnifying the Duke or any others but to keepe himselfe from being damnified since hee was not the assaylant but the defendant To the fourth and fifth that hee had bin true and loyall to all Kings which if hee had not beene Henry the fifth a wise King would not have trusted him so much as hee did Hee offered to prove this the proofe to bee such as is wonted to bee granted to persons of his state and
the height hee aymed at during his life Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham for that being sonne of Anne Plantaginet who was descended from Thomas Duke of Glocester the seventh sonne of Edward the third if the Duke were out of the way he should be the first Duke of England wherefore hee thought that this prerogative and his being couzen to the King would cause his advancement the Cardinall of Winchester by reason of his emulation which their reciprocall hatred had kindled not to be quenched but by the last of revenges The Archbishop of Yorke for that Glocester having declared himselfe his enemy in his last accusations he was desirous though not according to the Gospell to render him evill for evill but his eminency and universall love had rendred all their designes vaine had they not come assisted by the Lawes They accused him at the Councell Table of many faults of all which he did with such sinceritie acquit himselfe as that hee freed the Councells minde from any the least scruple and used such arguments as did adde to his reputation They objected unto him that he had caused many to be put to death contrary to the Lawes of the Kingdome inferring thereby that hatred and cruelty had beene the directors of his justice whilst that whereby they were most scandalized was that hee could not indure wicked men These forenamed men together with them the Queene perceiving that nothing was done caused a Parliament to be called at Berry in Suffolke whither hee came together with the rest of the Peers not dreaming of any evill relying more upon his owne integrity then by reason of the others malice he ought to have done The first day of Parliament passed over quietly spent in the accustomed ceremonies the second day he was made prisoner by the Lord high Constable of England accompanied by the Duke of Buckingham and many others a guard was set upon him his servants were all taken from him whereof 32. were imprisoned and hee not long after Hale saith the very next night was found dead in his bed some affirming that he dyed of an Apoplexie some of an Imposthume in his Head but although there was no doubt but that his death was violent yet did no man know of what sort some thought hee was strangled some stiffeled betweene two pillowes and many that hee had a red hot spit thrust in at his fundament five of the prisoners were examined and condemned but as they were carrying to execution they were set at liberty by the Marquesse of Suffolke who brought their pardon signed by the King which did not satisfie the people for the saving of these mens innocency did not salve the treason used to the Duke By a pardon given to one of his servants may bee seene the pretence they tooke to commit this Murther where it is said that hee was one of the many Traitors who came in the traine of Humphery Duke of Glocester to destroy the King and set his Wife Elianor at liberty The death of this Prince was lamented by the whole Kingdome from whom hee deserved the surname of good for so in effect hee was a lover his Countrey a Friend to good men a Protector of the learned whereof hee himselfe was one as well verst in the lawes of the Kingdome as whatsoever Lawyer and if hee erred in his enmity with the Duke of Burgony and the Cardinall of Winchester 't was through the greatnes of his Spirit the which if it bereave not of fault doth at least deminish the blame for all humanity is subject to errour After him the title of Glocester was reputed ominous for the foure last Glocesters came to violent ends Thomas Duke of Glocester sonne to Edward the third was strangled at Callais Thomas Spencer Earle of Glocester beheaded at Berry Humphery Duke of Glocester dead as you have heard and Richard Duke of Glocester slaine in a Battell of civill Warre after hee was King by the name of Richard the third as wee shall see I doe not withstanding beleeve that if occasion bee offered no man will refuse the honour since before these unfortunate foure there were cleaven of that title nine of which dyed naturall deaths the other two Ieffery Mandeville and Gilbert Clare slaine in turnament the first in warre the other before Sterline so as they are not to bee rancked with the last foure since their deaths hapned through malice or civill warre The Cardinall of Winchester enjoyed not the content of this his death above 14. or 16. dayes for hee dyed to see the ruine of his house of the which hee was the chieefest raiser for doubtlesse if Glocester had lived the Duke of Yorke had not risen and the Queene who by his death thought to have established her authority lost thereby all shee could loose her life excepted her Husband sonne and Kingdome for her ignorance in things to come threw her headlong upon those evils which at the price of her owne bloud shee would willingly have redeemed together with the life of Glocester but too late foresight brings repentance remedies not Having by so cruell a way obtained her desire shee employ'd all her endeavours how to establish an authority which under her Husbands name might make her absolute in the Kingdome she raised Suffolke from Marquesse to Duke which title he but a shorte time enjoyed for fortune of her owne nature inconstant is much the more so when her favours are conferr'd without merit The Duke of Yorke who saw that all these things redounded to the advancement of his designes slipt not his occasions for laying open to his friends and the male contents in how bad a condition the Kingdome was the King weake and governed by a Woman under the haughty direction of the Duke of Suffolke it was easie for him to perswade them to establish him in his owne right since the house of Lancaster did usurpe the Crowne and held it contrary to the lawes of the Kingdome the lawes of bloud and nature this hee did with so much vehemency insinuate so opportunely and to people who desired nothing more then change as it was easie for him to draw unto him subjects of the most eminent condition who that they might have followers and preferments were apt to uphold him To this was added the greatnes of his family and the family of his wife Cicelli Nevill by both which hee was allied to the greatest men and chiefest families of the Kingdome his reputation wonne in France but chiefely his right unto the Crowne in a time when if hee had no right they might have imagined some in him so to withdrawe themselves from the Government of an imperious Woman and a proud favorite who ruling all as they listed and excluding all others made use of the authority of a weake King who had nothing of Prince in him but name This was the first stone which Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke laid in the ground-worke of the generall ruine
ayre then by the Testimoniall letters of the Count Dunnesse authenticated by his seale both which are very slender reasons The ayre ceaseth not to be tearmed cleare though some little cloud may appeare wherein may be formed the forenamed Crosse and for the testimoniall letters alleaged they might be beleeved had they beene written by some English Generall Factions are like Sexes the one doth not succeed unto the other especially when the one doth disagree within it selfe Hallian one of the same faction not beleeving that the Pucell of Orleans was sent from heaven was therefore reprehended and now not beleeving this Crosse his beleeving in the Crosse of Christ doth not exempt him from being reputed by Dupleix a bad Christian. We have the first and the second causes and ignorant people not able to give a reason for the second have recourse unto the first which is by all men knowne to cover their idiotisme with piety and religion but the learned though alleadge the second causes they omit not the first though they name it not supposing that no existence can be without it God in the creating of nature hath given her her orders to the end that without the name of Miracle though all his workes are wonderfull shee may operate accordingly So as if the earth yeeld not ' its fruites so abundantly one yeare as another and they alleadge for reason thereof the inequalitie of seasons some conjunction of unfortunate Plannets or some such like influence they forbeare notwithstanding to have recourse to God Almightie Knowing for certaine that he is able though contrary to the course of nature absolutely of himselfe to provide therefore noâ—… is there any so ignorant nor wicked body who doth not confesse this but in miracles 't is otherwise the Church must alwayes examine them Hallian denies not miracles nay I doe verily beleeve he beleeves them so much the better in that not admitting of them indifferently upon simple testimony hee according to true Pietie discernes betweene devotion and superstition as good Graine is discerned from Tares but pietie is not there simply required by Dupleix though hee make shew thereof hee useth it for a vehiculum he would make us swallow a falsehood wrapt up in religion with the same end hee had in the Pucells case which was to strengthen Charles his pretences by the meanes of miracle and in this case hee alleadges his testimonies with such seeming sinceritie at the businesse required The Dunnesse letters containe these words that the Crosse appeared in a cloud with a crucifix crowned with an Azure Crowne which afterwards changed to a Flower de Luce according to the relation of more then a thousand that saw this prodigie This was the end of the English government in Guascony which had ' its beginning in the yeare 1155. by the marriage of Ellinor Dutchesse of Aquitany with Henry the second King of England and came to its period after 296. yeares in the yeare 1451. in Henry the sixt his dayes and as William the father of Ellenor forsooke his stake the world and his daughter to undertake a pilgrimage and peacefully ended his life in an Hermitage and was canonized for a Saint So Henry the successour to two Williams the one a Guâ—…scoyne the other a Noâ—…man did not quit it but lost it for having too imperfectly imitated the sanctitie of the one and no whit at all the valour of the other and being opposite in nature to the Conquerour and in pietie not equall to the canonized Saint he came to a violent end with the reputation of being innocent but no Saint The Duke of Yorkes machenations were a chiefe cause of all these losses where withall the people being corrupted nothing was thought of but homebred rancour the praise worthy ambition of publique reputation which so long had warmed every mans heart was extinct the evill satisfaction given by the Queene augmented and Sommerset so much hated as that his house was broken open and ransack't every one detâ—…sted his actions envied his power and lay in Ambush for him as being the obstacle of their worst designes The Duke of Yorke who was in Ireland had notice given him of all these proceedings and because the Kentish sedition had had but an ill successe hee resolved to come for England his chiefe friends and Counsellors were Sir Iohn Mawbery Duke of Norfolke Richard Nevill who was stiled Earle of Salisbury in the behalfe of his wife daughter and heire to the valiant Thomas Montague who was slaine before Orleans Richard Nevill his son who was likewise Earle of Warwick in the right of his wife Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Edward Brooke Barron of Cobham all of them personages not inferior to any for their power followers and valour of these five the first two were drawne to forsake the allegiance they ought to Henry their King and kinsman by reason of their affinitie with the Duke of Yorke the rest were onely moved by Englands ill genius the Earle of Salisbury discended from Iane Beaufort daughter by the third wife to Iohn Duke of Lancaster Henries great grandfather so as being so neare a Kin unto him he had no reason to take part against him but the marriage of the Duke of Yorke with his sister Sicily was the reason why both he and his sonne for sooke their former duty Iohn Duke of Norfolke tooke part with the Earle of Salisbury as being the sonne of one of his daughters but more in the behalfe of his Father who was banished and of his Uncle who was beheaded at Yorke in the time of Henry the fourth I know not what moved Thomas Earle of Deuonshire who married the Daughter of Somerset first to side against him and afterwards to his misfortune to joyne with him the Lord Cobham had no other interest save his owne proper disposition alwayes enclined to actions of the like nature their resolution was for to cloake their first commotions as that they should not seeme to bee against the King but the people should bee prest under pretence of the publique good That the Duke of Somerset should bee their baite who was fit by reason of the bad successe in Normandy to colour the reason of this insurrection and consequently they intended his ruine without the which they could not hope to effect their ends since hee was the onely remaining Buckler for Henries defence and preservation Having taken this resolution hee went to raise people in Wales many flocking unto him from all parts under the plausible pretence of publique good with these hee marched towards London The King at first newes hereof had got together a good army to meete with him but hee shund him hoping to encrease his numbers and like fame to yet by going he would not hazard to trye his passage through London the deniall thereof might lessen his reputation but passing over the Thames at Kingston hee went into Kent and pitched his campea mile from Dartford some ten or
aid given by England did not much burden the Countrey which did abound in men and all things else the now-expences were to be drawn from England onely which being exhausted by Civil Wars could not well furnish things needful to so important an Expedition so as it was great wisedom in Edward if failed by the Duke cheated by the Constable and allured by Lewis with Moneys Pensions and chiefly with the promise of so honourable and advantageous a Match he did withdraw himself shunning thereby such snares as the contingencies of War might make him fall into as well at home as abroad Edward was not well landed when Lewis began to rid his hand of what other businesse he had to do which was the Truce with Charles and the Constables ruine The later was now no longer to be evaded his wife Mary of Savoy sister to the Queen of France she who always made up the breaches between her husband and brother-in-law was dead and his friends of all sides forsook him amongst which the Count Dammartin and Messieurs de Tremoville and Lude who were very powerful at Court so as imagining the King would come to S. Quintines as he did he withdrew himself from thence and abandoned that place not affying in the Garison which immediately yeelded up the Town Passing from hence to Varuins he there received Charles his Ambassadours who were come to treat of the Truce and were waited upon by handsom and well armed Troops There were in the Kings train besides the English Hostages many Gentlemen of the same Nation who bare them company and who wondering to see the Ambassadours so well attended one of them said to Monsieur de Commines that if the Duke of Burgundy had been accompanied with such men when he came to Calais Edward would not so easily have made an Agreement Monsieur de Narbone who was then present in a jesting manner replied They were too simple to believe that the Duke of Burgundy wanted such men as those but that their desire to return into England Six hundred Tun of Wine and a Pension had made them believe any thing This sort of jesting pleased not the English Gentleman who answered that it was true that he had heard that the French gybed at the English but they might gybe so long that their being gone might not hinder them from returning back again and although Monsieur de Commines would have smoothed over the businesse the English-man did notwithstanding complain thereof unto the King who being of a contrary humour to Narbone chid him as detesting his ill-advised indiscretion After much Dispute the Truce was at last concluded for nine yeers and all who had forfeited their estates by following the contrary party were suffered to return and take possession of them except Messieurs de Commines de Renti de Chasse and de Baldwin a Bastard of Burgundy the Duke who was inexorable in the behalf of such as had once quitted him would not be perswaded to suffer them enjoy any such priviledges as others did The chiefest Articles of the Truce were That the King should renounce his League with the Emperour and City of Collen should slight some forts that he should proceed against the Constable by way of justice according to the Treaty of Bovines that he should restore S. Quintines to the Duke and that he should not assist the Duke of Lorrein When Edw. understood that Charls would not accept of the Truce made by him he sent Sir Tho. Montgomery to intreat Lewis not to make any league with him save what was answerable to that which was made between them two and that he should not restore unto him S. Quintines and that if he were to make War against him he would crosse the Seas again to fight on Lewis his behalf on two Conditions the one That he should satisfie him for the losse he should have in his Customs of Wools at Callis which being taken from the Commerce of Dutch-men who were Charles his Subjects were worth unto him Fifty thousand Crowns a yeer the other that he should pay half the men which Edward should bring over But Lewis thanking him for his offer said he had already made the same Truce for nine yeers with him without any difference save the giving of Letters apart With this answer did Montgomery return and together with him the Hostages But Lewis would never have accepted of this offer though he had stood in need of it he thought it ominous to have the English in France besides the Commerce with Flanders and the ancient pretence to France might haply without much difficulty make Edward joyn again with Charles against them The Constable this mean while sinding himself abandoned by them who foreseeing his ruine absented themselves he knew not what to resolve upon nor whither to retire himself he durst not trust himself in Han though it were a very strong Fort and for the like occasions so fortified by him as it was thought almost impregnable because the Garison thereof were all Burgonians and French to flee into Germany with Moneys and Jewels would be dangerous at last after many consultations privately with himself he resolved to have recourse to Charles to demand safe-Conduct and under colour of important affairs to get accesse to him and win his ear Having got it he went to Mons with not above Fifteen or Twenty Horse where contrary to all faith he was at Lewis his request detained and sent to Peron The Duke according to the tie of his Articles was either to deliver him up unto the King within eight days after he should be his prisoner or else to see justice done upon him himself but he detained him longer cavilling from one day to another for above the space of a moneth not out of Charity but for fear lest when the King should have him he might break his word with him and hinder him in the taking of Nanci which he then besieged but making his account to take it on such a day he gave order that on the same day he should be delivered to the Kings Officers as he was Perceiving afterwards that he had cast up his accounts amisse Nanci holding still out he revoked his direction the very same day by an expresse Post who though he made all possible haste came three hours after the Constable was delivered up who being brought to Paris examined and out of his own Letters to the King of England and Duke of Burgundy convinced of high Treason he was beheaded in the Greve a place where malefactors are put to death paying so at once sufficiently what he ought sundry times to have done for his so many deceits He was descended from the most illustrious Families of Christendom the Families of Emperours and Kings allied to the chiefest Princes son-in-law to the Duke of Savâ—…y brother-in-law to the King of France and Duke of Millan Uncle to the Queen of England rich in Fee farms Copie-holds Rents and Moneys
what they could not do in person but whilst hee was taking order for so important an expedition he fell sick being sodainely struck with a great melancholy others say of a Surfeit and knowing he could not live he caused all the Lords to be sent for to him who by reason of the intended War were then in great number at Court He recommended to them the young Princes his Sonnes and together with them Peace shewing them that being young they would neede good Counsellors which in the distraction of private contentions would hardly be found that they having all a relation unto him some by blood some by affinity all by good will and duty they were to joyne in a reciprocall love one towards another to the end that the conformity of their mindes might beget the like in their actions and in their ends necessarily conducing to the service of an infant King to the good of the Kingdome and to the peace and quietnesse which he did chiefly desire amongst them hee put them in minde of the evills caused through civill dissensions he desired God of his goodnesse that no such might be hereafter but that this favour was not to be hoped for without the forgiving of past injuries which made him in the name of the same God and as the last comfort he should receive desire of them all forgivenesse of any injuries done by him All that were present wept and those who bare more rancour one to an other then did the rest shooke hands in token of their last obedience due unto him even to the last minute of his Life so as satisfyed with this their outward expression their inward minds unknowne he died the ninth of April 1483 in the 41 Yeare of his Life having Reigned 22 Yeares one month and five dayes and was buried in a Chappell built by him at Windsor He was a Prince who could not have had his like had he not been vitiated with the contagion of civill factions the gifts of minde and nature strove for priority in him He was of all men the handsomest and of all fortunate men the most valiant having in as many Battells as he fought alwayes had the Victory He had by his Wife three Sonnes and eight Daughters his third Son dyed an Infant we shall shortly heare of the compassionable end of the other two Of his Daughters Elizabeth was married to Henry the Seventh Cecily to Viscount Wells and after to another but had issue by neither Anne to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke whose children dyed all young Bridget was a Nun in Dartford Mary promised to the King of Denmarke dyed before the Marriage Margaret dyed young Catharine was married to William Courtney Earle of Devonshire to whom she bare Henry Marquesse of Exeter and he had Edward E. of Devonshire who died without issue in Padua the Yeare 1556 and Elizabeth dyed young Besides these his legitimate children he left behind two Bastards Arthur Plantagenet Viscount Lisle and Elizabeth Arthur had three Daughters and of Elizabeth is come the L. Lomley The end of Edward the Fourths Life THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fift I Now should write the Life of Edward the Fift Son to the last deceased King as I have done the Lives of the rest but he being taken from this World in lesse then three Moneths by such cruelty as greater hath not been heard off I have not whereout to frame a History in lieu thereof I will write the Duke of Gloucester his wickednesses which are such as may raise a doubt whether cruelty be an habit of Nature in man or rather a raging fury since Nature in her operations doth nothing in vaine and such Beasts as live not by Rapine kill not other beasts for Preyes sake as hee to devoure the Kingdome slew his Nephewes But considering that there is not any Creature which is not in some sort addicted to this vice I believe it proceeds from two causes the one usefull and necessary which is Selfe-defence and wherein habit consists the other vaine and harmefull which is the coveting of superiority a passion more prevalent in men then in other creatures and this is fury whence if the World were void of ambition or other differing qualities it is not thereout to be averred that the strongest would not insult upon the weaker as alwayes they have done the which being manifest bruit beasts declaring it by their examples it is much more proved so to be when we take into consideration the inaequality of Fortune and Honour Many were the causes of the cruelty whereof we are to treate since practised in sundry manners War not cast into the account To kill Beasts to punish Malefactors are permitted and commanded by the rules of Government but what ariseth from private hatred is by the Lawes condemned though through the corruption of affection or frailty of humour executed by men Butchers and Hunters kill cattell and wild beasts which should they not do the beasts would devoure us and through the great increase of beasts and their destroying of the ground wee might be famished did not the Executioner put a period to the lives of such as are condemn'd our lives and livelyhoods would lie at the mercy of evill livers But the enemy which kills his enemy though in it selfe considered the fact be inexcusable rests yet excused Sodaine chances puntillioes of honour and injuries for which satisfaction is not to be given do so far incense men as humane nature may seeme somewhat to Analogize with cruelty since though it be absolutely to be abhor'd it is not absolutely condemned Now that Richard Duke of Gloucester a Prince by birth an unkle by nature and by the Lawes a protectour should become the Butcher the hangman the enemy of Edward the Fifth and of his Brother being his Nephewes is yet somewhat more which not falling under the capacity of humane fury befell him having disrobed himselfe of humanity and nature Of all execrable examples he is the onely one without parallel All cruelties mention'd of the Antients are in comparison of his meere inventions not true events Nature in the framing of such subjects doth usually transgresse her ordinary rules to put a difference betweene them and others to the end that having set a marke upon them wee may the better know how to be aware of them shee allots them aukward and disproportioned shapes thereby intimating unto us that being crooked and falsely shaped their workes are false and their inclinations crooked This Richard came into the World with his feet forward his Mother was cut up yet out-lived him shee brought him forth deformed insomuch as his brethren being the handsomest and most comely men of that age he was the most mis-shapen that those times produced Hee had a cloudy and a despitfull countenance he was of a low Stature one of his shoulders was greater then the other he was malitious envious injurious neither had hee
Richard Buried The onely Memoriall that remaines thereof is the Stone Coffin his Body vvas buried in which now serves for a Trough for Horses to drinke in in a Neighbouring Village They say the Body being taken from thence was with much derision buried againe at the foote of Bow-Bridge in Leicester and many other things are said of it which I rather believe to bee the Peoples Invention then that there is any thing of Truth in them In Richard the Line masculine of the House of Yorke ceased some except Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke Sonne to the Duke of Clarence whom I do not account upon since fifteene Yeares after Hee likewise died without any Heires Male As vvee shall see The End of the Eighth Booke The Ninth BOOK OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND In the LIFE of Henry the Seventh OUr Discourse leading us to treat of the Occurrences of a Kingdom the Government whereof passed now from one Family to another it will be necessary to know what pretences the present King had to lay claim to the kingdom to the end there may remain no scruple touching the Justice or Injustice of the Alteration Henry the Seventh was by his Genealogie so remote from laying any claim to the Crown by right of Blood as the common opinion is he had no right at all thereunto His father Edmund Earl of Richmond was son to Owen Teuder and Queen Katherine the widow of Henry the fifth whose Houses had no affinity nor relation of Kinred to the House of Lancaster By his mothers side somewhat may be said for him since Margaret Countesse of Richmond onely daughter to the first Duke of Sommerset and grand-childe to Iohn Duke of Lancaster the father of Henry the fourth the first King of that House pretended that in case the then-present Succession should fail she and her son were to succeed as rightly descended from the said Iohn the father as well of the house of Sommerset as of that of Lancaster But this meets with two oppositions The one That the House of Lancaster had no right at all to the Crown The other That say it had the House of Sommerset did not partake therein though sprung from the same Head The reasons why the House of Lancaster had no pretence are these Henry the fourth usurped the Crown from Edmund Mortimer descended from Philippa daughter and heir to Lionel Duke of Lancaster elder brother to the Duke of Lancaster upon whom King Richard the second dying without sons as he did the Succession fell So as the usurpation having continued from father to son in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth 't was impossible for them to transmit that right to Others which they Themselves had not That the House of Sommerset though the Other had had right did not partake therein is thus proved The Duke of Lancaster having had three wives Blanche Constance and Katharine the due claims of his children had by them were not the same forasmuch as concern'd Inheritance in respect of the several Dowries and different Qualities of the three mothers Blanche brought with her the Dutchy of Lancaster Constance the pretences to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon and Katharine nothing at all being but a meer Waiting-woman to the above-said Blanche So as if Henry the fourth and the daughters born of Blanche could not pretend to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon in prejudice to Katharine daughter to Constance nor Katharine to the Dukedom of Lancaster in prejudice of Henry the fourth and his sisters much lesse could the children of Katherine have any pretence at all in prejudice of the children by the former two wives unlesse what you will allow them meerly in respect of their Fathers Inheritance wherein must be considered their disadvantage of being the last born therefore not to enjoy the prerogative which the Laws give to the first-born To this may be added that they were born whilst Constance yet lived so as they were not onely Bastards but in such a degree as doth aggravate the condition they being on the Fathers side born in Adultery And though after the death of Constance he married Katharine which subsequent Marriage was made legitimate by the double legitimation both of Pope and Parliament yet they not being of the whole Blood the House of Sommerset had nothing to do with the House of Lancaster in what belonged to the Inheritance of the Crown their legitimation making them only capable of their Inheritance by the Father So as Henry the fourth being established in the kingdom by the Authority of Parliament and by the same Authority his sons such as should descend of them being declared his lawful Successors therein he in case his succession should fail made no mention at all of his Half-brothers or such as should descend from them So as let it be granted that his Usurpation was no longer an Usurpation it being allowed of by a Publike Act of Election yet had not the House of the Sommerset though descended from the same father the same pretence since not being able to pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster much lesse could it pretend to the Crown the father having no pretence at all thereunto And if Henry his eldest son obtained the Crown it was by Purchase and so as none should enjoy after him but such descending from him as he should specifically name So as the Crown according to the Laws of England belonging to the House of York by the Marriage with Anne sister and heir to the aforesaid Edmund Mortimer there remains somewhat of doubt whether the Parliament could invest the House of Lancaster to the right of the Crown in prejudice to the first Mortimer and consequently to the House of York If it could not Then justly do it neither could it justly do it after Henry the Seventh's pretence unto the Crown and if it could do it in the same manner and by the same right as it did operate to the prejudice of Mortimer the House of York by making Henry the fourth King it might do the like to the prejudice of the House of Lancaster by making Edward the 4 King So as Henry the Seventh be it either by Election or by natural Descent is totally excluded from any right unto the Crown which exclusion notwithstanding rests onely in his Own Person not in those who have descended from him For having married Elizabeth the true Heir of the House of York his sons begotten upon her were true Heirs to the Crown And if in this particular we desire to be any thing favourable to him let us say that if the House of Lancaster had any such pretence it had it by the Mother who was Heir to the House of Sommerset and if the House of Sommerset be different from that of Lancaster so as he Thereby have no colour of Claim yet may he have it Another way being chosen King by the same power of Parliament as Henry the Fourth and Edward the 4 were
So as the legal Right being in Elizabeth according to Natural Descent and in Him according to Election and it being sufficient according to the laws of Nature and of the Kingdom that the right be in any one of them it matters not in which since either of them having it there is none that suffers wrong thereby 'T is a wonder notwithstanding that it could so much as fall into his imagination to pretend thereunto before this Marriage and that Edward and Richard should without any cause be afraid of him but the reason is because as Head of the Faction he might be troublesom to them For though Henry the Sixth and the Prince his son were extinguished they being the last of the House of Lancaster yet was not that Party or Faction extinguished which could not be revived again save under his conduct who had the neerest Relation thereunto For this it was that the last Duke of Buckingham not calling Henry to minde before his meeting with his mother thought he himself had reason to pretend thereunto In such a case the right lawful title of King imports not so much as the lawful Title to be Head of a Party the first is communicable by Fortune Force or favour of Parliament the other onely by Descent for upon such occasions Law is not sought after but a Pretence To Pretend is that which is desired and which sufficeth And this it was that moved the two Brothers to sollicite to get him into their Tuition from the Duke of Britanny for as for any thing else they had no reason to fear him The Lancastrian Faction had never been likely to have been revived had not Richard been a Tyrant for Edward through his Affability had grounded such an affection of the People towards the House of York as neither would Richard's wickednesse nor Henry's goodnesse have been able to have rooted it out nay Henry would have had none at all to have sided with him though against a man so much abhorred had it not been for his promise to marry Elizabeth the Heir of the House and Kingdom The troubles which afterwards befel him sprung from hence for he always shewed himself but luke-warm in his affections towards his wife and an irreconcileable enemy to her House insomuch as having gotten the Victory and slain his Enemy he grew obstinate in his will not to be King but by his Own Title he deferred his Marriage and Her Coronation till such time as being crowned Himself and established by Parliament he had onely accepted of the Title of Lancaster as the First and Chiefest Fundamental and of the other two Conquest and Marriage but as Accidental or as Adjuncts Nor ought this to be imputed to him as a Fault since it was not caused by any Hatred he bare to the House of York but out of the Love he bare unto Himself and through a cautelous Foresight For a noise being rumour'd that the Duke of York was alive preserved from death by those who had the charge to kill him his claim by his Wife would have failed him if her Brother had been alive who could not have been excluded but by the litigious Title of Lancaster And suppose this News were false there remained yet Other doubts for if she should die without children the bare Title of Marriage would not make good the Crown unto Him which was to fall upon her Sisters And if she should die leaving children by him behinde her the Crown would fall upon Them so as many inconveniences might have happened to him thereby For suppose that his Chrildren and the Parliament should both of them have been contented he should have continued in the Government there is a great Difference betwixt reigning by vertue of Birth and Law whereby he was not obliged to any and the doing of the like by vertue of Another's Consent which obliged him to Every one In the first he was Free and Independent in the second of Courtesie and Dependent To make use of his Title of Conquest was Dangerous and which might alienate even those that sided with him for thereby he had authority to take what he would from whom he would to make what Conditions he pleased to make Laws at his pleasure to disannul Laws already made when he liked and to dispose of men not as a King of Subjects but as a Lord of Slaves And though the Title of Lancaster were condemned by Parliament as Usurped and Unjust and that he himself was called unto the Crown not by vertue of his Own Title but that by marrying with the Princesse Elizabeth the true Queen and Heir to the House of York all those Disputes might be ended yet moved by the abovesaid Considerations and not valuing the inconveniences that might arise he declared himself King by vertue of his Birth not naming the Princesse Elizabeth in any thing as willing to run whatsoever danger rather then to be King by his Wives Courtesie while she should Live by the Good-will of his Children if she should Die and by the Permission of Parliament if he should have no Issue by her He began his Reign the Two and twentieth day of August 1485 at the same time that Richard ended his from whom he did very much differ in Conditions They were both Constant the one in Wickednesse the other in Worth insomuch as had he not had too great a desire to encrease his Treasure he would hardly be out-done by whatsoever praise-deserving Prince he was deservedly praised for his Wisedom and Valour The Lord Chancellor Bacon who hath written his Life calls him England's Solomon not so much in that he brought Peace thereunto as that being Wise like Solomon he was like Him very Grievous and Burdensome to his People never wanting some invention or other to draw Moneys from them The Princesse Elizabeth and Edward Plantaginet Earl of Warwick son to the Duke of Clarence were in Sherifhutton-Castle in York-shire where they were both kept by Richard's command King Henry commanded that the Princesse should be brought up to London to the Queen her Mother whither she went attended on by Lords and Ladies But the Earl of Warwick he gave order that the keeper of the Castle should deliver him unto the custodie of Sir Robert Willoughby to be by him brought prisoner to the Tower for though he were very Young yet was he not a person fit to enjoy his Liberty in such litigious times For if being a Prisoner there wanted not some who feigned themselves to be Him taking his Personage upon them what would have been done had he had his Liberty Henry's resolution therefore in this point did not proceed from a violence of Will or weaknesse of Judgement as is the opinion of some Writers but from exact Wisdom chusing of two evils the Lesser and least Dangerous He went from Leicester towards London without any ostentation of Victory or Conquest his Journey was peaceful all Military insolencies were forbidden and forborn he
Tirrel and his servant Iohn Dighton who were the onely Two that remained alive of the Four which were conscious of this cruelty for Miles Forrest the Second rogue that slew them and the Priest that buried them were dead they deposed That Tirrel saw them Dead after they were Smother'd that he made them be buried underneath a stair and cover'd them with a Stone from whence by order from Richard they were afterwards tane and reburied by the Minister of the Tower but in what place they knew not the Minister being Dead But the King not satisfied with these testimonies that he might divert the danger and satisfie the World he bethought himself of some other means whereby he might discover the Impostors condition and descent He made choice of some and scatter'd them thorowout all Flanders directing them what they were to do Those who were not to stay in any setled place were ordered diligently to enquire after his Birth and to give Him daily advertisement of what they should learn which makes men believe he had some glimpse of it before the other who were to make their abode where He was were by his direction to seem as if they were fled away so to shun the danger they should incur if they were discover'd to be well-wishers to his party and to professe they were come to run the like fortune with Him they were as the Other to make Discovery but more particularly to finde out the Designes and Correspondencies they were to grow familiar with those whom Perkin most confided in and to shew them the Vanity of the Undertaking they having to do with a wise King not easily to be beaten without extraordinary Forces that the Dutchesse's favours were not answerable to their need that they wanted assistance and were not certain of what they presumed to be Secure which was the assistance of the party and the peoples inclination both which were unuseful for that such accurate and diligent provision was made that all men would forbear to declare themselves unlesse they might be encouraged by the sight of a Great army which the Duke of York was not likely to shew them no not if all Flanders were to declare it Self for him But their chief care was to sound Clifford by tasting him with fair promises for if they could win Him over the deed was done he being the Cabinet of secret Correspondencies between Flanders and England neither were they much troubled to effect it for being come to the knowledge of this imposture he was wrought upon by them with promise of Forgivenesse and of Rewards proper baits for such a fish Henry this mean while had made all those whom he had sent to be excommunicated in Pauls and their Names to be registred in the Book of the King's enemies according to the custom of those times to the end that no man might suspect them neither did he forbear to sollicite the Confessors of the greatest men that he might learn how they were enclined not weighing the Profanation of Religion and holy things since his particular interest was concern'd though in all Other things he was reputed a Pious Prince At last they came to the perfect knowledge of Perkin's Birth Name Surname Countrey Employments and Voyages till coming to the Dutchesse he was metamorphis'd into the Duke of York they likewise won over Clifford who gave them such proofs of his repentance as the King was therewithal satisfied Perkin's Genealogie was published in the Court and thorowout the Kingdom and Henry not esteeming it fitting that a Mechanick should with such ostentation be protected in Flanders under a false name and which redounded to His injury he sent Ambassadours to the Archduke Philip Maximilian being gone into Germany who were Sir Edward Poynings and Sir William Warham Doctor of the Civil Law The Council gave them audience the Archduke being yet a Childe their Embassie was That Flanders being confederate and in friendship with England the King could not but resent that she should nourish an Impostour who durst call himself Duke of York and pretended unto his Kingdom that such a Belief must needs admit of some Malignity since the Duke of York's death was too manifest to the world which were it not so very Conjecture were sufficient to put it out of doubt the Nature and Craft of Richard the Third was not such as would encourage the Executors of his cruelty to save One brother and murder the Other Mercy was not to be suppos'd in such Rascals and if it were not without Reward and freedom from Punishment Reward was not to be expected from a Childe destitute of Hopes and who getting out of prison had not wherewithal to feed himself but say that meer Compassion had moved them to save him such compassion must be either in One or in All of them it was impossible it should be in One of them and the Rest not know of it and it was incredible it should be in All of them for that three such wicked ones could not so far trust one another as not to live in perpetual Jealousie And give this likewise granted how could a childe ignorant of the ways wanting direction and counsel passe undiscover'd that the Night-guards which are usual in all the streets of London should not stop him should not take him or that some other difficulty should not hinder him 't was impossible a tender childe of Nine yeers old alone in Lord-like looks and apparel could passe on unknown by any Certainly this could not have befallen the True Duke of York much lesse could it have happened unto the Counterfeit whose true name was Perkin that the King knew him well knew his Countrey and his Extraction that the Nurse or rather Mother of this the Dutchesse of Burgundy knew it well enough who emulating the ancient Fables had brought him forth as Iove did Mercury out of her Brain feigned him to be her Nephew given him instructions and taught him how to lye that she could not tolerate that her Neece should reign being joyned to the House of Lancaster her hatred being thereunto such as rather then to suffer her to be a Queen with such a Husband she would bereave Her and her Children of a Kingdom and give it to Perkin begotten by a Jew turned Christian They desired that after the example of the King of France they would chase him out of their Countrey and that if the useful friendship which was between the two Nations should perswade them as well it might to do More they should do like true friends indeed if they would deliver him up into Their Hands The Answer was That they desired to preserve friendship with the King that they would not assist the pretended Duke of York but that they could not hinder the Dutchesse who was absolute in her Countrey from doing what she listed Henry was not pleased with this answer knowing that Princesses Dowagers have not the like Prerogative over the Countreys where they govern
what was most Essentiall as that his Father was a Jew that he himself was born in London held at the Font by King Edward and the Dutchesse of Burgundy her practises He confessed his going to Portugall but not that he was sent by Her In like manner he confest his journey to Ireland Whereupon the Confession being first written with his own hand and afterwards Printed did not satisfie the Peoples curiosity since they saw the name of the afore-said Dutchesse the chief Actor in this Comedy purposely concealed But the King would not irritate her any farther thinking it sufficient punishment for her to be so diversly spoken of as shee was together with her own vexation that her inventions not succeeding should be made evident to the world The Civill wars whereof I write ought to end with the death of Richard the 3. without any further progress but the fire therof though quenched having left hot ashes and caused the alterations of those two Impostours Symnell and Warbeck it was requisite for me to write This life likewise though with intention to end it according to the Object and Title propounded to my self with the Imprisonment of the Later of the two the last exhalation of all these Heats But it would have mis-become me to have left it abruptly off there remaining so Little of it without discovering the fountains head from whence the Kings of Scotland derive their lawfull succession to the Crown of England and without setting down the punishment of Warbeck and of the Earl of Warwick the last Male of Plantagenets race whose death freed the Kingdom from Pretenders I wil then proceed with the greatest Brevitie that may be The truce between England and Scotland was no sooner made but that an unexpected accident hapned which had wel nigh broke it and turn'd all things to their former troublesom condition The Castle of Norham is parted from the confines of Scotland by the river Tweed so as neighbour-hood having caused conversation and friendship between some young men of Scotland and of England the young men of Scotland had wont to passe over the River and come to drinke and sport with those of Norham the Souldiers of the Garrison growing mistrustful of this custom their grudges not being totally extinguished by the Truce did not thinke their coming proceeded from Friendship but out of a desire to pry into the Fortifications whereupon falling first to Words and then to Blows the Scotch-men by the disadvantage of place and ods in number were hardly treated and some of them were slain King Iames taking this as done purposely to injure Him dispatcht away an expresse Herauld to complain thereof and in case the King should not give good satisfaction to denounce War Henry who minded nothing but his quiet answer'd That he was sorry for the Accident which hee neither knew of nor did allow of that hee would inquire into the Actors of it and give them such punishment as there should be no occasion to breake the Truce But time passing on and nothing done Iames thinking this was but his Dissembling with intention that Delay working Forgetfulnesse might exempt the faulty from Punishment was more offended then formerly and certainly somewhat of mischiefe would have hapned had not the Bishop of Durham who was Lord of Norham wisely taken order in it For knowing that the injury was done by His men he wrote in so civill a manner to Iames about it as that he rested satisfied and desired the Bishop to come unto him that they might treate upon the present occasion and upon certaine other things that concern'd both the Kingdoms The Bishop acquainted Henry with this who gave him leave to goe hee therefore went to the Abbey of Melrosse where the King then was who at their first meeting complained of the injury done The Bishop answer'd that could not be call'd an injury where there was no intention of Offending He confest the too much Rashnesse of his men occasioned by misfortune not out of any intention to offend Him the offence if any there were must needs proceed either from the King or the Garrison not from the King for he was not of such a nature which if he were it was not likely he would make a Truce to Breake it immediatly without any Advantage or Occasion nor did it proceed from the Souldiers who were sure to be Punished for it a chance unthought of caused by suspition could not be termed an Injury not that hee did not confesse the Authors Guilty of it but with the Distinction allow'd of by the Lawes between Accidentall and Premeditated faults that as the Later were worthy of severe Punishment so were the Other of Clemency and Pardon obtainable upon request from so generous a Prince as was His Majestie The King being pacified said He pardon'd the offence in respect of the Friendship contracted the Continuance whereof he desired And then drawing him aside pursued to say His desire was to have a Long and Good peace the which if Henry likewise desired the true way to effect it would be by Henrie's giving him for wife his Eldest daughter Margaret for that thereby the friendship between the two nations would be perpetuall that this was the reason why he had desired him to come into Scotland hoping that by his wisdom he might bring the busines to a good end The Bishop after having modestly answer'd for what concern'd Himselfe promised him all the Furtherance his service could doe him in effecting his desire Being returned to England he acquainted Henry with the King of Scotlands desire wherewith King Henry was much pleased The busines being long debated in Counsell the match was agreed upon so as Peace might precede it which was done Peace being concluded during the lives of the two Kings and for one Year after and the Marriage was to be celebrated but not Yet the Bride who was born the 29. of November 1689. being too young Charles the eighth King of France died this yeare on the 7. of Aprill whose Funerals were with great pomp celebrated in London the King being very sorrowfull for his death as calling to mind the Favours he had received from him Perkin was this mean while in Prison but so carelesly looked unto as cosening his Keepers he made an Escape Not knowing whether to fly for safety being followed and diligently sought for he returned to London presented himself before the Prior of the Monastery of Bedlam a man of great esteem desiring hee might be received into that Sanctuary the Prior acquainted the King with it desiring him to pardon his life the Counsell were for the most part of a contrary opinion desirous that he should be taken from the Sanctuary and executed so to end their fears but the King at the Priors intercession pardoned him his life being contented that he should stand in the Pillory from whence hee was brought with Irons upon his feet to Westminster yard where hee again read his
his comming desired him that he would rest himselfe in Sir Thomas Trenchards house till such time as they might advertise the King of his being there to which he gave way being certaine that otherwise they would not have suffered him to depart When Henry heard hereof hee sent the Earle of Arundell by way of complement unto him and to let him know that he Himselfe would presently come and visit him But Philip fearing lest if he should waite his comming his stay would be too long resolved to goe Himselfe to Henry making his Queene come at leisure after him He was met six miles from Windsor by Prince Henry and One mile from thence by the King who received him with all terms of Honour and Friendship He treated with him of the marriage of their Children and of his owne marrying with Margaret the Dowager of Savoy Philips sister he renewed all Confederacies made between them the preceding years which were Then made with him by the name of Arch-duke Philip Duke of Burgundy Now by the name of King of Spaine they had better successe for the English then had the former especially in the Fishing-busines at which the Flemmings were much offended he with much adoe obtained the person of the Earle of Suffolke who lived under the protection of Philip Henry knew so well how to perswade him by passing his Word he would not put him to Death that Philip sent for him into Flanders the one desiring to have him before the other departed and the other not to depart till he were arrived that it might be beleeved he had beene Enforced to deliver him up Assoone as the Earle was come and put in the Tower Philip departed England and was received in Spaine without any manner of Resistance Ferdinand totally quitting the Government to him but he enjoy'd it but for a while for he dyed soone after The Englishmen will have it that his death was Prognosticated by the Fall of a golden Eagle which standing upon the top of Pauls steeple was blowne downe by the same wind which drave him into Waymouth and brake downe a signe in the Church-yard wherein was a blacke Eagle Ferdinand being call'd for and entreated by the Kingdome returned to the Government thereof this Death of her Husband having so opprest the fancie of the Queen his daughter as she was never after good for any thing not without suspition that her Father did not greatly endeavour her Recovery that so he of Himselfe and without Trouble might manage the Scepter of Spaine The Earle of Suffolke being in the Tower Henry was now freed from all manner of Trouble and Molestation so as betaking himselfe to Domesticall affaires he sent Thomas Wolsey he who was Cardinall and of so great Power under Henry the eighth to Maxi milian to treat of the marriage with the fore-named Dowager of Savoy but it tooke no effect by reason of Henrye's indisposition of health which shortly ensued The marriage of Charles King of Spaine with Mary daughter to Henry stirr'd up some jealousies in Ferdinand for though He was the first that had mention'd iâ—… yet his Sonne in Law being Dead and Charles being come to the Crowne he feared he should meet with Two Competitours in the Government with Maximilian as Grand-father and Henry as Father in Law which though neither of them dreamt of yet did He feare it but This match had no better effect then had the Other the tender yeares of the young couple and the alteration of affaires in following times broke it quite off The expectation hereof neverthelesse made Henry live contented the little while he lived for having married One of his daughters to the King of Scotland and the Other to the King of Castile Duke of Burgundy he thought himselfe more safe then if his Kingdome had beene compassed about with a wall of Brasse He the mean while began to draw towards his End the Gout a disease more Troublesome then Mortall was the Fore-runner of a Distillation which falling upon his Lungs brought him into a kind of Consumption which perceiving he began to give himselfe totally to Pious Workes He set all Prisoners at Liberty who were in for Debt of not above Forty shillings hee himselfe paying the Creditours he gave Almes in greater measure then he had done formerly but though hee felt great Remorse at the daily complaints made against Empson and Dudley for their Oppressions yet did hee not seeke to Remedy them His Conscience and his Covetousnesse wrought contrary effects in him many for very slight causes were troubled in their Estates and in their Lives one died in Prison before his cause was heard another being imprisoned for denying to pay what Contrary to the Lawes he was adjudged at was not let out till Henry the eighths time and then Empson was put in his place To make good the usuall custome of promising obedience to New Popes he sent Sir Gilbert Talbot with two other Embassadours to Pope Iulius the second which he had not formerly done though he were created in November 1503. They prest much for the Canonization of Henry the sixth but could not obtaine it for the reason formerly given in the life of Edward the fourth Being dismist by the Pope they carried the Garter and Robes of that Order to Guido Vbaldo Duke of Vrbin whose Father Frederick had likewise had it This Prince sent into England to be installed for him according to the Institutions of that Order the Count Balthasar Castillion he to whom the noblest Courtiers owe so much The finishing of the Hospitall in the Savoy was one of the last of Henries actions he would not alter the name of it this fabrick having beene in former times the habitation of Peter of Savoy Unckle to Eleanor the Wife of Henry the third by whom Peter of Savoy was created Earle of Richmond but he resigned the Earledome when Savoy fell by inheritance to him The Lancastrians lived in this house and King Henry converted it into an Hospitall Besides this he built three Monasteries for the Conventuall Friers of Saint Francis order and three for the Observantines of the same order in divers places When he knew he hee must die he disposed himselfe thereunto Hee had lived almost all his time in Troubles but always with prosperous and happy successe he found the Kingdome involved in Civil wars he left it in a setled Peace his subjects who were impoverisht by the past disorders were notwitstanding his Taxations by reason of his good Government become Rich he did not only free the Crowne out of Debt but left it rich in Treasure his sonne found in Richmond house a Million and eight Hundred Thousand pound sterling so as he was thought the richest Prince in Europe He granted out a Generall Pardon and ordered by his Last Will and Testament that all such monies should bee Repay'd as had unjustly beene levied by his Officers He died at Richmond the twenty second day of Aprill in the year of our Lord 1509 and was buried by his wife in the sumptuous and stately Chapell built by Himselfe in the Abbey Church at Westminster He lived two and Fifty years and Reigned three and Twenty Years and Eight moneths The Children which he left behind him were Henry the Eighth his Heir and successor in the Crown Margaret Queen of Scotland from whom the Kings of Great Britaine doe descend and the Prince and Princesses of the Electorall house Palatine and Mary married to Lewis the twelfth King of France by whom having no issue she after his death married Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had Henry Earle of Lincolne and two Daughters Frances and Eleanor The Earle dyed without issue in his Fathers life-time Frances was married to Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk and by him had the Lady Iane Gray who being married to Guilford Dudley sonne to the Duke of Northumberland and constrained to call her selfe Queene was beheaded in Queene Maries time she had by him moreover two Other daughters Katharine and Mary who dyed without issue Eleanor was married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland by whom she had a daughter named Margaret who was married to Henry Stanley Earle of Darby and had by him two sons Ferdinando and William both of them in succession one of the other Earles of Darby Earle William dyed this present yeare 1642. leaving his sonne Iames behind him to inherit his Honours and his Estate The End of the Second and Last volume of the Civil Wars of England betweene the two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster FINIS Richard the 2. 1386. 1387. 1388. 1383. 1390. 1391. 1393. 1394. 1395 1396 1397. Henry the 4. A description of the Isle of Wight 1403 1404 1405 1406 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 Henry the 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. and 8. 9 10 11 12 13 1416 1417 1418 1420 1421 Henry the 6. Apoc Cap 4o. 1422 1424. 1425. 1426. 1428. 1429. 1432. 1435. Philippopolis Andrenopolis Serviae Bulgaria Vallatchia Di. Bittinia in Thracia Di. Brusia in Andrinopoli Alavenente 3. Mascone Impatronato La Castellania Parteggiati Il trombetta Sangate 1424. 1438. 1442. 1433. 1445. 1446 1447. 1448. 1450. 1452. 1453. 1454. 1455. 1456. 1458. 1459. 1460. 1466. 1470 1472. 1473. 1474. 1475. 1476 1477 1478 1479 1480 1481 1482 1483 1485. 1485 1483 1486 1487 1488 1490 1491 1492 1493 1494 1495 1496 1496 1498. 1499 1501 1503 1504 1505 1506 1507 1508 1509
of Orleans who went along with him and afterwards forsaking him return'd to Court and though hee had formerly bin hated by the Constable was afterwards favoured by him by reason of his Valour who shall consider what wee have related in this present affaire will thinke it farre from likelyhood of truth for Charles intending to advantage his party against Philip by making Richmond Constable who would not accept of it without Philips consent Philip did ill in consenting thereunto and worse in agreeing that Savoy and Britany should furnish him with souldiers receiving no other satisfaction for it but Tannignes banishment from Court but one of 3. things in my opinion caused him to doe it either that being distasted by the English hee was not well pleased with their advancements or that having his thoughts bent upon Iacholina's territories where it behoved him to attend and Charles being in bad case by reason of his losse at Vernuille Hee resolved to give him a breathing time to the end hee might not be made a pray by the English and hee have no share therein or else that he did it to leade the way to that reconciliation which ensued shortly after and that the Constable had already begunne to treat with him which is the most likely but if it were none of these wee must say that the actions of Princes are like the workes of nature which are seene but not knowne The first advantage Charles reaped hereby was the alienating the Duke of Britany from England To this end he sent unto him Mussieurs de Treves and de Lusa intreating him that since hee had banished those whom he had reputed his enemies Hee would as a Parent and kinsman assist him with men against the English who advanced every day more and more to the ruine of the Kingdome This Embassie being consulted upon and oppugned he resolv'd against the opinion of the major party to succour him beleeving that the mischiefe hee had suffered was occasion'd rather by those Councellors which govern'd him then by Charles so as desirous to speake with him mouth to mouth before any resolution should be taken they met at Lanmeurs where they tarried some dayes and departed the one and the other infinitely satisfied The Duke at his returne raysed a good body of Souldiers and gave them to his brother who joyned with the French Troopes whilst the Earle of Warwicke besieged Pontersoune and inforced it if not succour'd by such a day which it was not to surrender He placed there a Garrison which not ceasing to make inrodes into Britanny caused the Constable to march thither He besieged it forced it slew all the English and demolish'd it from thence he came to S. Iaques de Beveron a place of no great circuite a little before fortified by the English but fortune did not smile upon him here as it did in the former exploit for the besieged not onely defending themselves against the besiegers violence but offending them by perpetuall sallies and skirmishes did abate their first furies to which may be added the Souldiers want of pay which should have beene administred by Mounsieur de Iae who injoyed what of favour and authority the President of Provence held under Charles so as the Constables protestations of not being able without pay to hold the Souldiers together either being not listned unto or not regarded he resolved to try his fortune by a generall assault before the Army should disbaind which according to the French calculation consisted of 20000. according to the English of 40000. and because he knew that the Earle of Suffolke and Lord Scales were in a neighbouring towne he sent 2000. men to the end that they might be impeached if they came to succour the towne but these men having gone a good way not discrying any enemy as indeed there was none for Suffolke had had no notice of this the Constables last resolution they returned backe with flying colours and in Battle array when these who were scaling the Walls beleeving them to be enemies tumbled downe from the Ladders following those who at the foote of the Wall out of the same beleefe threw away their Armes and fled to save themselves The defendants who were of the same beleefe sallyed forth at two severall places towards the River side and charging them home forced them to throw themselves into the water where according to the French Authors betweene 6. and 700. men were slaine but according to the English what by water what by sword above 4000. forsaking their Tents Artillery and all manner of provisions and the Constable being abandoned by the French who in great disorder and without leave taking returned to their owne homes retired to Britanny more worthy to be comiserated then blamed The English Court the towne of London and the whole kingdome was at this time full of troubles by reason of the contention sprung betweene the Duke of Glocester and his Unckle the Bishop of Winchester Alterations not to be wondred at for as thunder proceeds raine and the conjunction of two dismall Planets the malignity of their influence so were not Henries misfortunes to fall out without the precedency of many disorders which though severally consider'd were of no great moment yet being joyned were such as caused his ruine the distemperatures of a state being like to those of humaine bodies which if languishing are almost alwayes mortall the natures of these two contenders were hard to be reconcil'd the one would be obeyed the other could not brooke command the Bishop pretended that since the Gouernment of the King appertained to him the Duke had no reason to insinuate himselfe thereunto though he were nearer of blood and of greater authority but whether this or ought else were the cause of their hatred 't is most certaine the Bishops pride and ambition was most hatefull His mighty masse of riches procured him not onely hatred but envy likewise an evill which as it caused one part of the Nobility to wish him well so wrought it a contrary effect in the rest which drawne either by the condition of his birth as of blood royall by the reverence of his calling as of Bishop by the spendor of his attendants as being served by none but selected men and by the fulnesse of his tables which exceeded all others did adhere unto him so as the Citie being thus divided the chiefe Magistrate who had the care thereof was constrained to keepe a great guard therein day and night the shops were all shut up hourely fearing least some contention arising amongst the partakers they should fall to pillage which was the onely end of the poorest sort of people which were the aptest to doe mischiefe The Bishop failed not to justifie his cause to the Duke of Bedford writing vnto him that if hee did not immediatly come to England his brother would bee the cause of much mischiefe which he prayed God to withstand he intreated him to make haste for that the