excommunicated or damned who differ in some things from the doctrine of the Pope who appeal from his decrees and hinder the execution of the ordinances of him or his Legates Although the Sesession of the Church King and Kingdom of England The reformation of King 1 d. was not Schismatical from the Papacy were an Act of Schism yet being done in the Reign of H. 8. one of the greatest favorers of the Papacy that ever was King of England and to his death as great an assertor of the Rites Ceremonies and Religion of it and in such a state independent from the Church of Rome was the Church and Kingdom at the time of Edwards Reformation whatsoever therefore his Reformation was yet could it not be Schismatical Whatever the Romanists pretend to unity and peace in their Church yet The rites and ceremonies of Edwards reformation were more uniform then before it is most manifest that in the Realm of England and Dominion of Wales in several places were used divers forms of Prayer commonly called the Service of the Church viz. that of Sarum of York of Bangor and Lincoln but also of late divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in the Cathedral and Parishes Church of England and Wales as well concerning the mattens or morning prayer and evening song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of other Sacraments of See preamble to the Statute of 2 3. Ed. 6. Cap. 1. That the Scriptures Lords Prayer and Creed should be read in the English tongue is no new thing in England the Church whereas the service enjoyned in the Reign of Ed. 6 was uniform in all places of England and Wales as well in Parish Churches as Cathedrals In the Reign of King Ethelbald in the year of our Saviors incarnation 748. in a convocation held in the Prouince of Canterbury Cuthbert the Archbishop of his Clergy did Enact that the sacred Scriptures should be read in their monasteries the Lords Prayer and Creed taught in the English tongue Speed in the Reign of Ethelbald para 4. page 343. and how much it was against the Word of God and the custom of the ancient Church to use a tongue unknown to the people in common prayer and administration of Sacraments see the conference at Westminster an primo Eliz. which were never yet answered that I know of If any thing Heretical had been contained in the common Prayer administration Edwards reformation was not Heretical of Sacraments c. made in the Reign of Ed. 6. it would have been sufficiently shot at having so many adversaries at home and abroad but no such crime was ever that I ever heard of imputed to it if there be let the adversaries of it yet shew it affirmanti incumbit probatio If then not onely the Kings and supreme powers always under the old Covenant King Edwards Reformation was warrant-able materially and formally had this right of invoking the high Priest and other Priests and if God always punished the Kings of Judah and Israel for suffering the people to commit Idolatry and if God himself so often commends the zeal and reformation of Jehoshaphat Hezekiah Asa Josiah c. and if ever since Christianity the Bishops by that Divine Canon to Timothy have always had in 1 Tim. cap 2. their particular Churches right of composing publick Liturgies and in national Synods a right of composing publick and national Liturgies And the Liturgy of Edward being composed and received by the Bishops of the Church of England to that end convened and assembly by the King this Liturgy being neither schismattical nor containing any thing heretical is both for matter and form warrantable Object If the Sacriledge and extention of the civil Jurisdiction in giving the civil Magistrate licence to take cognizance of the publique Liturgy and administration of the Sacraments be objected The answer is easie Let the Courtiers and Parliament answer for it the Church was patient not agent in them The Church of Rome having robbed the poor laity of one half of the institution of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper and kept the people in such The King and Church had great reason to make Reformation in Religion stupid ignorance that in the publick worship and service of God they should neither use their reason nor understanding by imposing it upon them in an unknown tongue as if in the publick worship and service of God he were not to be served by intellectual and rational creatures and had filled the Mass with more prayers to the Virgin Mary and Saints which could no ways relieve them and so at best super fluous and vain there was great reason in the King and Church to a make a reformation of the Religion and publick Worship and Service of God Of Queen Maries Ecclesiastical Laws Although King Ed. were a Prince of transcendent Vertue and Learning far above his years yet doubtless his youth was not onely much abused in his Reign where a man might have seen all the woes pronounced by God upon that Nation where the King is a childe or where a company of men in Parliament arrogate to themselves the Politick capacity of a King abstracted from his person but also at his very death caused not without suspicion of poyson was he deluded upon specious pretences by his whole Councel but principally by the Duke of Northumberland to make way for the Lady Jane Gray in the time of his sickness married to his fourth son Guilford Dudley to declare the said Lady Jane the rightful heir and successor to the English Monarchy to the manifest wrong and injury not onely of Queen Mary and Elizabeth afterward Queens of England but also of Mary Queen of Scots heir to Margaret the eldest daughter of Henry the seventh whereas the Lady Janes Title was descended from Mary the younger daughter of H. 7. yet it so pleased God that this unjust Will should onely bring destruction both to the Lady Jane and her husband whereas the Ladies Mary and Elizabeth and the Posterity of Mary Queen of Scots did all succeed and enjoy the possession of the English Diadem of which they were debarred by this Will of King Edward That the Title of Head of the Church was continued by Queen Mary appears by the Parliament begun and holden at Westminster the fifth of October in the first year of her Reign in the first and second session of it where she is stiled our Gracious Soveraign Lady Mary by the Grace of God Queen of England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith and in Earth Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland but in the second Parliament of her Reign being holden at Westminster the second of April the first year of her Reign the Title of Supreme Head of the Church of England and Ireland is not mentioned Declares
his tail for his Second Ground is That the nature of Man reacheth not to the perfection of Government But what does our Author here mean by Freemen if by Freemen he understands men free to do what they list then our Author leaves them as he found them and has done nothing at all but if these Freemen be subject to their Trustee so far as he apprehends it fit and necessary for the good of the Commonwealth then I believe we shall finde them as very slaves as any our Author Ground 9. makes So that after all this ado our Author has made a multitude of slaves or he has made nothing at all And thus hath our Author endeavored to shew why men desire to live in Community viz. By having nothing common at all The Eighth GROUND Of the Authority given to an Absolute Governor and of Vnder-sorts of Government Author NOw comes our Author with a dog in a line his Absolute Governor tyed up to certain Laws and Limits which he has no right to transgress Observ What is this our Authors Absolute Governor Why the Roman Dictator was worth ten of this for he had power of life and death of disposing of all Offices at his own will and pleasure without the controlment of any either Senate or People Consul or Tribune and this power to continue during the exigence and danger of the Commonwealth Yet so far was the Dictator from being an absolute Governor that he was the while but a Minister of the Peoples which was plain in Fabius Maximus for Plutar. in vita Fabii Liv. lib. 22. though he were chosen Dictator yet during the danger of the Common-wealth the People made Minutius equal to him And so was the Athenian Archon who though chosen for Ten years and called a Judge and chiefest of power in the Commonwealth yet as Bodin observes cap. 8. fol. 80. de repub was not the Majesty of the Commonwealth in him but he a Provider and Procurator of the People and was bound to give an account of his Government And the reason why the Dictator and Archon were not absolute Governors is plain because this power was not immediately in them from God but delegate and constituted from another And any power that makes any thing may alter it for Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est Well but let us see what manner of beast our Authors Absolute Governor is Why our Author tells you he is an Absolute Governor but restrained and tied up to certain Laws and Limits Which is a contradiction and impossible for in being absolute he is freed from all Laws and Limitations And now I will tell our Author that if his absolute Governor be tied up to any humane Limits or Laws he has so little power that it is impossible for him to protect and defend his rational people For suppose the Laws he is restrained to be as many as are contained in the body of the Civil Law our Statutes and all the Acts and Ordinances made since 1641. and twenty times more yet would not this be sufficient for an absolute Governor For all these are finite and mens actions are infinite and therefore Enemies may find out such ways to invade this free people as this absolute Governor cannot find in his Laws where he has power to oppose them and so this rational freeborn people must be left destitute if any Enemy may be found who can outwit them and find a way to oppress them out of the Laws and Limits which they have given their absolute Governor And who will desire any greater advantage against another then to have him look always one way or what Enemy desires more against another then against such a one whose absolute Governor is tied up to certain Instructions and those known to themselves And Laws are things which must be in esse And how can any man tell to day what may happen to morrow but Princes must to morrow and next day and every day steer their course according as the wind and storms shoals and deeps c. represent themselves which no man can possibly foresee Well let us see what the restriction of any one thing in the Supream Prince may bring upon himself and Subjects Let us look upon a King of England after the Act of Parliament De tallagio non concedendo an Act of Parliament is the Act of the King in Parliament As when the Lords and Commons present any Bill to the King and he passes it this is an Act of Parliament which is no more a Law of the Lords and Commons then the Laws passed at the Petition or Rogation of Coelius Cassius Sempronius c. were the Laws of Coelius Cassius and Sempronius And let every King expect that whatsoever the Subject can get of the King by hook or crook he will hold that as fast as the King shall any flower he leaves in his Crown Well then if Edward the First will not pass this Law he gets not a groat of his Subjects in England towards the relief of his oppressed Subjects of Aquitain in France which Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon this Statute observes Well then the Scots in the year One thousand six hundred and forty having-transgressed all Laws of God and Humanity as well as the Borders and Bounds of their own Countrey raise Arms the second time and make an invasion upon us and seise upon Berwick and Newcastle but though the Kings hands were tyed up yet the Divine Vengeance of Heaven shall overtake them and their Countrey by a hand they could so little fear as I believe few of them knew whether there were any such or no. And now oh you who have not forced all mankinde from Humane brests come and stand amazed with horror for the most deplorable condition of the most Pious the most Religious the most Just the most Chaste Vertuous and Serenest Prince that ever swayed the English Scepter and not to be parallel'd by any Countrey whatsoever The Scots having invaded this Nation to treat with them a second time was too too much an indignity for their Natural Soveraign besides it was an affront not to be endured by the Englishmen That their Countrey must be made a prey to such Locusts and Caterpillers whensoever they will pretend grievance in Kirk and Discipline To restrain them by force it could not be without raising money By this Statute the King they say can raise none but by Parliament and to call a Parliament in this mad conjuncture of times was judged by himself and Council to be a means to increase the power of the Scots by the Parliaments joyning with them to the endangering himself and his Posterity Well then what is to be done what stand still and look on while these hungry Vermine devour and make a prey of his afflicted Subjects No the King to make his goodness appear above his own danger calls a Parliament where not deceived in his
those that are Deciners elswhere to enquire of the offences personal and of all the circumstances of offences done in those Hundreds of the wrong done by the Kings or Queens ministers and of the wrong done to the King and the Commonalty But this ought not to be done by Bondmen or Women but by the Oath of Twelve Freemen The County-Court which the Sheriffs hold from moneth to moneth County-court sec 9. or from five weeks to five weeks according to the greatness or largeness of the County Of Court-Barons and Hundred Courts Court-Baron c. sec 10. The other mean Courts are the Courts of every Lord of the Fee c. Pipowders sec 11. Courts of Pipowders And that from day to day speedy Justice be done to Strangers in Fairs and Markets as of Pipowders according to the Law of Merchants Court of Admiralty The King hath soveraign jurisdiction upon Admiralty sec 12. the Sea Courts of the Forrest The Kings Ministers of his Forrests have Courts-Forest see 13. power by authority of their office to swear men without the Kings Writ for safeguard of the peace and the Kings right and the common good c. He treats of the Professors of the Law as Counters who are Serjeants and Pleaders Of Attornies Of Ministers of Justice as Viscounts Coroners Escheators Bailiffs of Hundreds c. And also by the antient Kings Coroners were ordained in every County and Sheriffs to keep the Peace when the Earls were absent from their charges and Bailiff in lieu of the Hundredors c. Of the Prerogatives of the King as of Deodands Alienation to Aliens Teeasure found Wreck Waif Estray Chattels of Felons and Fugitives Honors Hundreds Soakes Gaoles Forrests chief Cities chief Ports of the Sea great Manors These held the first Kings as their right and of the residue of the Land did enfeoff the Earls Barons Knights Serjeants and others to hold of the King by Services provided and ordained for defence of the Realm It was ordained that the Knights Fee should come to the eldest by succession of heritage and that Socage Fee should be partable between the Male-children and that the Liege-Lords should have the Marriage He treateth in the first Chapter of Crimes and their divisions of the crime of Majesty of Fausonnery of Treason of Burning of Homicide of Felony of Burglary of Rape c. In the second of Actions of Judges of Actors c. In the third of Exceptions dilatory and peremptory that is Pleas to the Writ and in Bar c. of Trial by Juries and by Battel of Attaints of Challenges of Fines c. In the fourth of Judgments and therein of Jurisdiction of Process in criminal causes and in Actions real personal and mixt So as in this Mirror you may perfectly and truly discern the whole Body of the Common Laws of England Thus far Sir Edward Coke Mr. Lambert in his unfolding the difficult things and words in his translation of the Saxon Laws says King Alured when he had made a League with Guthrun the Dane having followed the most prudent counsel given by Jethro to Moses first divided England in Satrapias Centurias Decurias He called Satrapiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies to divide He called Centuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Decuriam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a company of Ten men and by those names they are called to this day And that no man might be ignorant the Decuria did consist of Ten men whereof all of them were pledges that every one should be forth-coming to any Action in Law and if any one did any damage the other were bound to make it good and from hence the other nine were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Free-pledges we in the Pleas of Courts call them Francos plegios The tenth man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called the Decurio or Tithingman by which name he is most known to the Eastern English at this day Others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first or chief Surety or Pledge The Kentish men call him Borsholder corruptly for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the first Surety Centuria or a Hundred was made up of ten Decuria's as one Hundred is made up of ten times ten This viz. Hundred the men beyond Trent called by another name not unknown to the common people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Wapentac Alured then further ordained That every man of free condition should be enrolled in some Hundred and be conjoined into some Ten-men company That of lesser businesses the Decurions or Court-Leet might judge and if any weightier matter were it should be deferred to the Hundred or County-Court Lastly that the Alderman and Sheriff I take it he calls them Senator Praepositus should compound the most difficult Suits and of greatest moment in that frequent Convention from all parts of the Shire or County And what the manner of judging was King Etheldred in the fourth Chapter of his Laws which he enacted in a full Senate or Parliament at Vanatnigum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Woodstock expounds almost in these very words In all and every Hundred let there be Assemblies and that Twelve elderly men of free condition together with the Sheriff Praeposito be sworne that they will not condemn the Innocent or absolve the Guilty So that Mr. Lambert seems to be of opinion that the Common-Law had its origination from King Alured or Alfred who was King of all England and a most victorious pious prudent and glorious Monarch about the year of our Lord 890. And from a most deplorable condition by reason of the Danish invasion and robbery reduced it to a most quiet calm and laid that foundation upon which the body of the Common-Law is since builded But whosoever was the first Founder and Establisher of them certain it is they were antient and Laws which better suit to the nature and disposition of English-men then any other that are or ever were in the world would do 2. As those general Usages or Customs which are generally observed Particular Usages are called the Common-Law so there are almost infinite particular Usages Prescriptions and Customs in several parts of this Nation which are observed as Laws by the Inhabitants of those places and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 3. Statute-Laws are Acts of Parliament which are neither general Statute-Law nor particular Customs but are Laws made by the Kings of this Land in Parliament upon sundry and diverse occasions according to the then occasions as they represented themselves For although all innovations are dangerous and therefore if it were possible no doubt it were best that humane Laws as the Laws of Nature might be immutable and eternal but as God hath created all things transitory and nothing in this world the same the next
Plate Jewels and Treasure of the Churches and Religious Houses within the Realm and compelled the Clergy to give him the one half of one years value of all their Ecclesiastical promotions and dignities But such was the felicity of this Prince that neither Pope nor Clergy durst openly oppugne him but in the 27. year of his Reign at the request of Boniface 8. says Martin he set John Baliol adjudged by Edward before King of Scotland at liberty And having conquered Scotland in the 33. year of his Reign Robert Bruce procured an Instrument from the Pope that the Kingdom of Scotland was holden of the Church of Rome and therefore required the King to desist from the prosecution of his Wars there But how little King Edward regarded this Instrument and what answer he returned to the Pope you may read in our English Chronicles nor do I finde that ever more prosecution was made by the Pope in this Kings life-time 20. From this time until Henry the Eighth the Kings of England and In the reign of Hen. 4. the Popes kept so good correspondence that they never went so far as Excommunication or Interdiction on the Popes part and how far the Kings did restrain the Popes jurisdiction in their several reigns after the Conquest shall be shewed in Chap. 3. Yet I cannot pass over one thing of the whole Hierarchy of the Church of England except only the Bishop of Carlisle who all factiously and traiterously conspired or adhered to Henry the Fourth his unjust Usurpation and Deposition of their Soveraign Richard the Second CHAP. II. Of Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Saxon and Danish Kings before the Conquest I Inas by Gods gift King of the West-Saxons by the advice and instruction Inas began to reign in the year of Christ 712 died 727. of Cenredes my Father and Heddes my Bishop and Eorkenwoldes my Bishop and with all my * Counsellors Earls Ealdermen and them of best birth of the Wisest of my people and eke in a great Assembly of Gods Servants did religiously study as well for the health of my soul as for the common profit of our Kingdom that right Laws of Marriage and just Judgment be firmly established through every folk and that hereafter it shall not be lawful for any Ealderman or any under our rule to make void these our Dooms or Judgments Cap. 1. Of the Rule of Gods Servants First we command that Gods Servants have a right rule of living After that we command all folk to observe these Laws and Dooms or Judgments Cap. 2. Of Children A Child shall be baptized within thirty days after it be born if that be not done let thirty shillings be forfeited If that it die before it be baptized he shall forfeit all he hath Cap. 3. Of working upon Sunday If a Slave work on Sunday by his Masters command let him be free and the Master shall pay thirty shillings But if the Servant did his work without command of his Master beat his hide or make him to fear a hide-beating If a Free servant do any work without his Masters bidding let him forfeit his freedom or sixty shillings and a Priest double so much Cap. 4. Of First-fruits First-fruits shall be paid upon the Mass of S. Martin he who shall not then pay them shall forfeit forty shillings and pay twelvefold the value of the fruits Cap. 5. Of Church-Priviledge or Sanctuary If any man guilty of death flee to the Church let his life be spared and let right be done to him And if any man deserving stripes implores help of the Church let him be remitted his stripes Cap. 6. Of Fighting If a man strike in the Kings house he shall forfeit all he hath and let it depend upon the Kings judgment whether he shall lose his life If one strike in a * Cathedral Church Minster he shall pay one hundred and twenty shillings c. Cap. 62. Of First fruits Every man shall pay First-fruits for the Roof and Hearth where he shall be upon the day of the birth of our Saviour Cap. 75. Of the killing of Godfather or Godson If any one shall slay his Godson or his Godfather he shall compensate so much to his next of kin as the compensation due to his Lord had been And this payment to the value of him which is killed shall be increased or lessened accordingly as the payment to the Lord for the Servant killed should have been performed If it be the Kings Godson which is killed he shall satisfie the King and his kindred but if the next of kin kills him he shall pay to the Godfather so much as should have been paid to the Lord for the slaughter of his Servant If he be a Bishops son he shall pay half so much Ecclesiastical Laws made by King Alfred or Alured who began to reign in the Year 871. The Preface GOD did speak these words to Moses and thus said I am the Lord thy God I led thee out of Egypt land and of the house of bondage Thou shalt not choose other Gods before me Do not take my Name in idleness for I will not hold him innocent who on idleness taketh my Name Remember thou keep holy the Seventh day Do thy work on six days and on the Seventh rest thou and thy son and thy daughter thy servant and handmaid and thy work-cattel and the stranger that is within thy door For on six days Christ made heaven and earth sea and all things thereon were created by him and rested on the Seventh day and therefore the Lord hallowed it Honor thy Father and thy Mother whom the Lord gave thee that thou maist live long on earth Thou shalt not kill Thou shalt not steal Thou shalt not commit adultery Nor report false witness of thy neighbor nor covet thou thy neighbors inheritance without right Nor work golden gods or silver Thou shalt constitute these Judgments If a man buy a Christian man he shall serve six years the seventh let him be free without cost With the same vestment he came in with the same let him go out if he have a wife let her go out with him if his Lord gave him his wife she and her * * Children bearns are the Lords But if the servant shall say I will not part from my Lord nor from my wife nor from my children nor from my work then let his Lord bring him to the door of the Temple and there let him bore his ear with an eal for a sign that ever after he is his servant If any man sell his daughter for an handmaid he shall not use her as an handmaid he shall use her courteously neither shall he sell her to other folk and if she be negligent let him be pacified let him set her free to stranger folk if he ally her to his son in marriage let him give a garment the reward of her modesty and endow
peace of the Realm that they which be indicted of such offences by solemn Inquest of lawful men in the Kings Court in no manner shall be delivered without due purgation so that the King shall not need to proide any other remedy therein The Statute of Circumspectè agatis made 13 Ed. 1. 1285. Certain Cases wherein the Kings Prohibition doth not lie Cap. 1. The King to his Judges sendeth greeting Use your selves circumspectly in all matters concerning the Bishop of Norwich and his Clergy not punishing them if they hold plea in Court Christian of such things as be meerly Spiritual that is to wit of Penance injoined by Prelates for deadly sin of Fornication Avowtry and such like for the which sometimes corporal penance and sometime pecuniary is enjoined specially if a Freeman be convict of such things As also Prelates do punish for leaving the Church-yard unclosed or for that the Church is uncovered or not conveniently decked in which cases none other penance can be enjoined but pecuniary Item If a Parson demand of his Parishioners Oblations or Tithes due and accustomed or if any Parson do sue against another Parson for Tithes greater or smaller so that the fourth part of the value of the benefits be not demanded Item If a Parson demand Mortuaries in places where a Mortuary hath been used to be given Item If a Prelate of a Church or a Patron demand of a Parson a Pension due to him All such demands are to be made in a Spiritual Court And for laying violent hands on a Clerk and in case of Defamation it hath been granted already that it shall be tryed in a Spiritual Court when money is not demanded but a thing done for punishment of sin and likewise for the breaking of an Oath In all cases afore-rehearsed the Spiritual Judge shall have power to take knowledge notwithstanding the Kings Prohibition Statutum de asportatis Religiosorum made Anno 35. Ed. 1. 1307. Cap. 1 Of late it came to the knowledge of our Lord the King by the grievous complaint of the Honorable persons Lords and other Noblemen of his Realm That whereas Monasteries Priories and other Religious Houses were founded to the honor and glory of God and the advancement of the Holy Church by the King and his Progenitors and by the said Noblemen and their Ancestors and a very great portion of Lands and Tenements have been given by them to the said Monasteries Priories and Houses and the Religious men serving God in them to the intent that Clerks and Laymen might be admitted in such Monasteries Priories and Religious Houses according to their sufficient ability and that sick and feeble men might be maintained Hospitality Alms-giving and other charitable deeds might be done and that in them prayers might be said for the souls of the said Founders and their heirs The Abbots Priors and Governors of the said Houses and certain Aliens their Superiors as the Abbots and Priors of Cistercienses and Promonstratenses and of the Order of S. Augustine and S. Benedict and many more of other Religion and Order have at their own pleasures set divers insupportable tallages payments and impositions uyon every of the said Monasteries and Houses in subjection unto them in England Ireland Scotland and Wales without the privity of our Lord the King and his Nobility contrary to the laws and customs of the said Realm and thereby the number of the said Religious persons and other servants in the said Houses and Religious places being oppressed by such tallages payments and impositions the service of God is diminished Alms be not given to the poor the sick and feeble the healths of the living and the souls of the dead be miserably defrauded Hospitality almsgiving and other godly deeds do cease And so that which in times past was charitably given to godly uses and to the increase of the service of God is now converted to an evil end by permission whereof there grows great scandal to the people and infinite losses and disheritances are like to ensue to the Founders of the said Houses and their Heirs unless speedy and sufficient remedy be provided to redress so many and grievous detriments Wherefore our Lord the King considering that it would be very prejudicial to him and his people if he should any longer suffer so great losses and injuries to be winked at And therefore being willing to maintain and defend the Monasteries Priories and other Religious houses erected in his Kingdom and in all Lands subject to his dominion and from henceforth to provide sufficient remedy to reform such oppressions as he is bound By the counsel of his Earls Barons Great men and other Nobles of his Kingdom in his Parliament holden at Westminster in the 35. year of his reign hath ordained and enacted Religious persons shall send nothing to their Superiors beyond the Sea Cap. 2 That no Abbot Prior Master Warden or any other Religious person of whatsoever condition state or religion he be being under the Kings power or jurisdiction shall by himself or by merchants or others secretly or openly by any device or means carry or send or by any other means cause to be sent any Tax imposed by the Abbots Priors Masters or Wardens of Religious houses their Superiors or assessed amongst themselves out of the kingdom and his dominion under the name of a rent tallage or any kind of imposition or otherwise by way of exchange mutual sale or other contract however it may be termed Neither shall depart into any other country for visitation or upon any other colour by that means to carry the goods of their Monasteries and Houses out of the Kingdom and Dominion aforesaid And if any will presume to offend this present Statute he shall be grievously punished according to the quality of his offence and according to his contempt of the Kings prohibition No Impositions shall be taxed by Priors Aliens Moreover our Lord the King doth inhibit all and singular Abbots Priors Masters and Governors of Religious houses and places being Aliens to whose authority subjection and obedience the Houses of the same Orders in his kingdom and domion be subject that they do not at any time hereafter impose or by any means assess any tallages payments charges or other burdens whatsoever upon the Monasseries Priories or other Religious houses in subjection to them as is aforesaid and that upon pain of all they have or may forfeit By whom the Common Seal of an Abbey shall be kept and how used And further our Lord the King hath ordained and established that the Abbots of the Orders of Cisterciensis and Promonstratensis and other Religious Orders whose Seal hath heretofore been used to remain only in the custody of the Abbot and not of the Covent shall hereafter have a Common Seal and that shall remain in the custody of the Prior of the Monastery or House and four of the most worthy and discreet men of the Covent of the same House to
pretended Salique Law 30. Delegata potestas non potest participari No man can participate No Prince can give sell or transfer his power much less alien the power which he is intrusted with But supreme power is delegate from God to every Prince and therefore no Prince can give sell or bequeath his power to any other The King is Gods Lieutenant upon earth Coke 3 par Inst cap. Deodands fol 57. 31. It may be the Electors are the Instruments by which the Elected Elective Monarchy King or Monarch receives his power but I do not understand how such a King can be a Supreme Prince Yet this by the way Neither now nor heretofore was ever such Prince chosen either by the people in general or by the Masters in families nor the Electors chosen by them 32. Aristocracy is when a company of men met in Councel ascribe Aristocracy to themselves whatsoever power is due to any rightful Monarch not being chosen by the people in general but have places either by birth or as they are chosen by the Council such is the state of Venice such were the Roman Senate and Ephori of Lacedemon 33. Democracy is when they who being free of the City do meet at a Democracy time and place appointed where they choose Ministers and Officers make and alter laws and do whatsoever they think good or what shall appear good to them as represented to them by popular Orators But because business might so fall out that there might be a necessity of making War or Peace raising mony for defence of the Commonwealth c. besides the times and places appointed the Athenian Archon and Tribunes of the Roman people had liberty given them to assemble the people when they thought fit I think no man can well tell whether the Roman Government before Caesars dictatorship were Democratical or Aristocratical For though men might appeale from the Consuls to the Tribunes yet by an Act of the Senate after the suppressing of the Gracchi the Consuls might provide that the Common-wealth should receive no detriment which is as general and high a power as can be given No wonder then if Marius pretending the power of the Common wealth and Sylla the authority of the Senate should reduce both Rome and Senate to so lamentable a condition and that Julius Cesar assisted by Lucius Antonius and Quintus Curio the Tribunes of the people and Pompey by the Senate should raise such War and commotion every where to the utter subversion of the absolute power as they called it both of Senate and people CHAP. IV. Of the three Species of Government viz. Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy 1. IMperium est duplex solutum legibus and astrictum legibus this is There are but 3 species of Government and all compounded Government is either supervacantous or destructive to the Governors and Governed Empire restrained to the Laws and is of Magistrates who although they command private men yet they themselves are bound by the laws and command of their superiors which is the power of our Judges Justices c. That is Majesty an Empire which is the Arbitrator Moderator Controuler and maker of all laws and who justly has it is accountable only to God and this Empire is so essential to all Government that without it there can be no Kingdom or Commonwealth there cannot be any property any meum or tuum but what this Empire gives no man has any security of his life or estate but as he is preserved and protected by this power or command And though government do differ as it hath been and yet is in many places of the world in specie viz. Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy yet in all of them this power or command is the same and equal viz. Supreme And this power or command must be in one thing viz. in one man in one court in one people but if it be divided into two or more it is either supervacaneous or destructive for those two or more in whom this divided Empire does consist must either agree or disagree in the same thing if they agree to will or nill the same then it is supervacaneous for it had been all one if but one part had willed it and frustra fit per plura c. but if they disagree in willing or nilling the same thing it is destructive for it is impossible for the Subject to obey because the Law it self is a contradiction and if the Subject obeys one he disobeys the other and to obey neither brings Anarchy and confusion upon all the governed What is left then but the Subject to be divided aswell as the power and a Kingdom divided in it self cannot stand St. Mar. 3. 24. Neither are the Governors in whom this divided power or command does consist in any better case then the Subject for Nulla fides regni sociis omnisque potestas Lucan Impatiens consortis erit It were infinite to enumerate the sad consequences which division of Kingdoms have brought upon those Kingdoms where they were made Let any man look upon the Estate of the Roman Empire when it was divided by Constantine the Great among his three sons Constantinus Constantius Constans Nor did ever the Empire retain the name and dignity after the division made by Theodosius to his sons Arcadius and Honorius Nor was the Western Empire ever raised again to near the greatness it had in Charlemaines time after the division made by Lotharius Lewis and Charles sons of Lodovicus Pius and what horrible confusions followed upon the divisions is easie to be imagined whenas in the first Battel between the brethren was slain the greatest part of the Nobility of France and more men died in it then in any other battle that hapned in France since that fought between Ecius and Attila King of the Huns in the fields of Catalonia But that we may not go so far and yet find examples neerer home Rodry Maure or Rodry the great King of Wales Son of Mersyn Frith had issue three Sons Mervin Anarawd and Cadelh In the yeare when he dyed viz. anno dom 877. King Alfred alias Alured then reigning in England this Great Rodry divided his Kingdome of Wales into three Principalities The First he called Guyneth the English Northwales the Latinist Venedotia The Second Principality was called Powisland in Latine Powisia of some Westwales bordering upon England The Third he called Deherborth the English Southwales in Latine Demetia The First Principality some say he gave to Mervin others to Anarawd The Second to Anarawd some say to Cadelh The Third to Cadelh some say to Mervin The First was the best because it was quietest The Second often invaded and troubled by the English Into the Third often incursions were made by the English the Norman and Fleming The division of this Kingdom however it was wrought in process of time such a division between these Princes as it was never quiet untill it
Essex and Edmund Earl of March the true and undoubted Heir of the Crown of England both condemned unheard and without tryal in Parliament when as he might have instanced twenty Sir Thomas Seimer Admiral of England and Brother to the Protector Anno 1549. the third year of Edward the Sixth was condemned to death unheard by a Law in Parliament Henry the Third after all the Acts of Grace of Magna Charta Charta de Foresta c. instead of means Good Governors are the Preservers or enlargers of the Government Parliaments have ever been the bane of the greatness of the English Monarchy given him by Parliament for the recovery of his right of the Dutchy of Normandy usurped and taken by the French King from his Father King John and the Dutchy of Guienne and Earldom of March the year before usurped and taken from him by the French King had all the exercise of Regal Government taken from him and given to the Twelve Peers by the * Insanum Parliamentum Mad Parliament whereof ensued the Barons Wars to the destruction and confusion of so many English-men as nothing but a Parliament could have done Henry the Fourth in the first year of his usurped Reign had the Crown entailed upon him and his Heirs in Parliament from whence ensued all the Wars of the Houses of York and Lancaster At a Parliament holden Anne Dom. 1470. begun at Westminster 26 November the Crowns of England and France were entailed upon Henry the Sixth and the Heirs male of his body lawfully begotten and for want of such Heirs unto George Duke of Clarence being the yonger Brother of Edward the Fourth the undoubted Heir of the Crown of England whereby a double injustice was done first to Henry the Sixth excluding his Heirs general then to Edward the Fourth to prefer his yonger Brother Clarence before him in case of want of Heirs male to Henry the Sixth See the Factious Conspiracy of the Commons together with the consequence against the Duke of Suffolk Speeds History Henry 6. p. 675. Para. 47 48. The Parliament in the First of Richard the Third his Reign though a bloody Usurper presented a Bill for the entailing the Crown upon his Heirs Ann. 1 Hen. 7. Nor was the Act of Parliament less injurious which entailed the Crown upon Henry the Seventh and the Heirs of his body he having no colour of title to it but in right of his Wife and because he suspected his title and reigned in his own right to the wrong of his Wife and after her decease to the wrong of his Son Henry the Eighth in the eleventh year of his Reign he got an Act of Parliament to pass which should protect all Subjects who should assist the King be he so by right or not for the time being So that other offences should be punished but he that perpetrates the highest villany by invading a Crown should be protected by Law Henry the Eight by authority of Parliament an 1533. Bastardized Queen Mary and so soon as he had cut off Anne Bullens head by authority of Parliament Bastardized Queen Elizabeth smally to his credit one would think Add hereunto the ridiculous yet cruel Act of Hen. 8 his Headship of the Church So that a stranger being one day in Smithfield and seeing one burnt for denying the Six Articles and another hanged for denying his Headship cried out Bone Deus quo modo hic agunt vivi hic comburuntur Papistae ibi suspenduntur Antipapistae The bloody Laws passed in Parliament in prosecution of the Six Articles in the time of Henry the 8. and the bloody Parliamentary Laws for Religion in Queen Mary's reign c. and all those Sacrilegious Acts made in the reigns of Hen. 8. and Ed. 6. and sure no man can imagine such horrid acts could be perpetrated but by Parliaments Nor have the General Assemblies in France who were wont to be assembled once or twice a year demeaned themselves much better then the Parliaments in England but in stead of providing good Laws fell into such Factions and used such affronts to the Regal power that Lewis the Eleventh a most subtile and cunning Prince was wont to say It was time to put the French Kings horce de page out of their minority and from being Pages any more and so he did And since his time they have been rarely convented in France For since the General Assembly at Bloys anno 1587. by Henry the Third where the famous Duke of Guise was killed there hath been but one anno 1614. in the fourth year of the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth and that succeeded so ilfavoredly that there is no probability of ever being another 4. Besides the general and particular Customs and Acts of Parliament there are almost infinite Corporations Colledges and Companies who have divers and sundry priviledges which are granted by the Kings Letters Patents and are observed as Laws and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 5. But in all Maritime cases the Kings of England being Soveraigns of the Narrow Seas whatsoever Grotius says to the contrary and all actions done upon a Navigable river are judged by the course of Civil law and so the Probate of Wills and Letters of Administration are determinable by the Civil law Judge Jenkins a learned Gentleman and a stout Champion for the Laws of this Nation in the first page of his Lex terrae divides the Laws of this Nation into three grounds or species viz. 1. The Customs 2. Acts of Parliaments and 3. Judicial Records and that the two latter are declarations of the former touching Royal government so that he makes Custom to be the ground of Royal government and Acts of Parliament to have but a declaratory power of the Common Law touching Royal government and Judicial Records to be equivalent to Acts of Parliament In all which he is most manifestly mistaken For first there are an exceeding many Acts of Parliament which have no manner of dependence or affinity with the Common-Law and so cannot be declarations of it nay there are many Acts of Parliament which are so far from being declarations of the Common-Law that they do annihilate it and create other things in lieu thereof as the Statute of West 2. cap. 1. called the Statute de donis conditionalibus annihilated all the Conditional estates in Fee at Common-Law and created estates in Tail in lieu thereof At Common-Law no Lands or Tenemers were deviseable by Will but the Acts of 32 34 H. 8. create a power of devising Lands and Tenements in Fee by Will and Tenants at Common-Law might choose whether they would attorn to any Grant of the Lord but now the Lords Grant is good without it by 27 H. 8. cap. 10. Sir Ed. Coke com on Lit. sect 574. says Stat. 32. H. 8. takes away the reason of the Common-Law so that that cannot be a declaration of what it takes away the reason It were tedious
vero Regi prout ipsa feret facti ratio satisfacito aut graves sceleris admissi poenas rex ipse repetito Christiana siquidem fide imbuti regis est Deo illatas graviter pro facti ratione ulcisci injurias If any one entred into Holy Orders or one living with him be imposed upon or cheated in those things which belong to his estate or life then let the King himself unless he can procure it otherwise be to him in place of Patron and Kindred but the Cheator shall make the King satisfaction according to the valure of the fact or the King himself shall take great punishment of the wickedness committed for it is the part of a King endued with Christian religion severely to punish injuries according to the quality of the deed offered to God 10. For the proving of this Sir Edward Coke in the Proeme to the The antient Common-law did not admit of Appeals to Rome in cases Spiritual sixth Part of his Reports cites an Act of Parliament made 10 H. 2. an 1164. where it was enacted As concerning Appellations if any shall arise from the Archdeacon they must proceed to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Archbishop and if the Archbishop do fail in doing Justice it must lastly come to the King that by his precept the controversie may be ended in the Archbishops Court so that there ought not to be any proceeding further without the assent of the King And that this among many other might not taste of innovation the Record saith This recognition or record was made of a certain part of the customs and liberties of the Predecessors of the King to wit of Henry his Grandfather and of other Kings which ought to be observed in the Kingdom and held of all for the dissentions and discords often arising between the Clergy and our Soveraign Lord the Kings Justicers and the Peers of the Realm And all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Clergy with the Earls Barons and all the Nobles c. have sworne and assuredly promised in the word of mouth in one consent to keep and observe the said recognition toward the King and his heirs in good sooth without evil meaning for ever 11. The Revenue of Danegelt was first enacted because of Pyrates The Kings before the Conquest by their own authority did impose Taxes upon Church-lands For infesting the Country they did persist as much as they could to the devastation of it And to repress their insolence the yearly return of Danegelt was enacted viz. Twelve pence for every Hide of all the Country Mr. Selden in lib. 2. cap. 4. Analecton Anglobritannicon fol. 77. makes a Hide of land to be as much as could be tilled by one plough in a year Mr. Lambert in the Laws of King Edward fol. 128. makes a Hide to be one hundred acres of land to maintain them who should resist the irruption of the Pyrates when they met them But from the Danegelt every Church should be free and quiet and all land which was in the dominion of the Church wheresoever it lay paying nothing at all in such redemption for men did more confide in the prayers of the Church then in the defence of arms But if Lex vult non supervacaneum then is it clear that the Church-lands were liable to be taxed by the King for it had been a supervacaneous thing to have excepted the lands of the Church in this Law if the lands of the Church had not been liable to have been taxed at all And to manifest more clearly that the exemption of Church-land from Taxes was a meer concession of our Kings take the Stat. of Ethelulph the successor of Egbert written Analect Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 77. with his own hand Our Lord reigning for ever Whilst that we see perillous times in our days the fire of war the taking away of our goods together with the cruel depredations of our destroying enemies and barbarous Pagan nations do lie upon us the multiplied tribulations do afflict us even to utter destruction Wherefore I Ethelulph King of the West-Saxons with the councel of the Bishops and my Princes giving wholsom councel and the only remedy have consented I have determined that every portion given to the holy Church whether of either Sex serving God or to miserable Lay-men always the tenth Mansion where it is least or the tenth part of all Goods be made for ever free that it be safe and defended from all secular services yea from the Kings greater or lesser tributes or the taxations which we call Winterden and that it be free of all things for the forgiveness of our souls and sins to serve God alone without Expedition building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle 12. If King Ethelbert were obliged to S. Gregory for the Conversion At what time the Pope first usurped jurisdiction over the Crown of England of the English Saxons to the Faith Prince Edgar Athelin was smally beholding to Pope Alexander 2. For Edgar being Grandson to Edmund Ironside and the undoubted Heir to the English Monarchy after the death of Edward the Confessor Alexander not only allows the Conquerors pretensions to the Crown of England but interdicts all those who should Speed fol. 405. par 27. See the effects of the Popes curse Speed fol. 415. par 2. oppose him So that though Harold were an Usurper yet was his Holiness his Interdiction as much against the undoubted Title of Edgar as against Harold Nor were all titles of rights and interests of the English Monarchy ever perfect and compleat from that time until they were all united and perfected in King James 13. How far the Britanick Churches were from any dependence upon At what time the first contest hapned between the King Pope about the investiture of Bishops the Church of Rome we have already shewed And so free were the Churches of England under the Saxon Kings before the Conquest that before the Appeal of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Paschal 2. scarce any Appeal was ever made to Rome but that of Wilfreds which was overruled by the King and Church So that for near a thousand years after the Conversion of the Britains and Saxons to the Faith although by means of S. Eleutherius and Gregory the Great we do not find any thing which may prove the superiority of the Roman Church over either the Britanick or English And how strange a thing the investiture of the English Bishops by the Pope was to the King and Kingdom of England appears by the Letter of Paschal to Anselm in answer to Anselm's Significasti Reges De Elect. Pet. cap. 4. Regni Majores admiratione promotos c. You have signified to me that Kings and Nobles were moved with admiration that the Pall was offered to you by our Ministers upon condition that you should take an Oath which they brought you written from us And the King not only opposed
Dissolution of Abbies and all were easily passed and assented to in Parliament But whatsoever the King were otherwise yet sure the Popes passion The Pope was more unjust in his censures then the King was in excluding the Papal jurisdiction against him carried them to greater extravagancies and exorbitancies then were on his part against them For suppose that the Pope had de facto the Investitures of Bishops Peter-pence Annates and First-fruits paid them and did exercise a jurisdiction over all the Church and Clergy yet no question all these things were by the grants and permission of precedent Kings and if Kings may grant and permit these things then what hinders but that they may recall them for Cujus est velle ejus est nolle Besides we have already shewed that although there were not that bitter personal spite between the Kings of England and and the Popes formerly as was between Henry 8. and Clement 7. and Paul 3. yet did many of them ascribe as little to the Pope as Henry did But for a Pope to deprive a Christian Prince of his kingdom over whom he had no manner of right his Adherents of whatsoever they possessed to command his Subjects to deny their obedience to their Soveraign and Strangers not to have any commerce in the kingdom and all to take arms against him and his followers granting them their estates and goods for a prey and their persons for slaves is so unlike to the example and precept of S. Peter whom they pretend to succeed who not only suffered death under Temporal power but inspired by God does command so expresly obedience to Kings not as subordinate to himself 1 Pet. 2. 13. but as supreme And of our Saviour himself who both suffered himself under Temporal power and paid tribute to Caesar and took not away but fulfilled the Moral Law which commands obedience to Princes and Higher powers and whose kingdom was not of this world that sure no Turk or Infidel was so much an enemy to Christians or indeed rather to mankind as to have desired it The state of the Church and of the Ecclesiastical Laws made by Edward the sixth THe time of this Kings reign being a Child and therefore woful and of his Father were perillous days The Father in his Laws scarce ever took advice but from his passion lust or avarice the Son although a Prince of infinite hope and goodness yet wanting the authority and reputation requisite in a Soveraign was either not able to restrain or else perswaded it was beneficial to give reins to a company of Sacrilegious Harpies and Courtiers to make a total prey not only upon all Colledges Free-Chappels Chantries and all their Lands except them of the Universities and some few other which by the Statute of 1 Ed. 6. cap. 14. were given to Camb. pref Eliz. Reg. Life of Ed. 6. the King upon specious pretences but the Lands of the Bishops generally became a prey unto them So much worse is it for every thing to be lawful then that any thing should be Law It was enacted That if any man spake irreverently or contemptuously An. 1. Ed. 6. c. 6. of the Sacrament of the Altar he should be imprisoned and fined at the Kings will and pleasure and that Justices of Peace might enquire of offenders Yet should not the person offending be arraigned or tryed unless the Bishop of the Diocese or his Chancellor or Deputy learned were required to be at the Quarter-Sessions to which purpose a new Writ was made Rex c. Episc L. salutem Praecipimus tibi quod tu Cancellarius tuus vel alius deputatus tuus sufficienter eruditus sitis cum Justiciariis nostris ad pacem in com nostro B. conservand assignat apud D. tali die ad sessionem nostram tunc ibidem tenend ad dand consilium advisament eisdem Justitiariis nostris ad pacem super arraiment deliberationem offendet contra Formam statuti concernend sacrosanctum Sacramentum Altaris And by this Satute it was Enacted that the Sacrament should be delivered to the people under both Kindes viz. of Bread and Wine From thenceforth no Conge deslier shall be granted nor any Election An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 2. shall be made of any Archbishop or Bishop by the Dean and Chapter but when any Archbishoprick or Bishoprick shall be voided the King by his Letters Patents may confer the same to any person whom he shall think meet c All summons citations and other proces Ecclesiastical shall be made in the name and with the stile of the King as in the Writs of the common Law and the test thereof shall be in the name of the Archbishop or Bishop c. All persons that have the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction shall have in their Seals of Office the Kings Arms with certain characters under them for the knowledge of their dioces but the Archbishop of Canterbury shall use his own Seal and his own name in all faculties and dispensations A man speaking against the Kings Headship of the Church shall being An. 1 Ed. 6. Cap. 12. thereof attaint or convict forfeit all his Goods and Chattels to the King and suffer imprisonment during the Kings will and pleasure for the first offence and for the second offence forfeit to the King the whole issues and profits of all his Lands and all his Goods and Chattels and suffer perpetual imprisonment and for the third offence shall be adjudged a Traytor and suffer death and forfeit all his Goods and Chattels Lands and Tenements as in cases of High Treason And it shall be deemed Treason for any by Printing Writing or Deed to affirm the King not to be Head of the Church An Act for uniformity of Service and administration of Sacraments being An. 2 3 Ed. 6 Cap. 1. before divers and different viz. of Sarum of York of Bangor and of Lincoln and divers and sundry forms and fashions were used in Cathedrals and Parish-Churches of England and Wales as well concerning Mattens or Morning Prayer and the Evening Song as also concerning the holy Communion commonly called the Mass with divers and sundry rites and ceremonies concerning the same and in the administration of the Sacraments of the Church The Statute does inflict upon every Parson Vicar or other whatsoever Minister that ought or should say or sing the said Common Prayer mentioned in the said Book Entituled the Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other rites and ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England and shall refuse it or use any other form or shall Preach Declare or speak any thing in derogation of the said Book or any thing contained therein and be thereof lawfully convict by a Jury of twelve men or by confession shall forfeit to the King for the first offence the profit of all his Spiritual benefices and promotions arising in a whole year and
shall incur any forfeiture or losse for travelling or making appearance accordingly Every person so restrained as aforesaid shall be bound to yeeld their bodies to the Sherif of the County upon Proclamation in that behalfe made nor shall incurre any penalty for so doing If any person which shall offend against this Act shall before he be thereof convict come to some parish Church on some Sunday or Festivall day and then heare divine Service and at Service time or at the reading of the Gospell make open submission and declaration of his conformity to the Queenes Lawes as hereafter is declared that then every such offendor shall be cleerly discharged The forme of the submission is I A. B. doe humbly confesse and acknowledge That I have grievously offended God in contemning her Majesties godly and lawfull government and authority by absenting my selfe from Church and from hearing Divine Service contrary to the godly Lawes and Statutes of this Realm and am heartily sory for the same and doe acknowledg and testifie in my Conscience That the Bishop or See of Rome hath not or ought to have any power or authority over her Majesty or within any of her Majesties Dominions or Realmes And I do promise and Protest without dissimulation or any colour or meanes of dispensation That from henceforth I will from time to time obey and performe her Majesties Lawes and Statutes in repairing to Church and hearing Divine Service and doe my utmost endeavor to maintain and defend the same The Minister or Curate of every parish where such submission shall bee made shall presently cause the same to be entred into a booke to be kept in every Parish for that purpose and within ten dayes after shall certifie the same to the Bishop of the Diocess Every offendor that shall after such submission relapse and become Recusant in not repairing to Church to heare Divine service as aforesaid shall lose all benefit he might have enjoyed by such submission Every woman married shall be bound by every article branch and matter contained in this Act other then the branch or article of abjuration nor shall any woman married be compelled to make abjuration Of the Reformation made by Queen Elizabeth QUeen Mary dying upon the 17. Novemb. 1558. the same day both The Pope did reject the Queen before the Queen rejected the Pope Houses of Parliament without any contradiction did acknowledge and receive Elizabeth to be the true and undoubted Heir to the Crown of England and without delay with sound of Trumpet dissolved the Parliament for that being called by Queen Mary could have no being or continue after her death The Queen caused an account to be given of her assumption to the Pope who was Paulus Quartus with letters of Credence to Sir Edward Cerne who was Ambassador to her Sister and not departed from Rome But the Pope was so far from acknowledging her that he answered that that Kingdome viz. of England was held in Fee of the Apostolick See that she could not succeed being illegitimate that he could not contradict the Declaration of Clement the Seventh and Paul the Third that it was a great boldness to assume the name of Government without him that for this she deserved not to be heard in any thing yet being desirous to shew a fatherly affection if she will renounce her pretensions and refer her self wholly to his free disposition he will doe whatsoever may be done in the honor of the Apostolick See * And afterwards he commanded Sir Edward Hist conc Trint 411. Cerne who had continued Ambassador at Rome for Henry the Eighth Queen Mary and then for Queen Elizabeth to lay down his office of Ambassador that I may use his own very words sayes the Author by force of a Mandat made by Lively voice from the Oracle of our most Holy Lord the Pope by virtue of holy obedience and under pain of the greater Excommunication and also of losse of all his goods that he should not depart out of the City but undertake the Government of an Hospitall of the English * It is true Indeed that Pius 4. a man of much more moderate disposition Camb. Eliz. Keg Pag. 28. then his Predecessor did in the year 1560. by Letters sent by Vineentius Parpalia Abbot of St. Saviours to her full of humanity not only acknowledge her Queen of England and invited her to return into the bosome of the Church but also as the report went promised to recall the sentence pronounced against her Mothers Marriages as unjust to confirme the book of Comon-prayer in English by his authority and to permit the use of the Sacrament in both kinds to the People of England in case she will joyn her self to the Church of Rome and acknowledge the Primary of the Roman See * And afterwards in the year 1561. in Letters full of affection by Abbot Camb. Eliz. Reg. 58. 59. Martinego he invited her to the Councell of Trint Camb. Eliz. Reg. 68. 69. but matters were so far thrust off the hinges that not only Parpalia returned without any fruit but Martinego was denied access into England Not only the Arch-bishop of York but all the other Bishops except The Bishops except Carlile refuse to crown her Carlile did refuse to Crown the Queen both because she had been instructed in the Protestant Religion and because she had forbidden the Archbishop of York a little before he was to celebrate Divine service to elevate the Host for adoration and had suffered the Letany with the Epistles and Gospel to be used in the popular tongue It is no wonder therefore if the Parliament which happened immediately after and the Commons especially who once usually swayed only by passion and affection and much averse from the Religion of the Church of Rome did endue the Queen with such plentifull power as to make her supreme Governor the title of Head was waved in all causes as well Spirituall as Temporall This power the Queen well understanding what advantage would be How far the Queen did declare her Power in Ecclesiasticall matters made thereof by her adversaries did by Proclamation and after by her Injunctions declare that she took nothing upon her more then what anciently of right be longed to the Crown of England to wit that she had supreme power and jurisdiction under God over all sorts of people within the Kingdome of England whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Lay persons and that no forrein Power hath or ought to have any jurisdiction or authority over them Camb. Eliz. Reg. 39. 40. In the 37. Article of the Church of England she declares We give to How far the Church of England declares the Prerogative of Princes Our Princes that Prerogative which we see in holy Scripture alwayes given to all godly Princes by God himself to rule all estates and degrees of men committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall and to restrain
men and all the Commonalty assembled in Parliament Statutes made at Westminster were enacted by the King his Prelates An. 4. Ed. 3. Earls Barons and other of the same Parliament at the request of the Commons Statutes made at Westminster The King by the assent of the Prelates An. 5. Ed. 3. Earls Barons and other great men of the Realm at the request of his people granted and established c. Statutes made at York were enacted by the King in Parliament upon An. 9. Ed. 3. the Petition of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses Statute of Money made at York was enacted by the King with the An. 9. Ed. 3. assent of the Prelates Earls and Barons and the Commons not so much as named Statutes made at Westminster were made and established by the King An. 10. Ed. 3. with the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other Nobles of this Realm and at the request of the Knights and Commons Statutes of Purveyors made at Westminster were enacted by the King An. 10. Ed. 3. with the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and also at the request of the Knights of the Shires and the Commons by their petitions put in the said Parliament Statutes made at Westminster were to the honor of God and of Holy An. 14 Ed. 3. Church by the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and other assembled at Parliament And see almost all the Acts of Parliament in Ed. 3. his time after in Rich. 2. Hen. 4. Hen. 5. Hen. 6. Ed. 4. Rich. 3. the King always made the Law and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal did assent at the instance request or petition of the Commons or by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons which was not or but rarely used unless in Rich. 2. his time In Hen. 7. his time the Commons got to have their assent as well as the Lords in passing Laws And this manner of passing Laws continued generally until Edward the Sixth's time where they were sometime made by the King with the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament and sometime by the Parliament But the form of enacting Laws by the King and the Lords Spiritual Temporal and Commons assembled in Parliament was seldom or never used before Queen Maries time So that it is as clear as the Sun at noon-day That a King of England Sessions of Parliaments do not derogate from Regal Power by the ancient usages of this Nation is as free and absolute in the Session of Parliament as out And the Act of a King in Parliament is the free and voluntary Act of an absolute Monarch for the Act of the King in Parliament passed by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and at the Petition of the Commons is not less the act of the King because it is so passed unless a man will deny that my Will being a faculty of my Soul cannot imperate an act if it takes information from my Understanding or Reason Reason and Understanding being in proportion to the Will as Counsel is to a Law King Charles of Sacred memory commends to his Son the then Prince of Wales in his last Letter and Admonition to him though for his own particular he had little Reason God knows so to do the frequent use of Parliaments as the best means by which Laws may be received of the Subjects and diffused to all parts of the Nation and to hold a right understanding between the King and his Subjects But as nullum medicamentum est idem omnibus nay the same Medicine at one time may kill the same person which at another time may cure him And that thing which at one time may be a very probable reason of an action at another time may be none at all or quite contrary to Reason So in Reasons of State that may be a very probable reason at one time which may be none at all or perhaps destructive at another time As Henry the Third had great Reason of State to form a House of Commons and endue it with large priviledges to secure himself against a stubborn and rebellious Nobility But King Charles had not the same Reason of State to indulge the House of Commons contriving the destruction of himself the Church and Nobility Laws and Liberties of this Nation Edward the First had great Reason of State to call a Parliament and to pass the Act De Tallagio non concedendo for otherwise as the state of affairs then stood he could neither get money to assist his Friend and Ally the Earl of Flanders nor relieve his distressed Subjects in Aquitaine oppressed by the French King which Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon this Statute observes but King Charles had not the same Reason of State to call the Parliament in 1640. who instead of assisting their natural Sovereign against a Rebellious Rabble of Mungrel Hebrides and Lysisks give them Three hundred thousand pounds to be exported out of the Kingdom for their Brotherly assistance Edward the First had great Reason of State to pass the Statute of Mortmaine when as men were so superstitiously given that no man thought he could merit Heaven if he gave nothing to the Church whereby such large Revenues accrued to the Church that the third part of the Revenues of the Nation was in Church-mens hands who pretending exemption from the Temporal Power if some remedy were not taken the King would probably be left destitute of means to protect himself and his Subjects yet is there not now that Reason of State when in a Sacrilegious age all the Patrimony of the Church goes to wrack and ruine and men of Badges of Sacriledge make marks of Saintship It were endless to enumerate how Reasons of State vary with the times It must suffice that there be means always in the Supream Power to remedy and cure the maladies and mischiefs of State as they arise and represent themselves Yet it is a remarkable thing That they who oblige Kings and Supream Powers to their own Laws will never be obliged by either their own or any Laws of God if ever the Supremacy comes to be vested in them and let any man shew me in Five hundred years one time wherein the Kings of England did alter the Laws out of Parliament and I will shew him an hundred times in seven years where men arrogating to themselves the name of Parliament have altered the Laws without the King They who oblige Supream Powers to Humane Laws the Conditions must oblige God too to such things as is contained in those Laws and Conditions or else it is impossible for Powers to protect their Subjects But Corruptio optimi est pessima there were never so vile things done as have been by Parliaments or by men calling themselves so Sir Edward Inst 4. page 37 38. Coke being always mightily in love with Parliaments gives instances but in two viz. Thomas Cromwel Earl of