much of it as concern's this title The words are these Altitonantis Dei largifluâ clementia qui est Rex Regum Ego Edgarus Anglorum Basileus omniúmque Regum insularum Oceanique Britanniani circumjacentis so John Dee a man very well seen in most parts of Learning did read it a good while since save onely that in stead of Britannian hee hath Britanniani while others reade Insularum Oceani quae Britanniam circumjacent cunctarúmque nationum quae infra eam includuntur Imperator Dominus gratias ago ipsi Deo omnipotenti Regimeo qui meum imperium sic ampliavit exaltavit super regnum patrum mâ—orum qui licèt Monarchiam totius Angliae adepti sint à tempore Athelstani qui primus regnum Anglorum omnes nationes quae Britanniam incolunt sibi armis subegit nullus tamen illâ—rum ultra ejus fines imperium suum dilatare aggressus est Mihi autem concessit propitia divinitas cum Anglorum imperio omnia regna Insularum Oceani cum suis ferocissimis regibus usque Norwegiam maximámque partem Hiberniae cum suâ nobilissimâ civitate Dublinia Anglorum regno subjugare Quos etiam omnes meis imperiis colla subdere Dei favente gratiâ coëgi By the abundant goodness of Almightie God who is the King of Kings I Edgar King of England and of all the Kings of the Islands and of the Ocean lying round about Britain and of all the Nations that are included within the circuit thereof Supreme Lord and Governor Do render thanks to the same Almightie God my King who hath enlarged my Empire thus and exalted it above the Royal Estate of my Progenitors who although they arrived to the Monarchie of all England ever since the time of Athelstane who was the first that by force of Arms subdued the English and all the Nations that inhabite Britain yet none of them ever attempted to promote their Empire beyond the bounds thereof But the divine goodness hath favored mee so far as beside the English Empire to enable mee to subdue all the Kingdoms of the Ilands in the Ocean with their most stout and mightie Kings even as far as Norway and the greatest part of Irland together with their most famous Citie of Dublin All which by God's grace and assistance I have subdued and made their necks to stoop under the yoke of my command Whereas hee saith that none of his Progenitors had attempted to enlarge their Empire beyond the bounds of Britain it must bee so understood that it bee taken for the Northern and Western bounds of the British Empire as sufficiently appear's by the mention of Irland and Norway So that then more Islands than the name of Britain did comprehend or than the Isles of that Sea together with the Sea it self were brought under his Dominion But King Canutus or Cnute hath left a testimonie also whereby hee most expressly asserts the Sea to bee a part of his Dominion Hee placing himself on a seat by the Sea side as it flowed upon Southampton Shore having a minde to demonstrate to his flatterers that Kings themselvs are but men is reported to have made trial of the obedience of the Sea it beeing flood after this manner Thou O Sea art under my dominion as the Land also upon which I sit is mine And there never was any that disobeied my Command without punishment Therefore I command thee not to ascend up upon my Land nor do thou presume to wet the feet or garments of thy Sovereign But the Tide saith Huntington and Florilegus who relate this storie swelling as at other times did very unmannerly wet not onely the feet but legs of his Majestie Whereupon the King leaping up proclaimed with his own mouth none to bee worthy the name of King but him alone who command 's both the Sea and land and they obey And from that time hee refused to wear his Crown of Gold consecrating it to a Crucifix In the mean time hee here openly professed himself to bee the Soveraign of the Sea as well as of the land Hereunto may bee added som testimonies of other Writers which although they are of a later date than the Kingdom of the English-Saxons yet they are transmitted to posteritie by the hands of such as were perfectly acquainted with the English Historie and by the Tradition of their Ancestors well infouned of the most authentick Opinions and Resolvs concerning the English Dominion over the Sea Geofâ—rie Chaucer who was not onely the most famous Poêt of his time but as Learning went in those daies a very well accomplisht Scholar in one of his Canterburie Tales bring 's in his Man of Law telling a storie which hee would have relate to the time of Alla King of Northumberland who reigned thirtie years and his Reign began in the year of our Lord DLIX In this Tale there is brought in a Ladie called Constantia the Daughter of I know not what Roman Emperor married to the King of Syria driven shee was by weather to a place which lay under the command of a Fortress upon the Shore of Northumberland and there the Ship ran aground shee was a Christian banished for her Religion and there taken Prisoner by the Commander of that Fortress In this Relation of the sad adventures of Constantia hee saith what indeed is true that Christian Religion was not received into any part of that Territorie but that Pagans had over-run and did hold those Northern Countries under their Dominion as well by Sea as Land His words to this purpose are these In all that lond dursten non Christen rout All Christen folk been fled from the Countre Through Paynims that conquer'd all about The plagues of Northumberland by land See Hee said discreetly that the neighboring Sea fell to the Conquerers of this Isle as well as the Land knowing what was the resolution and generally received opinion of his Ancestors concerning that matter Hee lived two hundred and thirtie years ago in the time of Richard the Second Nor is it any prejudice to this autoritie that the other things there related are fabulous For wee know that out of the Fables of Heliodorus Achilles Tatius Theodorus Prodromus Eustathius and such others whether of an amorous or any other strain somtimes many useful observations may bee gathered concerning the customs manners and received opinions as well of the men among whom they are feigned to bee acted as of the times to which they are related John Harding also who in the time of Edward the Fourth wrote an Historie of the affairs of England in vers when hee reckons up those Princes that sware fealtie to King Canutus for the Lands which they held of him hee adds So did the Kings of Wales of high parage And all the North-west Ocean For their kingdoms and for their lands than That is to say the same was don at that time by the greatest Kings of Wales and of all the North-western
before been made Commander of the Fleets And hee was the first for ought wee know that was created in this manner But in the next Form of Commission the name of Picardie was left out So indeed in the fourth year of Henrie the Sixth or Anno Dom. MCDXXVI John Duke of Bedford was by Commission made Admiral of England Ireland and Aquitain That Form continued about 88. years or throughout the Reigns of Henrie VI Edward IV Richard III Henrie VII and the three first years of Henrie VIII And about that time ten others were in like manner made Admirals for the most part perpetual of England Ireland and Aquitain the last of which was John Earl of Oxon who was Commissionated in that Form in the first year of Henrie the Eight But there followed another alteration or addition of Titles in the fourth year of that King Anno Dom. MDXIII At that time Sir Edward Howard Knight son of Thomas Earl of Suâ—â—ie afterwards Duke of Norfolk was made Admiral of England Wales Ireland Normandie Gascoign and Aquaitain To which words Calais and the Marches thereof are added in the Commission of William Fitzwilliams who also was Earl of Southampton beeing appointed Admiral in the twentie eight year of King Henrie the Eight This Form of Commissions held in use afterward through the whole Reign of that Henry adding according to antient Custom the clauses touching Jurisdiction But in the beginning of Edward the Sixt Thomas Baron Seymour of Sudeley brother to Edward Duke of Somerset was made Admiral almost in the same words as that William Earl of Southampton inserting after the name of Calais Boloign and the Marches of the same After him followed John Earl of Warwick who was created by Edward the Sixt in the third year of his Reign our Admiral of England Ireland Wales Calais and Boloign and our Marches of the same of Normandie Gascoign and Aquitain as also Governor general over all our Fleets and Seas And in the same Commission hee is styled afterwards Great Admiral of England and Governor of our Fleets and Seas But after a while the name of Boloign being omitted the next high Admiral of England was created in the very same Form of words as is mentioned before in the beginning of the Chapter For in the same Form was William Baron Howard of Effingham Son of Thomas Duke of Norfolk made Admiral in the beginning of Queen Marie or Anno Dom. MDLIII And the Command or Government of those Seas as the principal charge of that Office or Dignitie is more notably expressed there as you may see than in the Commission of the Earl of Warwick From that time forwards the very same Form was kept alwaies as in the Commission of the high Admiralship granted to Edward Baron Clinton afterwards Earl of Lincoln in the Reign of Philip and Marie also in the Commission of Charls Baron of Effingham afterwards Earl of Nottingham in the time of Q. Elizabeth and of Charls Duke of York in the time of King James besides George Duke of Buckingham who enjoied the same Office or Command in the same words in the Reigns of James and Charls So that for above eightie years or thereabout that is from the beginning of Q. Marie the whole form as it is set down in the beginning of this Chapter was ever expressly reteined in the Commissions of the high Admiralship of England so far as they denote either the Countries or the Seas or the Dominion of the same But therein the Admiral is styled Governor General over all our Fleets and Seas just as John Earl of Warwick was likewise expressly appointed in general tearms under Edward the sixt or over our Seas aforesaid But what were those Seas or the Seas aforesaid They are in the fore-going words expressly called the Seas of our said Kingdoms of England and Ireland our Dominions and Islands of the same That is in plain tearms Mer d' Engleterre d' Ireland Gales or the Sea of England Ireland and Wales after which manner the Seas belonging to the Dominion of England are sometimes also described in our Laws which are called likewise now and then by our Lawyers Les quatre Miers d'Engleterre or the four Seas of England divided according to the four Quarters of the World So that in the most received form of this Commission after the beginning of Queen Marie's Reign out of which also the sens and meaning of former Commissions is to bee collected wee have a continual possession or Dominion of the King of England by Sea pointed out in express words for very many years And what wee have alreadie spoken by way of Collection out of these that followed the beginning of Marie touching the sens or meaning of former Commissions wherein a positive Command of the Sea is not expressed is truly to omit the thing it self which sufficiently intimate's as much of its own nature not a little confirmed upon this ground that hee also who before any express mention of our Seas took place in the form of the Commission of the high Admiralship was next preferr'd to the same dignitie was immediately after his Creâtion according to the whole Title of his Office as beeing the same title which indeed alwaies belonged to the Admirals of England styled Great Admiral of England and Governor General of the Navie and our Seas So verily Thomas Baron Seymour whom I mentioned before is styled Admiral of England in the Patent Roll granted to him by Edward the sixt It is proved by words plain enough in the form of the Commissions for the Government or command of the high Admiral of England from antient to the present time that the Sea for whose guard or defence hee was appointed by the King of England as Lord and Soveraign was ever bounded towards the South by the shore of Aquitain Normandie and Picardie CHAP. XVII BUT in the Form alreadie shewn which hath continued in use for so many years you see mention is made onely of the Seas of our Kingdoms of England and Ireland our Dominions and Islands belonging to the same as the Province for whose guard or defence the Admiral was appointed that is as wee have told you the English Irish and Welch Sea all which is conteined under the name of the British as it hath been observéd at the beginning of this Book Yet the names of Normandie Gascoign and Aquitain besides Calais are added which are Provinces seated upon the shore over against us As to what concern's them in this place they are either to bee considered in the same manner as if they had been alwaies held in subjection by the English from the time of the first mention of them in the Commission or as they have alreadie for som Ages past been out of their Jurisdiction But suppose in the first place that they had alwaies remained in the Jurisdiction and Possession of the English Questionless
Sea Among the old Laws of England it appear's that the paiment of Danegeld was first imposed becaus of Pirates either Robbers or others invading the Sea For they infesting the Countrie wasted it as far as they were able Therefore for the repressing of their insolence it was determined that an yearly paiment should bee made of Danegeld that is to say twelve pence upon every hide through the whole Land for the pay of those that should bee imploied to hinder the eruption of Pirates So wee read it in som Copies others render it Irruption But the other reading seem's to signifie that this Tax was imposed for the raising and mainteining of Naval Forces so to guard the Sea that Pirates or Enemies might not bee able to make any eruption from the Shore on the other side of the Sea Nor can the word Eruption otherwise bee well put in that place So that even that antient Dignitie of the Count of the Saxon shore whereof wee have alreadie spoken is therefore not obscurely represented by him who commanded as Admiral over the Fleets of that Age. This Tribute or Tax had its beginning under King Ethelred For hee beeing brought into miserable streights by Swane King of Denmark beeing forced to buy a Peace of him hired XLV Danish Ships also by Agreement for the guarding and securing of his Dominion in the Sea who were to receiv their pay yearly out of this Tribute for their maintenance For the right understanding whereof it is to bee observed out of the English Saxon Storie that the Tribute or Tax usually paid at that time to the Danes was of more kindes then one There was one Tribute or sum of Monie wherewith the English-Saxons were forced somtimes to buy Peace of such as grievously infested the Island But another was levied to pay the Danish Navie which was hired to guard the Sea and defend the Sea-Coasts The first kinde of Tribute appear's by that of Florentius and Hoveden in the year MVII Ethelred King of England by the advice of his Lords sending Embassadors to the Danes gave them Commission to declare that hee was willing to defray their Charges and pay them a Tribute upon this condition that they would desist from rapine and establish a firm Peace with him To which demand of his they yielded And from that time their charge was defraied by all England and a Tribute paid which amounted to 36000 pounds That is hee effected this onely for the present that hee obteined a peace for a time by monie which hee could not by Arms as Florilegus saith well Four years after also all the great Lords of England of both Orders met together at London before Easter and there they staid so long till paiment was made of the Tribute promised to the Danes amounting to fourtie eight thousand pounds which wee reade of likewise both in Florentius and Hoveden But this was paid to the intent that all Danes which were in the Kingdom should in every place dwell peaceably by the English and that both People should have as it were one heart and one soul as it is expressed by Florilegus Other passages of the same kinde there are in the storie of that Age yea and som of an elder date Yet this first kinde of Tribute was not wont to bee paid yearly but levied now and then as occasion required Notwithstanding it may bee true perhaps which som write that Ethelred in the aforesaid agreement of the year MVII yielded to pay every year a Tribute of Thirtie six Thousand pounds to the Danes for a longer continuation of the peace Wee read here that hee yielded or granted but no where likewise that hee paid it But as for the second kinde of Tribute which was to bee paid as wee have told you for hire of the Danish Navie it was a yearly Tribute and levied at the same time at least in the same year to wit of our Lord MXII wherein these fourtie eight thousand pounds were paid to procure a peace Nor was it limited by any set-summe of monie but so much as would serv for victualling and clothing the Forces at Sea Florentius and Hoveden in the aforesaid year say After these things upon paiment of the Tribute meaning that of fourtie eight thousand pounds and a confirmation of the peace by Oaths the Danish Navie which was before in a Bodie was disposed and dispersed abroad afar off But XLV ships remained with the King and sware fidelitie to him and promised to bee readie to defend England against Foreiners upon condition that hee would provide them Victuals and Clothing This is related likewise in the English-Saxon Chronicles of the Abbie of Abingdon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is the Tribute beeing paid and Oaths of Amitie taken the Armie or Navie which was before in a Bodie was dispersed abroad But fourtie five ships of that Navie remained with the King and promised upon Oath to be readie for the defence of this Land upon condition the King did finde them Victuals and Cloathing Swane was at that time King of Denmark with whom Ethelred made this agreement But both the kindes of paiment aforementioned were called Danegelo Danegeld or Danageld that is to say Danish Tribute The first kinde is expressly intimated by this name in Joannes Sarisburiensis where hee saith Swane wasted and spoiled the Island of Britain the greatest part whereof hee had in his possession and afflicted the Members of Christ with many persecutions by an imposition of Tribute which in the English Tongue they call Danageld But the second kinde which was paid for the maintenance of the Forces by Sea was called likewise by the same name both becaus it was occasioned by the agreement with the Danes as also becaus it was wont to bee paid to the Danish Fleet that was hired to guard the Territorie by Sea For which caus also it reteined the same name not onely under these Danish Kings Canutus Harold the first and Hardecanutus but also under the English-Saxon or English And that this which wee have spoken was the Original hereof is affirm'd also by Ingulphus the Abbot of Crowland a witness beyond all exception who lived at that time Hee speaking of the affairs of Edward the Confessor saith In the year MLI which was the tenth of King Edward in regard the Earth did not bring forth its Fruits in such plentie as it was wont but devoured very many people by famine insomuch that many Thousands of men died through the scarcitie of Corn and want of Bread therefore the most pious King Edward beeing moved with compassion towards the people released that most grievous Tribute called Danigeld to all England for ever It is reported by som that this most Religious King beeing brought by his Officers into the Exchequer to see the Danigeld that was collected and to take a view of so vast an heap of treasure stood amazed at the first sight
protesting that hee beheld the Divel dancing upon the heap of monie extremely rejoycing whereupon hee immediately commanded to restore it to the former Owners and would not keep one joâ— of so cruel an exaction but remitted it for ever to wit in the thirtie eighth year after Swane King of Denmark commanded it to bee paid every year to his Navie in the time of his Father Ethelred By dis-counting 38 years from the year 1051. that year 1012. is sufficiently manifest wherein the beginning of this Danegeld is placed according to that which hath been alreadie spoken Nor is it any prejudice at all that there seem's perhaps to bee one year over and above For such as are verst in the Chronicles of the Monks know well enough that differences of that kinde are very frequent among them especially by reason of their careless confounding of the years of our Lord and of the Kings whose beginnings do variously differ as every man know's Nor is it probable that they were sufficiently agreed touching the Tribute and Taxes before the next or one thousand and thirteenth year For concerning that year Florentius Hoveden and others speak expresly thus In the mean time the Tyrant Swane gave command to make readie Provisions in abundance for his Navie and for paiment of an almost intolerable Tribute In like manner Turkillus sent out his commands every where that it should bee paid to his Fleet which lay at Grenewich That Fleet of XLV ships rode now and then in the Thames neer Grenewich and then first received their promised pay That is in that very year which beeing discounted is the Thirtie eight year as Ingulphus would have it wherefore its beginning was not ill placed in that year Without all question that Ingulphus was a Courtier in the time of King William the first or a man of no mean account at the time wherein that was don which hee relate's so that especial credit is to bee given him in this particular Whereas also hee saith that King Edward remitted Danegeld for ever the same thing is affirmed also by Roger Hoveden and Matthew the Monk of Westminster who saith In the year of Grace MLI King Edward absolved the people of England from that most grievous Tribute of 38 thousand pounds which was usually paid to the Danish Auxiliaries during his Father's Reign Whereof wee read also in Matthew Paris But Hoveden saith K. Edward absolved the people of England from that grievous Tribute in the thirtie eight year after that his Father K. Ethelred had commanded it to bee paid to the Danish Souldiers Others there are also that write to the same purpose Som of the English Saxon Chronicles place the same thing in the following year and so affirm that there intervened 39 years from the beginning of this Tribute which also they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Heregild that is a Militarie oâ— Naval Tribute to that abolishment of it by King Edward Nevertheless as to what concern's its beginning they agree with Ingulphus and Hoveden to wit in the year MLII those Chronicles render it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is to say K. Edward abolished that Militarie Tribute or Heregild which had been formerly imposed by K. Ethelred to wit in the nine and thirtieth year after it began But yet in the Autor of that Dialogue concerning the Exchequer written in the time of K. Henrie the second commonly supposed to have been Gervasius Tilburiensis wee read it was paid yearly even till the time of K. William the first or the Norman Conquest that is to say for fourteen years compleat immediately after that abolishment For so long K. Edward reigned whom that William succeeded The Autor's words are these The Pirats of the adjacent Islands having made an irruption and spoiling the Sea-Coasts carried away Gold Silver and all things of any value But assoon as the King and his Subjects set forth any preparations of Warr for the defence of their Nation they presently â—â—ed away by Sea But the chief among them and ever more inclined to mischief was that warlike and populous Nation of the Danes who besides their ordinarie desire of prey pressed on the more furiously becaus they laid claim to somwhat of antient Right in the Government of the Kingdom as the British Historie relate's more at large Therefore for the repelling of them it was ordeined by the Kings of England that two shillings silver upon everie Hide of Land should by a kinde of Custom for ever bee paid for the maintenance of valiant men who by scouting about continually and guarding the Sea-Coasts might repress the Invasion of Enemies And in regard this Revenue was appointed chiefly becaus of the Danes therefore it was called Danegeld And thereupon it was paid by yearly Custom as hath been said under the English Kings until the time of K. William the first who was of the Norman Stock and Nation So that Autor who would have this Tribute to derive its name from the Danes as if the Navie had been mainteined thereby chiefly to drive them from the Coasts of England But questionless the first reason of the name is to bee received as it hath been alleged out of the passages above mentioned though afterwards there was a Subsidie raised and Tribute paid for the like Fleet consisting of such as were not Danes or of English for the repelling of the Danes themselvs which was not improperly called by the same name Touching the paiment hereof after the Norman Conquest I shall add more by and by But as concerning what hee saith here that two shillings silver upon everie Hide were wont to bee paid yearly for the raising of this Tribute the same is affirmed also by other antient Autors as Roger Hoveden and Matthew Paris So that these men make the paiment double to that which is before alleged out of the Laws of the English-Saxons The yearly paiment of this Tribute is valued also by Matthew of Westminster Matthew Paris at thirtie eight thousand pounds as appear's by the particulars alreadie cited which truly was written by them with very little discretion Nor have they dealt any better who set down that paiment at the rate of thirtie thousand pounds as the Autor of the Chronicle called Chronicum Melrosense For at what rate soëver that Tribute was paid to the King according to the alteration of times it appear's for certain that the Stipends usually allowed to the Danish Fleet were so uncertain that they were set somtimes higher somtimes lower as wee must suppose it could not otherwise happen according to the number of Ships and Forces that were necessarie for the Guard of the Sea Of which also there are examples among Historians Florentius in the year MXIV saith K. Ethelred gave command that the Tribute amounting to thirtie thousand 〈◊〉 should bee levied for the Fleet which lay at Grenewich So also Hoveden But the English-Saxon Chronicles
the saufegard of the Seas for the entercourse of Marchandise safely to come into and to pass out of the same which is the usual form of words That is to say these words are part of the Preface or Preamble which was usually placed in the beginning of any Law or Statute whereby that most known Custom or Impost of Tonnage and Powndage was wont to bee imposed For the keeping and sure defending of the Seas against all persons entending or that shall extend the disturbance of us your said Commons in the intercourse and the invading of this your Realm So that the King of England hath ever been so accounted the Arbitrator and Lord of Commerce throughout these Seas that it could not lawfully bee hindred without his Commission Which truly is a manifest evidence of that Dominion or Ownership whereof wee treat And here you see also that the defence of the Realm that is of the Island for somtimes the Isle alone and somtimes the Sea also as I shall shew by and by is comprehended in that name and of the Sea as of those things which are held and possessed by one and the same Right is joined together The Tribute or Custom afore-mentioned which was wont to bee imposed and the usual form of the same Imposition may bee seen compleat in the printed Acts of Parlament of K. Kdward the Sixt and others following But it appear's most certain by the Rolls that the Predecessors also of this Edward whose Records are yet extant did enjoy the same or the like according to the various Custom of the Times Observations touching the Dominion of the English and Irish Sea from the tenor and varietie of those Letters Patents or Commissions Roial whereby the Admirals of England were wont to bee put in Autoritie CHAP. XVI THe usual form of Commission whereby the High Admiral of England is wont to bee invested with Autoritie for the Guard of the Sea run's thus at this day as it hath don also for very manie years past Wee give and grant to N. the Office of our great Admiral of England Ireland Wales and of the Dominions and Islands belonging to the same also of our Town of Calais and our Marches thereof Normandie Gascoigne and Aquitain And wee have made appointed and ordained and by these Presents Wee make appoint and Ordain him the said N. our Admiral of England Ireland and Wales and our Dominions and Isles of the same Our Town of Calais and our Marches thereof Normandie Gascoign and Aquitain as also general Governor over all our Fleets and Seas of our said Kingdoms of England and Ireland our Dominions and Islands belonging to the same And know yee further that Wee of â—uâ— especial grace and upon certain knowledg c. Do give and grant to the said N. our great Admiral of England and Governor general over our Fleets and Seas aforesaid all manner of Jurisdictions Autorities Liberties Offices Fees Profits Duties Emoluments Wrecks of the Sea Ejectments Regards Advantages Commodities Preheminences and Privileges Whatsoëver to the said Office our great Admiral of England and Ireland and of the other Places and dominions aforesaid in any manner whatsoëver belonging and appertaining And afterwards there follow verie many other particulars in the King's Commission setting forth that most ample Command and Jurisdiction In former times as hath been alreadie shewn you this kinde of Commanders were called Custodes Maris Guardians or Keepers of the Sea who afterward began to bee invested with the name of Admirals in the Reign of Edward the First But their Commands were usually restrained to certain Limits of Coasts So that particular Commanders were somtimes set over each of the Three Western Southern and Northern Coasts but for the most part over the Western and Northern Seldom was one set over both before that the Title of Admiral of England Ireland and Aquitain was put into the Commissions of which more by and by But as the name of Guardian of the Sea was taken from the Sea it self whereof hee was Governor as of a Province so that of Admirals a word whose Original is very uncertain but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Amiralius was used of old for a Commander of a Fleet or Navie not onely in the West but also in the Eastern Empire derived its name of Dignitie either from the Fleet wherewith hee defended his Jurisdiction at Sea as it was usual heretofore or els from the Land either bordering upon that Jurisdiction or joined therewith as it hath been in the later Form of Commissions Whereupon from the time of Edward the first unto Henrie the Fourth about one hundred and Fiftie years they were in solemn manner created Admirals of the Fleet or Navis of our Ships towards the Northern Parts or towards the Western Parts or the Southern or as it â—â—ll out somtimes of both together For the Southern and Western Coast did as appear's by the thing it self signifie one and the same That is to say the Coast stretched here and there along the Shore from the North of the Thames But as the Dignitie of those Officers called Comes and Magister Equitum of the West Magister Equitum throughout Gallia Magister Militum throughout the East Magister Militum throughout Thrace and others of that kinde in the Imperial Offices did no less denote the Autoritie and Jurisdiction of them that commanded in these Provinces who before were Lords of the Provinces than if they had been called Comes and Magister of the West Magister throughout Gallia throughout the East and throughout Thrace so it is evident that the Admirals of the Fleets and Navies whereby the Sea is guarded after the same manner as the Land is possessed by Land-Forces did no less set forth the Command and Dominion and civil possession of those that had autoritie over the Sea who before were Lords of the Sea then if they had been styled Guardians of the Sea Commanders or Admirals in their Commissions And such as were so constituted Admirals of both Coasts or of the whole English Navie were somtimes by a general name called Admirals of England over the Sea before that form of words was put into the Royal Commissions And of this sort of Admirals you have a Catalogue set down by that eminent man Sir Henrie Spelman in his Glossarie where there are others also that follow But such a change hapned in the Form of the Commissions in the time of Henrie the Fourth that there was one man appointed Admiral not onely of the fleets or Navies but of England and Ireland over whose Fleet of Ships or Navie for Defence of the Irish Sea somtimes a particular person was made Admiral as was Thomas Percie Earl of Worcester yea and in express words also Admiral of Aquitain and Picardie As was Thomas Beaufort who also was Duke of Excester under Henrie the Fifth in the thirteenth year of Henrie the Fourth after hee had surrendred the Commission whereby hee had
those Islands that lie before the shore of France For 't is generally known that after King John and Henrie the third were driven out of Normandie it self that the Isles Caesaria and Sarnia which wee call Jersey and Garnesey Aureney and som other Neighboring Isles lying near the shores of Normandie and Bretaign yea and situated within that Creek of Sea which is made by the shore of Bretaign on the one side and that of Normandie on the other have in the following Ages both now and heretofore remained in the Dominion of England But by the sentence passed against K. John as Duke of Normandie for the murther of his Nephew Arthur the French would have him deprived of all the Right hee had to Normandie And afterwards Henrie the third resigned his Right to Normandie But suppose wee grant what is commonly received that these Islands were of the Norman Jurisdiction or belonging to the Dutchie of Normandie yet truly even so they neither could bee taken away by the sentence nor did they fall to the French by Resignation forasmuch as the possession of the Sea and so of the Islands placed therein was still reteined after the same manner almost as manie Priories were in England it self who though they were belonging to the Norman Government in Church-matters yet even as they were of the Government of Normandie they ever remain'd under the Dominion of England as long as the Privileges of Monasteries were in force among the English as beeing situate within the undoubted bounds of the English Empire Nor is it easily understood wherefore the Islands could have been so reteined unless they also had been seated within the bounds of the English Empire in the Sea But the thing chiefly to bee consider'd here is that verie manie Foreign Nations as well as the Estates of England did in a Libel or Bill of Complaint publickly exhibited in the time of King Edward the First and King Philip the Fair before a Court of Delegates specially in that behalf by them appointed in express terms acknowledg that the King of England hath ever been Lord not onely of this Sea but also of the Islands placed therein par raison du Roialme d' Angleterre upon the account of the Realm of England or as they were Kings of England Which truly is all one as in most express terms to ascribe this whole Sea unto them as far as the Shores or Ports lying over against us But concerning that Libel I shall add more by and by Nor is it to bee omitted that the addition of a Shore larger than that of Picardie to the Kingdom of France hapned first at that time wherein those Isles were so reteined by the English after they were outed of Normandie For before the Shores of Aquitain Bretaign and Normandie were in the possession of other Princes that of Aquitain and Normandie beeing possest by the English and that of Bretaign by the Duke or Earl of that Countrie So that the French King had neither any shore almost nor any considerable use of Sea-affairs at that time by which means also the English did with the more ease retain the aforesaid antient possession of the Sea and the Isles after they were deprived of the Norman Dutchie And this sufficiently appear's also by that Sea-Fight perform'd between the French Fleet commanded by Eustachius the Monk in the time of Philip Augustus King of France and the English Fleet under the Command of Philip de Albenie Governor of the aforesaid Islands and John Marshal who both carefully guarded the passages of the Sea in the beginning of the Reign of Henrie the Third That is to say a French Fleet of about 80 Sail was designed to transport Auxiliarie Forces out of France for Lewis afterwards the Eight of that name that was King of France who through the Treason of som Conspirators made War upon the English King in England This of the French was assailed by an English Fleet of 40 Sail. But Roger of Wendover and Matthew Paris tell us that part of the French who had not been used to Sea-Fight was in a short time wholly defeated Observ here they say that hitherto the French were not accustomed to Fights by Sea But of the English they say the English being warlick and skill'd in Sea-Fight galled them with Darts and Arrows ran them through with their Lances did execution with their Swords sank their Ships and them with Lime which they did by throwing the Powder of Lime into the Aër so it might bee driven by the winde into the French-men's eies They were deprived also of all hope of relief and succor and know not which way to slie The English at that time time beeing expert in Sea-Fight did by this means make good the possession of their Sea and the Isles also that are situate therein For even this Fight relate's to the second year of Henrie the Third or the year of our Lord MCCXVIII that is at the same time almost when the English were first deprived of Normandie But as to that which is commonly said that these Islands first belonged to the English Norman right or by the right of the Dutchie of Normandie it is as easily denied as affirmed by any Nor is there any weight in this Reason that becaus those Islands have and ever had certain Customs like the Norman therefore they do belong to Normandie For the Norman Customs are often used in England as the Roman are somtimes by other Nations yet everie man know's this can bee no ground for such an Argument Nor is it any more to the purpose that those Islands were within the Diocess of the Bishop of Constances in Normandie until that in our Grand-father's daies they became subject to the Bishop of Winchester Their Ecclesiastick Government was a long time derived out of Normandie with more convenience indeed becaus of the nearness of the place which began as it is to bee supposed in those daies when the English possessed the Shores on both sides But it doth not follow thence that those Islands belong'd to the Dutchie of Normandie any more then that the many Priories heretofore in England who were of foreign Jurisdiction in Ecclesiastical matters did therefore belong to the Dominion of foreign Princes and not to that of the English Kings as Kings of England That is every jot as weak also which they use to allege about the Norman Languages beeing in use among the Inhabitants of those Islands The people of Cornwâ—l in England have alwaies used the Welch Tongue at least with a little alteration in the Dialect as the Bretaigns do also in France In like manner the Inhabitants of the Isle of Man use the Irish Tongue yet no man will conclude thence either that this paie's obedience to the Kings of England as Lords or King of Ireland or that the other are subject to their Princes by any right of the Welch Principalitie Wee know indeed that
somtimes slight mention is made not onely in the proêms of som Charters of later times but also in several antient Petitions of the Islâ—nders that those Islands belong'd heretofore to the Dutchie of Normandie and upon that account were held by the Kings of England But yet wee know as well that those Provinces which in Antient time were derived by Inheritance to our Kings in France of which kinde truly these Islands are to bee reckon'd if they were held as parts of Normandie were alwaies permitted so to use their own Customs and antient Forms of Jurisdiction that they were not at all subject to the ordinarie Jurisdiction of the Courts of England The same privilege was ever allowed likewise to the people of Aquitain Anjou Normandie and others Yea and som Ages since the Kings of England were pleased to order that such Controversies as hapned there should not bee decided in any other place out of the Islands but in their own Courts of Judicature whereas notwithstanding it is most certain that in the Reigns of Edward the Second and Third times which without doubt made good search into that Right whereby those Islands were annexed to the Patrimonie of the Kings of England there were Justices Itinerant that is Officers created of old who were often by ordinarie right to take cognisance especially of the more heinous crimes through all the Counties of England also of such Rights and Privileges of the Crown as were usurp't and arrogated by any and of other matters for the most part that are usually brought into Courts of Justice who beeing sometimes also called Justitiae errantes Justices errant were wont to bee sent forth into those Islands as well as into the Counties of England though the Inhabitants did indeed exclaim and somtimes preferr'd their Petitions against this kinde of Jurisdiction But yet it is most certain that the opinion of those very Officers who were themselvs learned in the Law then was that those Commissions whereby they were so inabled to administer Justice in those Islands were not onely grounded upon Law which was the opinion also of those who ruled at that time in this Nation but also that the very Provinces of the Islands were so incorporated one with another as they are all with England throughout the extent of that Sea which lie's between after the manner of our English Custom in the Provinces or Countries that a Caus beeing somtimes inlarged they might appoint daies of Appearance to any Inhabitants of those Islands in the King's Bench in England as well as to the Inhabitants of any one of the Isles in the other after the same manner as is used within England it self Which appear's by the Commission of John de Scardeburgh and his Fellow-Justices in the time of Edward the Third and others of that Age. But it was never heard I suppose that upon such an inlargement a time of Appearance might by our Common Law bee appointed in any other place but that which is of the same Jurisdiction as conteined within the Patrimonie of the Crown whereto also that place belong's out of which any one is so adjourned Nor do I remember that any such thing was ever so much as attempted in those Provinces which were not reckoned in the Patrimonie of the English Empire yet possessed upon another Title by the King of England as the Dutchies of Anjou Normandie Aquitain and the like Moreover also in the more antient Charters of som of our Kings in confirmation of the Privileges of Islanders they are noted more than once for such Privileges as they or their Ancestors or Predecessors have enjoied under the obedience of any of our Progenitors beeing Kings of England Surely if it had been then believed that those Islands were a part of the Dutchie of Normandie it is not to bee doubted but they had added also or Dukes of Normandie which wee finde truly in som Charters of later time yet so that in these also those Isles are said in express terms and that upon verie good ground to bee retained in sealtie and obedience to our Crown of England But in the time of Edward the Third the Islanders petitioning the King in Parlament for their Privileges and Custom 's which had been established time out of minde annexed the Customs of som of the Islands among which are these Item that no man ought to bee questioned about his Freehold after hee hath quietly enjoied it a year and a day unless it bee by Writ taken out of the Chancerie of our Lord the King making special mention both of the Tenement it self and of the Tenant Item That they shall not bee put to Answer before the King's Justices of Assise until they first give them Copies of their Commissions of Assise under their Seals Item that the King's Justices assigned by Commission for the bolding of Assise ought not to hold Pleas here longer than the space of three weeks Truly these antient Customs seem so to reâ—â—sh as if those Islands had been subject to our Kings their ordinarie Jurisdiction by the right of English Empire not by the Norman although the Islanders insinuate also in the same Petitions that they were a part of the Neighboring Province of Normandie Add hereto also that the â—sle of Serk was granted by Queen Elisabeth to Herelie de Carteret to bee held in Capite by him and his heirs that is to say as a Feud belonging to the patrimonie of the Crown of England notwithstanding that it bee unawares or els carelesly admitted in the Charter of this Grant to bee within the Dutchie of Normandie But in the Treatie held at Chartres when Edward the third renounced his claim to Normandie and som other Countries of France that border'd upon the Sea it was added that no controversie should remain touching the Islands but that hee should hold all Islands whatsoëver which hee possessed at that time whether they lay before those Countries that â—ee held or others For reason required this to maintain the Dominion by Sea Yea both Jersey and Gernsey as also the Isles of Wight and Man are said in divers Treaties held betwixt the Kings of England and other Princes to belong unto the Kingdom of England and to lie near the Kingdom of England These Isles also were granted heretofore by King Henrie the fift to his brother John Duke of Bedford without any recognition to bee made unto Us or Our Heirs notwithstanding any Prerogative of the Crown for any other Tenure held of Us out of the said Islands which may in any wise belong unto the said Islands Castles or Dominions Which words seem not in the least measure to admit any Right of the Dutchie Perhaps also that antient custom was as a token or pledg of the Sea's Dominion beeing conjoin'd with that of the Isles whereby all the Fish as it is in the Records of Edward the third taken by the Fishermen of
worthie of observation that this kinde of Letters were usually superscribed and directed by our Kings to their Governors of the Sea Admirals Vice-Admirals Sea-Captains to wit the Commanders appointed by the King to take care of his Territorie by Sea whereas notwithstanding wee finde no mention at all of any such Commanders in those Passports of that kinde which were granted heretofore by the French King to the King of England when hee was to cross over into France Letters of that kinde were given to our Edward the second by King Philip the Long superscribed onely thus Phelip par la grace de Dieu Roy de France A touz noz Justiciers subgies salut Philip by the grace of God King of France To our Judges and Subjects greeting But the reason is evident why the K. of England was wont to direct his Letters to his Commanders of the Sea and the French King at that time onely to his Judges and Subjects in general To wit becaus the King of England had his Sea-Commanders throughout this whole Sea as Lord of the same and therefore when hee crost over it was not reasonable that the French K. should secure him by Sea it beeing within the bounds of the English Territorie And yet the King of France might perhaps have an Admiral at that time but onely upon the shore of Normandie and Picardie For that of Aquitain Bretaign and Narbonne were not as yet added to the patrimonie of that Crown And it was about that time or a little before that they are placed who are first ranked in the Catalogue of the Admirals of France But of later time it is true indeed that in those Passports or Letters of safe Conduct which have been granted even by the French King and other Princes bordering upon the Sea Admirals are usually named in express terms among the other kindes of Roial Officers to the end that they to whom the Passports are granted may bee secured in every place and part of their Dominion But as touching the English Command over such as pass or sail through their Sea there are many other Arguments taken as wee shall shew by and by from the manner of our King 's prescribing limits to such as sail in this Sea as also from those passages which wee have alreadie cited out of Records concerning the Tributes or Customs imposed by the English upon such as passed through the Sea And truly it is very considerable also that the Kings both of Denmark and Sweden together with the Hans-Towns very often and earnestly begg'd of Queen Elisabeth that they might have free passage through the English Sea with Provisions towards Spain during the Warr betwixt her and the Spaniard I know indeed that such a Licence was denied them not onely in respect of the Dominion of the Sea but chiefly to prevent the conveying of Provisions to the Enemie For which caus also divers Ships belonging to the Hans-Towns laden with Corn were taken by English men of Warr in the very Streights of Lisbon without the Sea-Territorie of England which went by the Scotish Sea and the West towards Portugal which was don doubtless that they might not presume to use the English Sea without the leav of the Queen But the Hans-Towns cried out thereupon that the Laws of Nations Commerce and Leagues were violated becaus their ships were so taken by the English onely upon this account that they carried Provisions to the Enemie that is in a Territorie where the English did not in the least pretend to any Dominion And concerning this particular there is a notable Question controverted by very Learned men How far they that are not enemies or would not bee called enemies may by the Law of Nations afford supplies unto an enemie But som years before the taking of these ships when the Hamburgers who in the name also of the rest of the Hans-Towns desired leav to pass through this Sea to Portugal and Spain were more than once denied any kinde of libertie to transport either Corn or Warlike necessaries they did not at all suggest that their Petition at that time was grounded upon the Law of Nations or Commerce nor that the Queen's denial was contrarie to this kinde of Law That is to say they were by her first Answer enjoined to abstein from transporting Arms with other Warlike Necessaries and Corn but saith the Queen in transporting other commodities wee shall not hinder you at all but shall with all favour permit the ships of your Subjects to abide and pass after the accustomed manner that they may perform their Voiage This Answer they did not seem to take amiss But two years after they sent into England Sebastian à Berghen their Ambassador with Petitionarie Letters desiring that the Exception in the Licence formerly granted might bee taken away and a freedom to transport all kindes of Merchandise permitted Their Petition was denied again and this moreover added That such as should presume to do the contrarie should for their bold presumption suffer the loss of all their Goods and Merchandise so carried against her Majestie 's will and pleasure if they fell into the hands of her Men of Warr or any other of her Majestie 's Subjects Thus they ever addressed themselvs by Petitions and the Queen gave Answers according to her pleasure They did not so much as pretend the Laws of Nations or of Commerce before that they understood their ships were seised in another Sea to wit that of Portugal which they conceived free for themselvs by the Law of Nations and Commerce without leav from the Queen of England Then it was they began to plead that Libertie ought not by any Law to bee denied even these men who but som years before had humbly Petitioned the Queen of England more than once for free passage through the English Sea So that that principal point as som would have it of the Law of Nations that relief ought not to bee conveyed to Enemies by a Friend was not onely the ground either of the Hans-Town's Petition or the Queen's denial but her right of Dominion by Sea was concerned also which the Hans-Towns well knew they should violate if they should pass the Queen's Seas without her leav Hereunto for the same reason those particulars relate which wee finde concerning this matter in those points that were to bee insisted on in the year MDXCVII by Witfeldius and Bernicovius Ambassadors from Christiern the fourth King of Denmark to the Queen of England Wee were say they strictly enjoined by our King to mediate with her Majestie that our Countrie men may bee permitted a freedom to transport Corn or Provision towards Spain even as wee have don formerly and do now again with all earnestness desire especially since it is supposed that the same Licence of transporting Corn is granted somtimes both to English and Dutch that our Countrie-men may not bee used in a wors manner than your own
were newly designed to cross over into Bretaign that they might bee arm'd and set forth in the King's service The Title of this Commission is De Navibus arrestandis capiendis For arresting and seizing of ships The Form of it run's thus The KING to his beloved Thomas de Wenlok his Serjeâ—nt at Arms Lieutenant of our beloved and trustie Reginald de Cobham Admiral of our Fleet of ships from the mouth of the River Thames towards the Western parts greeting Bee it known unto you that wee have appointed you with all the speed that may bee used by you and such as shall bee deputed by you to arrest and seiz all ships Flie-Boats Barks and Barges of ten Tuns burthen and upward which may happen to bee found in the aforesaid Admiraltie that is in the Sea reaching from the Thames mouth toward the South and West and to caus the Flie-Boats Barks and Barges aforesaid to bee well and sufficiently arm'd and provided for the warr by the Masters and owners of the same and to bring them speedily so provided and arm'd to Sandwich except onely the ships that are order'd for the passage of our beloved and trustie Thomas de Dagworth and his men that are bound for Bretaign so that you bee readie there in your own person together with the Ships Flie-Boats Barks and Barges aforesaid so well provided and fitted for the warr upon the Saturday next before the Feast of the Apostles Simon and Jude next ensuing at the farthest to go thence upon our Command according to such direction as shall then on our part bee given to the Masters and Mariners of the aforesaid Ships Flie-Boats Barks and Barges and to take sufficient Provision for the enabling of you to do the premises in such places as you shall see most convenient except onely Church-Land you making due paiment for the same and also to seiz and arrest all those that you shall finde to oppose or resist you in the execution of the premises and them to commit into our Prisons there to abide till wee shall think fit to take farther order c. All Officers also in the said Admiraltie are commanded to yield obedience and assistance upon the same occasion The usual subscription in that Age shewing the Original Autoritie of the Commission was By the King himself and his Council But that the aforesaid Sea it self was conterned under the name of the Admiraltie is clearly manifest by what wee have alreadie shewn you And King Edward the third used his antient Right as other Kings of England did also therein as well as in the Ports themselvs or Shores of England for there are innumerable examples of the staying of all Ships whatsoêver by the King's Command in Port or Shore But that which hath been alleged about the staying of Ships and Listing them for the King's Service you are alwaies to understand it was so don according to equitie that competent Pay was to bee allowed them answerable to the proportion of Tuns and also to the number of Sea-men that were so taken into emploiment Touching which particular there are several Testimonies also to bee found in the Records of Parlament That Licence hath been usually granted to Foreiners by the Kings of England to fish in the Sea Also that the Protection given to Fisher-men by them as in their own Territorie is an antient and manifest Evidence of their Dominion by Sea CHAP. XXI AS a freedom of passage so also wee finde that a libertie of Fishing hath been obteined by Petition from the Kings of England There is a clear Testimonie hereof in that which was alleged before out of the Records of Parlament concerning those Tributes or Customs that were imposed in the time of Richard the Second upon all persons whatsoëver that used Fishing in the Sea Moreover it appear's by Records that Henrie the Sixt gave leav particularly to the French and very many other Foreiners for one whole year onely somtimes for six Months c. to go and fish throughout the Sea at all times and as often c. But this leav was granted under the name even of a Passport or safe conduct yea and a size or proportion was prescribed to their Fishing-boats or Busses that they should not bee above XXX Tuns And it is true indeed there was a kinde of consideration or condition added that som others who were subjects of the King of England might in Fishing enjoy the same securitie with Foreiners Which was for this caus onely put into the Licence that if the Foreiners did disturb or molest them they should lose the benefit of their Licence The words of that consideration or condition in the beginning of those Licences run after this manner To the end that the business of the Herring-fishing and of other Fish may bee advanced continued and mainteined for the publick good yea and that the like securitie may bee yielded and afforded to som certain Fisher-men under our obedience I suppose that those certain Fisher men under our Obedience were also the French who at that time continued in subjection to the English whereas almost all in France except the Shore of Picardie had newly revolted from the King of England That is to say at the latter end of the reign of Henrie the Sixt. But that which wee finde either here touching equal securitie or in other places somtimes also about the giving of safe conduct even to the Fishermen of England by Licence granted either to French or Flemings or Bretaigns that usually hapned when the heat of War was over a Cessation agreed on to treat of Peace or Amitie In the mean time securitie of that kinde was given on both sides now and then by agreement But by the King of England as well in respect of his beeing Lord of the place as his beeing a partie that was treating about a League or Amitie By others upon this account onely not upon that unless you understand the question to bee about the use of Ports and Shores For so no man denie's but these were Lords as well as hee Moreover also in our time leav was wont to bee asked of our Admiral for French-men to fish for Soles in the neighboring Sea for King Henrie the Fourth of France his own Table as it is affirm'd by such as have been Judges of our Admiraltie and Commanders at Sea of an antient standing yea and that the Ships of those French were seized as trespassers upon the Sea who presumed to fish there without this kinde of Licence But in the Eastern Sea which washeth the Coasts of Yorkshire and the neighboring Counties it hath been an antient Custom for the Hollanders and Zelanders to obtein leav to fish by Petition to the Governor of Scarbâ—rough Castle situate by the Sea-side in the Countie of York and this for very many years past as is affirmâ—d by that learned man M r Camden speaking of those Coasts It is worth the while saith hee to note
his Council The like Commission was at the same time and by the same time and by the same Autoritie given to John de Norwich Admiral of the Northen part In the preferring of a certain Bill also in Parlament which was the voice of the Estates of the Realm in the reign of the same Edward wee finde that hee was usually accounted and styled King or Soveraign of the Sea by all Nations The words are qe XX ans passez toutdiz adevant la Navie de dit roialme estoit en touz portz bones villes sur mier sur riviers si noble si plentinouse qe touz les pais tâ—noâ—ent appelloyenâ— nostre avantdit Seignieur LE ROY DE LA MIER tout son pays dotoyent le pluis per mier per terre per cause de la dite Navie c. Which beeing translated out of the old Norman speak's to this effect That the English were ever in the Ages past renowned for Sea affairs in all Countries near the Sea and they had also so numerous a Navie that the people of all Countries esteemed and called our King the King or Soveraign of the Sea There is likewise a notable Testimonie touching this business in the Parlament-Records of Henrie the Fifth where the tenor of the Bill ran as was usual after this manner Item priont les Commens que per lou nostre tressoverain seigneur LE ROY ET SES NOBLES PROGENITORS DE TOUT TEMPS ON T ESTE SEIGNEURS DEL MEER ore par lâ— grace de Dieu est venuz que nostre dit seigneur le Roy est seigneur des costes d' ambeparties del meer d' ordeigner sur touts estrangers passants per my le dit meer tiel imposition al oeps nostre dit seigneur le Roy à prendre que à luy semblera resonable pur la sauvegarde del dite meer That is to sâ—â— Item the Commons do pray that seeing our Soveraign Lord the King and his illustrious Progenitors have ever been Lords of the Sea and now that through Gods gtace it is so com to pass that our said Lord the King is Lord of the Shores on both sides of the Sea such a tribute may bee imposed upon all Strangers passing through the said Sea for the benefit and advantage of our said Lord the King as may seem agreeable to reason for the safeguard of the said Sea The Answer subscribed to this Bill was Soit avise par le Roy that is let the King himself bee advised of it For the King resided in France at that time beeing Lord of that Countrie by Inheritance and Conquest and Humphrey Duke of Glocester was President of the Parlament beeing then Keeper or Lieutenant of England by whom as the King's Deputie this kinde of Answer was usually given to Bills as often as an assent to them was delaied but when the King was present in person le Roy s' advisera the K. will advise served in stead of an Answer from antient down to the present time in such Bills as were not passed into Acts. That is to say in those Bills to which the Lords and Commons had given their assent before that is the Estates of the Parlament of England which is here especially to bee considered For most certain it is that according to Custom no Answer is given either by the King or in the King's name to any Parlamentarie Bills before that the Bill whether it bee brought in first by the Lords or by the Commons hath passed both Houses as it is known to all that are verst in the Affairs and Records of Parlament And when the name of either of them is left out in the draught of the Bill as the Lords are in that before alleged it was wont to bee supplied as it is also at this day by the brief form of Assent which is added by that Hous to whom the Bill is sent and transmitted For that Hous which first prefer's it transmit's it to the other who either give 's an assent or reject's it And when both Houses have so given their assent then after a while either the King give 's his assent whereby it becom's an Act or Law or els hee laie's it aside and as I have alreadie shewn take's time to advise Neither of which is ever don by the King according to the cours of Parlament till both Lords and Commons have first given their assent But the whole form of the afore-mentioned Bill which is full of all kinde of storie concerning things transacted in Parlament is taken out of the very Schedules annexed to the Bill wherein the Forms of this kinde of assent were wont expressly to bee added and register'd according to antient Custom among the Records of Parlament in the very same words wherein it was at first exhibited no express mention beeing made of the assent both of Lords and Commons which is annexed to the Body of the Form for the assent of both sufficiently appear's in that according to the cours of Parlament it was so presented to the King and the Kings assent onely or intent of deliberation beeing added by way of subscription as I have shewn But most of those Schedules annexed to that kinde of Bills which relate to the more antient times are lost whereas notwithstanding the Records wherein they were wont to bee register'd have been carefully preserved in the Tower for above CCC years All which wee thought meet to mention here to the end that in the Bill before alleged out of the Parlamentarie Records of Henrie the fift these three things may bee observed which make very much to the point in hand First that the Estates in Parlament according to the Custom of their Ancestors that is to say both Houses of Lords and Commons beeing well-informed of the matter perhaps by som antient Testimonies whereof wee are bereft by the injurie of time did with one consent affirm it as a thing unquestionable that the King of England is Lord of the Sea As it appear's also in that former Record which relate's to the Reign of Edward the third for both the Bills are placed alike in the aforesaid Records Secondly that the Sea whereof they speak is the whole that flow's between France and England For they say in express terms that King Henry beeing Lord of the Sea was at that time Lord des costes d ambâ—parties del meer that is of the Coasts or Shores on both sides of the Sea or those that include the Sea on both sides which cannot bee understood of any other or greater Sea than of that which was mentioned there immediately before And so it is in plain terms to bee taken of that whole Sea Thirdly that those Estates did not question but that Tributes might bee imposed by autoritie of Parlament upon all strangers whatsoëver wheresoëver they pass through this Sea as well as Customs in Port And that they did not at all conceiv that a Bill ought
to the Royal Patrimonie of England to the end that no man might question whether the Sea belong'd to his King by the Right of the Kingdom of England or of the Dutchie of Normandie or of any other Province in France Another also who wrote in the time of Henrie the Eighth saith it hath been received by antient custom that it is a dutie lying upon the King of England as Lord of the British Sea to scour the Sea of Pirates and to render the use thereof as of a publick Road or Thorow-fare whose soil is within his Patrimonie safe for Shipping For hee expresseth himself in English thus The King of the ould Custome of the Realme as the Lord of the narrow Sea is bound as it is said to scoure the Sea of the Pirates and petit robbers of the Sea So much also as to what concern's Dominion is without controversie admitted by our Lawyers of later time And it appear's by publick Records conteining divers main points touching which the Judges were to bee consulted for the good of the Common-weal in the time of King Edward the Third that the King's Sea-Dominion which they called the antient superioritie of the Sea was a matter out of question among our Lawyers of that Age. But consultation was had for the more convenient guarding of it For the whole Bench of Judges were advised with to the end so wee read it in the Records and that is especially to bee observed which wee finde here about the first beginning of the Naval Laws of the Isle of Oleron seated in the Creek of Aquitain at the mouth of the River Charente that the form of proceeding heretofore ordained and begun by Edward the first grandfather of our Lord the King and his Council at the prosecution of his Subjects may bee resumed and continued for the reteining and conserving of the antient superioritie of the Sea of England and the Autoritie of the Office of Admiraltie in the same as to the correcting expounding declaring and conserving the Laws and Statutes long since made by his Predecessors Kings of England for the mainteining of Peace and Justice among all people of what Nation soëver passing through the Sea of England and to take cognisance of all attempt to the contrarie in the same and to punish Offenders and award satisfaction to such as suffer wrong and damage Which Laws and Statutes were by the Lord Richard heretofore King of England at his return from the holy Land interpreted declared and published in the Isle of Oleron and named in French le ley Olyroun Here you have it declared as a thing most received and certain that the King of England hath by antient right been Lord of the Sea of the same name or that which flow's about it But that whereof the Bench of Judges were to consult was onely about the orderly maintenance of this right Nor is it truly a small sign of this Dominion that Richard the First King of England beeing in the Isle of Oleron which hee possessed as seated in his own Sea not so much for that hee was Duke of Aquitain as King of England whereof wee have alreadie spoken did as sole Ruler and Moderator of Sea-affairs first publish those Naval or Sea-Laws in that his Island which hold in force to this day and from that time gave them so large and perpetual an Autoritie by that name that as the Rhodian Naval Laws as the case stand's do prove that the Rhodians in antient time were Lords of the Grecian Sea so the Laws of Oleron having obteined such a kinde of Autoritie by Sea from their first Institution must ever declare the King of England as the Autor to bee Lord of the neighboring Sea round about But som printed Copies of these Laws make them about sixtie years later than the Reign of that Richard by what autoritie I cannot tell For they relate them to have been made in the year MCCLXVI which is the fiftieth year of our Henrie the third Also in the Law of the Land it is reckoned among the Privileges of such as are absent that they who shall bee out of the Realm of England at the levying of a Fine of any Land and making Proclamations thereupon are not so bound either by a yearly prescription as heretofore or by a five years prescription as is usual of later time but that their Right remain's entire to them upon their return home if they make their claim within the like spaces of time But intra regnum within the Kingdom is by the same Law taken and that in the usual phrase for that which is intra or as it is wont to bee barbarously render'd infra Quatuor Maria within the four Seas to wit the Southern Western Eastern and that Northen Sea which washeth both the sides of that neck of Land whereby Scotland is united to England That is to say within the outmost bounds of the English Empire in those four Seas or within the opposite Shores of the Eastern and Southern Sea or Ports belonging to other Princes and within the bounds of the Northern and Western Sea which indeed are to bee bounded after another manner but yet to bee bounded that is accordirng to the extent of possession West-ward beyond the Western Shores of Ireland and by the first beginning of that Sea which is of the Scotish name and jurisdiction But that which is opposed to this Particle intra quatuor maria within the four seas is that extra quatuor Maria without the four seas or to bee in the parts so beyond the Seas that they bee beyond the bounds of the Sea-Dominion of the King of England from whence wee are to determine of the bounds or exterior limit of the Seas And although the Land of England bee somtimes used for that which is the whole Realm or English Empire as signifying the same a more ordinarie and indeed more brief expression beeing applied as is usual in stead of a more large yet it certainly appear's that extra quatuor maria without the four seas and extra Regnum without the Realm do in our Law-Books signifie the very same thing that is to say so far as the extent and latitude of the whole English Empire is comprehended in the name of Realm not as the Realm of England is now and then distinguished in our Law from Ireland which also is a distinct Dominion of the same Empire or from the other Islands which are reckoned in the Roial patrimonie of the Kings of England For it is usual in the Language of the Law so to describe him who in that sens shall bee out of the Realm And whereas in the Reign of Richard the second to an objection made against one that would avoid the yearly prescription as not bound by it for that hee was not in England it was excepted that hee was in Scotland and so within the four Seas It was thereupon answer'd and rul'd
Sea from the Law of Nations denie a Dominion and wrest other things by way of Argument out of the Writers of the Imperial Law which are clearly contrarie to our English Right as also to the Intervenient Law of Nations which hath continued in force for so many Ages about the Dominion of the Sea Either I say the same must bee said of them or els that they did not so much make choice of Arguments which they thought were true to serv the present occasion as of such that might seem to have the greater force and autoritie among those Civil Lawyers with whom they were in Treatie Nor is it a new thing that Civilians should speak of a natural and perpetual communitie of the Sea even where it is most certain that a Dominion thereof is admitted from all Antiquitie in the very Territorie wherein they themselvs are comprehended as I have formerly declared There are also very many Rights among us belonging either to the Exchequer or to such as enjoy the Right of the Exchequer by Grant from the King which som conceiv to bee grounded upon that Sea-Dominion whereof wee discours As the confiscation of Goods derelict in the Sea and of som of the greater sort of Fish as Wale-Fishes Sturgeons and others And for the most part that of the Satyrist hold's good Quicquid conspicuum pulchrúmque ex aequore toto est Res Fisci est ubicunque natat Goods in the sea of any worth and note Belong to th'Chequer wheresoëre they flote Besides wreckt goods cast out ashore when no living creature belonging to the ship remain's alive But these things do not onely appertain to him that is Lord of the Sea but somtimes also to others in other Nations And they for the most part depend either upon the Law or Custom of som Land as in the case of Goods cast ashore or of such as are found and imported or els upon a Right over such Persons as shall first possess them as in the case of any Goods whatsoâ—ver derelict or found in the Sea and others of that kinde Therefore I thought it not meet to draw those things here into Controversie Som antient Testimonies of less account touching the Sea-Dominion whereof wee Treat CHAP. XXV But his intent is earnestly to perswade the English that it is their main interest diligently to guard the Sea whereof the Kings of England are Lords and to defend it with all their might as the perpetual prop and support of their Empire Hee saith also that the same advice was given by the Emperor Sigismund at his enterview with our Henrie the Fifth for the procuring of on peace betwixt him and Charls the Sixth King of France Give mee leav to set down his words The true processe of English policie Of utterward to keep this region Of our Englond that no man may denie Nor say of sooth but it is one of the best Is this that who seeth South North East and West Cherish merchandise keep the Admiraltie That we be Masters of the narrow See For Sigismund the great Emperour Which yet reigneth when he was in this lond With King Henrie the fift Prince of honour Here much glory as him thought he found A mightie land which had taken in hand To warre in France and make mortalitie And ever well kept round about the See And to the King thus he said My brother When he perceivaed two towns Calys and Dover Of all your towns to chuse of one and other To keep the Sea and soon to com over To werre outwards and your reign to recover Keep these two towns sure and your Maâ—estie As your tweyne eyne so keep the Narrow See For if this See bee kept in time of warre Who can here passe without danger and woâ— Who can escape who may mischief differre What marchandie may for by be agoe For needs hem must take trewes euery foe Flanders and Spaine and other trust to me Or else hindred all for this Narrow See What is conteined more at large in these Rhythmes you have the sens of it contracted above in few words It is not worth while to render the words themselvs The same Versifier also proceeds thus But King Edward made a siege royall And wanne the town and in speciall The Sea was kept and thereof he was Lord Thus made he Nobles comed of Record Wee have also divers other very large Domestick Testimonies of this thing which are added in the next place beeing mingled together with the antient Recognition or acknowledgment of forein Nations concerning the same That the Sea-Dominion of the Kings of England is acknowledged by Foreiners whom it most concern's by their usual striking of Sails according to antient Custom Also concerning two Edicts or Ordinances that were set forth about this Thing by the Kings of France CHAP. XXVI WEe are com now to Foreiners And it is clearly evident by what wee have discoursed before either touching the limits set for Navigation by the King of England or the Licence of passage through this Sea often desired by Petition that som of them have indeed acknowledged this Dominion But there are two Testimonies more notable than the rest which shew if you consider chiefly as you ought their beeing Neighbors and such whom it concerned that they generally did the same The one is the usual striking of the Top-sails by every Ship of any Forein Nation whatsoêver if they sail near the King's Navie or any Ship belonging to the same Navie in the Sea The other is a Libel published of old or a Bill of complaint instituted wherein very many forein Nations heretofore in the time our Edward the First did all together and by common consent with the English acknowledg the Dominion of the Kings of England by Sea Whereto I shall add also a particular declaration of that kinde made by the Flemings in an Ambassie to our Edward the Second But that the striking of Sails is don not onely in honor of the English King but also in acknowledgment of his Soveraigntie and Dominion in this Sea is I suppose a thing out of question Certainly the French cannot doubt of it who by such a kinde of striking would have had themselvs heretofore acknowledged Lords of our Sea but in vain That is to say they were as much over-seen in the former Age in setting forth two Edicts or Ordinances to require and ratifie such a kinde of striking Sail to themselvs by all Foreiners as they were in so rashly vindicating the Sea-Dominion of the King of England Concerning those Edicts wee spake before in the former Book Neither of which was received as valid in any Court of Justice according to a decision made in the supreme Court of Parlament which wee have observed also in that place Yea and here I shall set down the very words used by Ludovicus Servinus Advocate general to the King of France to magnifie the Autoritie of those Edicts or Ordinances at
cognisance of things don contrarie to this Truce and pass their Judgments according to the Law or Custom of Merchants and the Form of Sufferance After a revolution of som years wherein this kinde of Truce took place and somtimes not a League was made in the year of our Lord MCCCIII which is the one and thirtieth of Edward the first The first Article of that League is that those Kings should not onely bee at amitie with each other but also that they should defend one another in all manner of Rights against any others whomsoêver except the Church of Rome and on the part of the King of England his son in law John Duke of Brabant but on the part of the King of France Albertus King of the Romans and John Earl of Henault But the third Article thereof for the first and third is of singular use in that Libel or Bill of Complaint as will appear by and by is this Item il est accorde qe l'un ne receptera ne sustendra ne confortera ne fera confort ne aide as Enemies de l' autre ne soffera qu' ils eient confort souccors ne aide soit de gent d' armes ou de vitailes ou d' autres choses queles q' eles soient de ses terres ou de son poiar mais adiondera sur peine de forfature de corps d' avoir empeschera à tot son poair loiaument en bon foi qe les dits enemies ne soient resceipts ne confortes es terres de sa seignurie ne de son poiar ne q'ils en aient confort soccours ne aide soit gents d' armes des chevaux d' armeures de vitails ou d' autres choses queles q' eles soient which is in English to this effect that according to this contract of amitie they were neither of them in any wise to cherish the enemies of the other nor suffer any kinde of aid or relief to bee afforded them in their Territories The war beeing thus at an end becaus there arose very many complaints concerning injuries don up and down as well in the more open as in our own Sea during the special Truce afore mentioned but also it was probable that others of that kinde might arise perhaps after the League was made especially by reason of the differences at that time betwixt the French King and the Earl of Flanders therefore Commissioners were appointed by both Princes to hear and decide them And those at that time on the behalf of the King of England were Robert de Burghershe Constable of Dover Castle and John de Banquell Steward of Pontoise Baraldus de Sescas and Arnaldus Ayquein Knights on the French King's behalf were appointed the Lord Saquilly Mittonius Blanvillius Bertrandus Jordanus and Gulielmus Ralastansius Knights also To the end that they might take cognisance so it is in the King of England's Commission des enterprises mesprises forfaites en Treve ou en Sufferance entre nos le dit Roy de France d' un part d' autre es costeres de la mer d' Engleterre autres per deceâ— ausint per devers Normandie autres costeres de la mer per de la that is of encroachments injuries and offences committed on either side in time either of the League or Sufferance or of the Truce agreed on between Us and the said King of France for freedom of Commerce onely either upon the Sea-Coasts of England or any other neighboring Coasts of the Sea either towards Normandie or others more remote But the aforesaid parties were autorised by two Commissions in such manner that the one Commission contained four and the other also four an equal number beeing appointed by both the Kings They both bear date the last day of June MCCCIII To these Commissioners or others of that kinde the Libel was jointly exhibited by Procurators on the behalf of the Prelates and Peers of England also of the high Admiral of England yea and of the Cities and Towns throughout England and lastly of the whole English Nation and others subject to the King of England and how this could bee don otherwise than by autoritie of the Estates in Parlament is not to bee imagined With these in like manner were joined the Procurators of most Nations bordering upon the Sea throughout Europe as the Genoëses Catalonians Spaniards Almains Zelanders Hollanders Friâ—slanders Danes and Norwegians besides others under the Dominion of the Roman German Empire All these together instituted an Action or Complaint against Reyner Grimbald who beeing Governor of the French Navie had during the war between King Philip of France and Guie Earl of Flanders intercepted and spoiled Merchants of their Goods in this Sea that were bound for Flanders And all these Complainants jointly say that the King of England and his Predecessors have time out of minde without controversie enjoied the Soveraigntie and Dominion of the English Sea and the Isles of the same by right of their Realm of England that is to say by prescribing Laws Statutes and Prohibitions of Arms and of Ships otherwise furnished than with such necessaries as belong to Merchants and by demanding suretie and affording protection in all places where need should require and ordering all other things necessarie for the conservation of Peace Right and Equitie between all sorts of people passing through that Sea as well strangers as others in subjection to the Crown of England Also that they have had and have the Soveraign Guard thereof with all manner of Conisance and Jurisdiction in doing Right and Justice according to the said Laws Statutes Ordinances and Prohibitions and in all other matters which may concern the exercise of Soveraign Dominion in the said places To wit such matters as concern'd the office and jurisdiction of the Admirals that were wont to bee appointed by the Kings of England Then adding the first Article afore-mentioned of the League made but a little before whereby both Kings were obliged to defend one another's right they proceed in their Accusation against Grimbald saying That hee is onely Master of the Navie of the King of France but call's himself Admiral of the said Sea and pretend's that hee was autorised under that title by the King of France upon occasion of his making warr against the Flemings And that after the making of the said League and contrarie to the intent and meaning of the same hee had for above a years time unjustly assumed aâ—d usurpâ—d the office of Admiral in the said Sea by autoritie of the King of France his Commission taking the People and Merchants of England and other Nations passing through that Sea imprisoning and spoiling them of their Goods and delivering them up to the King's Officers as Goods forfeited and confiscate And whereas hee hath in a very insolent manner justified these actions of his in writing as don by autoritie of the King his Master's Commission as also according to
him out of the Catalogue of the Admirals of France yet Joannes Tilius placing him among the Governors of the French Navie call's him Roverius Grimaldus Hee also is that Admiral of the King of France who as Joannes de Beka saith had command of three hundred and fiftie Gallies that were sent by Philip the Fair in the year MCCCIV to aid the Hollanders against the Flemings There are also several particulars in the Records of France which relate to the differences then on foot between the English and French And although that Libel or any Copie of it bee not found therein if wee may credit Tilius who set forth a Catalogue of that kinde of Records yet there is that Commission among them whereby the aforesaid Auditors or Commissioners were autorised to determine of things don contrary to the League It is described by Tilius after this manner Pouvoir donè par le Roy Edovard à deux nommez accordez de sa part pour avec les deux eleuz de la part du dit Roy Phelippe d' enquerir amendir les forfaictes durant lour trefue le Dernier Juin MCCCIII Ou tresor layette Procurationes posse potestates Angliae K. Power was given by king Edward to two persons named and appointed on his part to meet with two persons chosen on the behalf of the said king Philip to make enquiry and give remedy touching Injuries committed during the Truce betwixt them the last of June MCCCIII in the Treasury in the Box intituled Procurationes posse potestateâ—s Angliae K. The Commissions bear date the same day and year whereby these Auditors or Commissioners were appointed for this purpose as wee observed before out of our own Records Nor is it of any force here to the contrarie that Commissioners were somtimes deputed in the same manner by the Princes of the shores on both sides of the Sea as also by the aforesaid Kings to determine complaints about robberies and other injuries usually don by private persons to one another by Sea and Land For if any one will collect thence that the Princes which deputed them had both an equal right in the Sea it may as well bee concluded upon the same ground that they were but part-owners of their own Countries and had an equal interest in each other 's Land Besides in such a kinde of deputation as that there is more regard had of the persons offending that are to bee tried than of the Dominion of Territories which truly is wholly to bee discovered som other way A Recognition or acknowledgment of the Sea-Dominion of the Kings of England made by the Flemings in an Ambassy to Edward the Second CHAP. XXIX TO these let us add now the assent and voluntarie acknowledgment of the Flemings in the Parlament of England in the Reign of Edward the Second When as the Ambassadors of Robert Earl of Flanders complained of the taking of their Goods away at Sea imploring remedie of the King of England they said more than once that they were taken upon the English Sea towards the parts about Crauden within the power of the King of England and brought into England but that it appertained to the King of England to take cognisance of the crime for that hee is Lord of the said Sea and the aforesaid depredation was committed upon the aforesaid Sea within his Territorie and Jurisdiction which are the words of the Record but I shall set down the whole so far as it relate's to this business Memorandum That whereas for the reformation of certain injuries in an amicable way don by the Subjects of the Earl of Flanders to the Subjects of the Kingdom of England and by the Subjects of the said Kingdom to those of Flanders since the time that our said Lord the king undertook the Government of his kingdom several Treaties had been held between the Council of our said Lord the king and the Ambassadors of the said Earl often sent into England upon the aforesaid occasion which Treaties by reason of som impediments that happened did not aâ—tem the desired effect at length in the Parlament of our said Lord the king held at Westminster in ocâ—abis Sancti Michaâ—lis in the fourteenth year of his Reign there appeared certain Ambassadors of the said Earl to treat about reforming the aforesaid injuries in the form aforesaid And when as the said Ambassadors had been admitted by our said Lord the king to treat anew of this kinde of Iniuries these Ambassadors as other Ambassadors of the aforesaid Earl in the aforesaid Treaties did among other particulars that they required before all things make supplication That the said Lord the king would at his own sâ—â—t by virtue of his Roial Autoritie caus enquirie to bee maâ—â— and do Justice about a certain depredation laâ—ely made by the Subiects of England as they said upon the English Sea of Wines and divers other Merchandises belonging to certain men of Flanders towards the parts about CRAUDEN within the Territorie and Jurisdiction of our said Lord the king alleging that the aforesaid Wines and Merchandises taken from the said Flemings were brought within the Râ—â—â—m and Jurisdiction of the said Lord the king and that it belong'd to the king himself so to do for that HEE IS LORD OF THE SAID SEA and the aforesaid depredation was made upon the said Sea within his Terrâ—â—orâ—â— and Jurisdiction In conclusion after diligent consideration had of the Premisses in the same Parlament with the Prelates Earls Barons and other Peers of the said Realm beeing there present it was concluded upon their advice by the said Lord King that to preserv the benefit of Peace between the Subjects of England and â—landers the said Lord king do by his Roial Autoritie caus enquirie to bee made about the Goods taken at that time upon the aforesaid English Sea towards the said place of CRAUDEN and brought within the said Realm in those places where the Malefactors went with the goods so taken to the said Land of England and caus the same depredation to bee heard and determined according to Law and Reason and that the Owners of the Ships who had a hand in the said depredation and others who knowingly received the said Offendors with the Goods so taken in whole or in part may bee charged and punished thereupon as partakers of the aforesaid depredation So far that Record And Commissioners were appointed with power of Jurisdiction by the King's Commission through most of the Maritim Counties to make reparation of damages But becaus there are upon the shores over against us especially those of Zealand and there are also upon other neighboring shores besides Inlets of Rivers very many windings and turnings of the Sea flowing in whereby the land is so interwoven up and down that it cannot well bee but that the Sea also which flow's in and oftentimes remove's Banks and make's Harbors there in the same manner almost
least allow such a Dominion VIII Som antient Testimonies of inferior note All the testimonies almost that are comprehended in this Division are indeed domestick but so publick and of so approved credit that hardly any thing can bee imagined which might give a clearer proof of possession whether Civil as they call it consisting in the act and intention of the minde or Natural which require's the presence of the Bodie As it will appear to any man that pleas to make enquirie Especially if hee add hereunto the judgment or acknowledgment of such Forein Nations whom it chiefly concerned whereof wee shall treat also by and by But of these things severally and in order That the Kings of England since the coming in of the Normans have perpetually enjoied the Dominion of the Sea flowing about them is in the first place proved from the Guard or Government thereof as of a Province or Territorie that is to say from the very Law of the English Admiraltie CHAP. XIV AS concerning the Guard or Government of this Sea there are three things therein that deserv special consideration 1. The bare mention and nature of the Guard of the Sea and of the Guardians or Admirals thereof in publick Records and Histories 2. The Tributes and Customs imposed demanded or accustomed to bee paid for and in consideration of the said custodie And lastly the tenor and varietie of Commissions belonging to this Guard and English Admiraltie or Government by Sea Since the coming in of the Normans there is frequent mention of a Guard or Government instituted for the defence and guarding of the Sea Here call to minde those observations touching this kinde of Guard which have been alreadie gathered out of that Record or Breviarie of England called Doomesday And King Henrie the first saith Florentius of Worcester gave order to his Butsecarli to guard the Sea and take care that no person from the parts of Normandie approach the English Coasts The same saith Roger Hoveden in the very same words almost save onely that the printed Copies err in putting Buzsecarlis for Butsecarlis These Butsecarli or Butescarles in the old English Language are Officers belonging to the Navie or Sea-souldiers as Hutesecarli were Domestick Servants or Officers in Court And that to guard the Sea here signified to secure the Sea it self not to defend the Sea-Coasts as somtimes though seldom it did with Land-forces plainly appear's out of Henrie of Huntingdon in whom it is clear that the persons who thus guarded the Sea were emploied by the King to make Warr by Sea against Robert Duke of Normandie who was then preparing an Expedition against England Now those publick Records are lost wherein the Roial Commissions for the delegation of this Command or Government were wont to bee registred all that space of time betwixt the coming in of the Normans and the Reign of K. John But from thence through all the succeeding ages unto this present time it is as clear as day that the Kings of England have been wont to constitute Governors or Commanders who had the charge of guarding the English Sea and were the Guardians or Governors thereof in the same manner as if it had been som Province upon Land First of all there were intrusted with the Government of the Sea or the Maritimae and Marinae the Maritime and Marine part of the Empire understanding by those words not onely som Countrie lying upon the Sea-Coasts but comprehending the British Sea it self though I confess it was not alwaies so such as were to guard and keep it under the title somtimes of Custodes Navium Guardians of the ships but more frequently Custodes Maritimae or Marinae in the sens aforesaid And in the time of Henrie the third Thomas de Moleton is styled Captain and Guardian of the Sea and hath autoritie given him to guard the Sea and the Maritim parts of the Eastern Shore In the same King's Reign also the Inhabitants of the Cinque-Ports are said to guard the Coast of England and the Sea So Hugh de Crequeur was Warden of the Cinque-ports and of the Sea in those parts Afterward the title of Guardians or Wardens very often changed into that of Admirals Edward the First saith Thomas of Walsingham for the keeping of the Sea divided his Shipping into three Fleets setting over them three Admirals namely over the Ships at Yarmouth and the road thereabout John de Botetort over those at Portsmouth William de Leyburn and over the Western and Irish Ships a certain Irish Knight Moreover also that John de Butetort is in the Records of that time styled custos Maritimae as were others also After this in the Reign of Edward the Second three Admirals of the three several Coasts of England saith Walsingham had the guarding of the Sea namely Sir John Oturvin Sir Nicolas Kyriel Sir John Felton Wee finde moreover in our publike Records that the principal end of calling a Parlament in the fourteenth year of Edward the Third was De Treter sur la gard de la pees de la terre de la Marche d'Escoce de la Meer i. e. That consultation might bee had concerning keeping the peace of the Land also of the Borders of Scotland and of the Sea The same regard they had to the defence of the Sea as of the Island or Land-Province giving us to understand that the Land and Sea together made one entire bodie of the Kingdom of England Other evidences of the same nature wee finde in the Records of Parlament of the same King's time or in the consultations of the estates of the Realm had about this matter that whilst they Treat indifferently De la saufegard de la terre concerning the safeguard or defence of the Land or Island and de la saufeguard de la Mere the safeguard of the Sea they seem sufficiently to declare beeing well inform'd by their Ancestors that the Dominion of this as well as of that did belong unto the Crown of England For the business debated by them was not onely how to provide a Navie to make resistance against their Enemies by Sea but for the guarding the Sea it self as well as the securing of the Isle and so for the maintaining the antient right of their King in both In the time of Richard the Second Hugh Calverlee was made Admiral of the Sea saith Walsingham and M r Thomas Percie joined in Commission with him to scour the Roades of the Sea for one year And in the Reign of the same King and likewise of the two succeeding Henries the Fourth and the Fifth debate was had in Parlament about the Guard of the Sea In the Reign of Henrie the Sixth the Guard of the Sea was with a numerous Navie Committed to Richard Earl of Salisburie John Earl of Shrewsburie John Earl of Worcester and James Earl of Wilts to whom was added Baron Sturton and afterward to John Duke
of Excester And in those daies it was usual to procure King's Letters commonly called in the language of the Law Protections whereby Privilege and exemption from all suits was granted to those that were emploied in this kinde of Guard or Defence of the Sea or that spent their time super salvâ custodiâ defensione Maris For the safeguarding and defence of the Sea as the form of the words hath it which wee frequently finde in the Archives Moreover in the Acts of Parlament of the same King's Reign mention is made of the safeguarding of the Sea or de la saufegard de la mier as of a thing commonly known and for which it was the Custom of the English to make as diligent provision as for the Government of any Province or Countrie And in the twentieth year of the same King the Commons preferr'd a Bill that a strong and well accomplished Navie might bee provided for the defence of the Sea becaus It is thought fit be all the Commens of this Land that it is necessarie the See be kept Verie many other passages there are to the same purpose Geoffrie Chaucer who lived in the time of Richard the Second and was a man verie knowing in the affairs of his Countrie among other most elegant and lively characters of several sorts of men written in the English Tongue describe's the humor of an English Merchant of that time how that his desire above all things is that the Sea bee well guarded never left destitute of such protection as may keep it safe and quiet Which hee speak's to set out the whole generation of Merchants in that age whose custom it was to bee sollicitous for traffick above all things and consequently about the Sea it self which would not afford them safe Voyages did not the Kings of England as Sovereigns thereof according to their Right and Custom provide for the securitie of this as a Province under their Protection The words of Chaucer are these His reasons spake hee full solemnely Shewing alway the encreas of his winning Hee would the See were kept for any thing Betwixe Middleborough and Orewel Orewel is an Haven upon the Coasts in Suffolk Middleborough is in Zealand The whole Sea that floweth between Britain and Zealand the English Merchants would have secured this they were wont solemnly and unanimously to pray for knowing that the Sea was part of the Kingdom and the Protection of them part of the dutie of the Kings of England For as concerning any Protection herein by any forrein Princes any farther then in their own Harbors or at the most within the winding Creeks between those Islands which they possessed upon the Coasts of Germanie or Gallia Belgica there is nothing as far as wee can finde to bee gathered from any Testimonies of former Ages In the succeeding Ages likewise there is frequent mention of this kinde of Guard Defence and Government of the same Sea as will hereafter more fully appear when wee com to speak of Tributes and of the tenor and varietie of the Commissions given to our Admirals But now it is to bee observed that both the name and nature of this Guard is very well known not onely by the use of the word both in the Imperial and Canon Law wherein it denotes that the Guardian ought to take a diligent care of that thing whereof hee is owner who doth either lend it or commit it to his over-sight but also by the common and obvious use which the English make of the same word in other Offices or Governments For in those daies of old when the title of Guardians or Wardens of the Sea was more usual there were appointed Wardens of the Ports even as at this day there are Wardens of the Counties who are those Commanders of Counties called Sheriffs and in the usual form and tenor of their Writ have custodiam comitatûs the Guard or Defence of the Countie committed to their charge Wardens or Keepers of the Marches or Borders Keepers of Towers or Castles Parks Houses and the like Yea and the Lord Lievtenant of Ireland was especially in the time of King John and Henrie the Third styled usually Warden or Keeper of Ireland and his Office or dignitie commonly called the Keepership of Ireland after the same manner as John Duke of Bedford and Humphrey Duke of Glocester whom Henry the fift during the time of his absence in France deputed to govern the Kingdom of England by turns were called Custodes Angliae Keepers of England as wee very often finde both in Histories and Records So Arthur Prince of Wales was made Keeper of England while Henry the seventh was beyond the Seas So Piers Gaveston was keeper of England while Edward the second remained in France So were others also in like manner The Governors also of the Islands of Jarsey and Garnesey and the rest that are situated in this Sea who now are styled Governors Keepers or Captains were in antient times called onely by the name of Guardians or Keepers This then beeing so what reason have wee to think that our Ancestors did not use the same Notion of Guardian or Keeper and of guarding or keeping in the name of the Guardian and the Guard of the Sea which they were wont to use in the Guard and keeping of the Island and in the other dignities or offices before mentioned Doubtless in all these the peculiar Dominion and Soveraigntie of him that conferr'd the Dignities is so clearly signified and included that his Dominion or Ownership of the thing to bee kept and guarded as well as Autoritie over the person dignified is plainly implied in this Title Nor is it to bee omitted that in antient times before the autoritie of the high Admirals of England was sufficiently established by our Kings and setled so distinct that the Command and Government of the Sea did belong onely to them the Governors or Keepers of the Provinces whom wee call Sheriffs of the Counties by virtue of their Office had also som Custodie or Command of part of that Sea which adjoined to their respective Provinces as of a part of the Kingdom of England Which truly to let pass other proofs is sufficiently evident by this that many times in those daies they who by the Common Law of the Land were wont as at this day to put in execution the Commands of the King in those places onely that were committed severally to their charge and custodie did do the same also in the Sea it self as well as in any Land-Province belonging to him from whom they received their autoritie For by virtue of their ordinarie power derived from the King and such as was founded upon the very same right by which they held the Government of the Countie or Province they did oftentimes remove the King's Ships and Fleets from one Port to another by Sea as through the Territorie of the Province that was committed to their
howsoêver the Admiral of England might then according to this Form of Commission have had Courts of Admiraltie in those Provinces as there is no place almost without Courts of Admiraltie even where not any Dominion of the Sea at all is pretended to belong unto the place wherein they are held yet by no means might hee thence bee called Commander of the Sea it self if so bee you except the Ports and such like Creeks of the Sea which are as it were incorporated within Land either as it may bee said to belong to Normandie or to Aquitain Gascoign or Picardie But by virtue of this form of Commission hee had exercised Maritim Jurisdiction in those Provinces beyond Sea no otherwise almost than our Admiral in England and Ireland or others the like do at this day over men's persons goods upon the African Mediterranean Indian or any other Sea at a remote distance For the extent of such a Jurisdiction by Sea is without bounds But the extent of his Jurisdiction or of the Sea over which hee is placed Admiral as Warden Guardian or President to defend and keep it under the Dominion of him who is Lord thereof are bounded And it sufficiently appear's by express words of the antient form of Commission that no Sea is conteined therein as a Province to bee defended but that which is either English Welch or Irish or relate's to England Wales and Ireland as an appendant From whence it follow 's that those names of the opposite shores in the Commissions do not at all mention the Sea flowing between as proper to those shores or belonging to them in any kind but serv onely as a limit beyond the Sea so far as concern's the limiting of the English and Irish Sea as those names also of England VVales and Ireland serv in stead of a limit on this side of the Sea so far as in the Commissi on they denote the Sea under the Admiral 's Charge or Protection So that even as that Officer called the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Britain was eminently according to the name of his dignitie Commander of the whole Sea flowing between Gallia and Britain as of a particular Province which hath been shewn alreadie and had the name of the opposite shore for the limit of his Jurisdiction so the high Admiral of England or Commander of the Sea belonging to the English Empire hath in the King's Commission the shore of Normandie Gascoign Aquitain and Picardie to set forth onely the beyond-Sea limits of his Jurisdiction or Command so far as hee hath charge of defending the Sea-Province or Dominion belonging to England in those shores which lie over against us For if any say that the case is otherwise wherefore then is not the sea over which hee hath command denominated from som of these shores over against us as well as of the English Irish and Welch or the Seas of the Kingdoms of England Ireland and Wales and of the Dominions and Isles belonging to the same The Reason is becaus no other Sea as it fall's under a Civil consideration for wee speak not here of the denomination given by Geographers doth flow between the Territories on this and the other side of the Sea which are mentioned in his Commission Therefore as in that Roman dignitie of the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Britain the shore was the transmarine bound or limit of that dignitie so also in the Command of the high Admiral of England so far onely as hee hath a Province or Jurisdiction by Sea as a Governor of a Territorie those opposite shores or transmarine Provinces named in his Commission are to bee reckoned the Bounds of the Sea under his Charge or Protection And this truly is sufficiently apparent from the words of the Commission alreadie handled if so bee wee suppose as hitherto wee have don for discours sake that the Kings of England did all the while that form of Commission was in use retain those Beyond sea Provinces under their Dominion as the Romans had don of old But the matter is made more evident if wee observ how the names of those Provinces have at least from the time of Queen Marie been so kept in the form of this Commission that since her Reign there remain's not the least ground for any of those in the Commission to signifie any other thing than what wee have alreadie declared For in her Reign Calais was yielded up to the French and since that time the English have not been possessed of any Province upon any part of the opposite shore Moreover also in the one and thirtieth year of King Henrie the sixt or Anno Dom. MCCCCLIII the English were driven out of Gascoign Aquitain and the other Provinces of France by the French King Charls the seventh Nor was there after the time of this Henrie any Officer or Governor of Note appointed or that could conveniently bee appointed by the English either in Normandie or in Aquitain it self yea nor in Normandie either after or long before the loss of Aquitain It is true indeed that the Countie of Guise Calais and som other Towns in Picardie besides those neighboring ones that Henrie the eight gained by force of arms in the same Countrie remained long after in subjection to the Kings of England yea and that a small part of Aquitain yielded obedience though not constantly to the King of England for som years after Henrie the sixt but not the whole Dutchie Nor doth it make to the contrarie that somtimes under som of our later Kings there was one appointed Captain General or Governor over all our subjects in Normandie with which Title both Ambrose Earl of Warwick and Adrian Poynings were honor'd in the time of Queen Elisabeth For they were meerly Generals of the Forces that were transported thither to assist the King of France not invested at all with any Government or Command of the Dutchie of Normandie But yet even after the time of Henrie the sixt the name of Aquitain was constantly retained in the Commission of the High Admiralship of England That is for one hundred and fourscore years or thereabout after the English were driven out of Aquitain as appear's in the former Chapter Hereto at length was added as is shewn there also the name of Normandie in the beginning of Henrie the eight whereas notwithstanding the King of England was not possessed of Normandie a long time before nor in any wise after nor did hee in that agreement made a little before with the King of France claim any other possession in Picardie besides that of Calais and the Territorie of Guise and Hammes And so it hath continued now for one hundred twentie two years also in the Commission of Maritim Government or high Admiralship of England without any relation at all had to the Government or Command of the Dutchie it self but onely of the shore which bounded the Sea under his Master's protection upon
the Coast of France For although Aquitain indeed was first added to the names of England and Ireland in that Commission while the English possessed the Dutchie of Aquitain nevertheless it not onely so remained likewise in that form of Commission constantly even after the expulsion of the English until our times but Normandie also which had never been named before in the Commission of high Admiral of England was added and this som Ages after that the English were wholly deprived of the Dutchie it self So that either these names do serv in stead of a Limit to the Sea under his protection or els wee must perforce admit contrarie to reason that they signified nothing in the Commission for so many years For wee see that those names of opposite Shore were reteined in the Admiral 's Commission even from the end of Queen Marie's Reign until our times or for the space of 77 years though the English in the mean time were not possest of the least part of France as also that Normandie was added many years before but yet long after the English were outed of its possession Nor ought any man fondly to imagine that these Names were inserted becaus of that right the King of England had to the Crown of France For indeed the Kings of England have by an antient Right usually entitled themselvs Kings of France Also the Dutchies of Aquitain and Normandie and the other Provinces of France mentioned in this Commission are comprehended in that name of the Kingdom as the lesser in the greater But if that had been the caus certainly the name of France should have been ascribed to our Admiral yea and other Officers of that Kingdom have been made in the same manner by the King of England after hee was driven thence Of which thing there is not the least evidence indeed any where exstant And it is to bee observed as soon as ever an alteration was made in the Draught of the Commission from that denomination of the Command of the Admirals of England which was derived from the Fleets and Coasts over which they had command unto that which is made up of the Kingdoms and Provinces that then an Addition was made of Aquitain to the end that the limit or bound as well on this as the other side of the Sea might bee pointed out by the Shores The name of Normandie beeing added afterwards and reteined still together with Calais and the Marches thereof and Aquitain upon the same account But while that the Kings of England were in former times possest of Normandie Aquitain and other Countries in France there are not found in the form of Commission wherein the Kingdoms and Provinces as hath been alreadie shewn are expressly nominated any other Admirals or Governors of the Maritim Province or Dominion by Sea made by them besides those to whose care the Fleets and Coasts were committed in the manner alreadie mentioned that is to say the whole Sea flowing between our British Isles and the Provinces over against them and the Fleets belonging to any Territories whatsoëver of the Kings of England were at that time by a peculiar right of the Kingdom of England in the Sea so subject to them who were so put in Command over the English Fleets and Coasts that there remained neither place nor use for any other Commanders of that kinde Which may bee said likewise of those times wherein som of the Kings of England stood possessed also of the Kingdom of France as Edward the Third and the two Henries 5 th and 6 th Nor is it a bare conjecture that they did not put any others in command over the Sea and Fleets besides those to whom by right onely of the Kingdom of England the power was committed to wit according to that right which comprehended the whole Sea flowing between but it is sufficiently proved also upon this ground that wee have the antient publick Records of those times touching the Offices constituted by our Kings in France and those Provinces beyond Sea in most whereof I finde not the least sign of the contrarie And if it bee demanded here wherefore it was that the Shore of Bretaign was omitted which in like manner lie's over against our Isle of Britain and together with the Shore of Picardie Normandie and Aquitain sufficiently take's up that whole Tract which stretcheth it self in the Realm of France before the English and Irish Sea certainly if the aforementioned reason take place there is little caus to doubt that it hapned thence becaus the King of England was not at any time so possest of Bretaign that beeing outed of it hee needed to bee very sollicitous touching the Bounds of the Sea-Territorie adjoining Distinct Lords of Territories confining on each other as were the King of England and Duke of Bretaign heretofore for Bretaign had Kings and Dukes of its own before Charls the Eight under whom Anno Dom. 1491. it was united to the Realm of France do for the most part keep their Bounds so distinct that they may bee the more evidently taken notice of by all but when of such kinde of Territories there is but one and the same Lord as the King of England was while hee possessed either Normandie or Aquitain or any other Maritim Province in France together with England hee beeing outed of either ought above all things to take care that the past confusion of possession bee not prejudicial to the future distinction of Bounds For fear then lest it might have been pretended that even the Sea adjoining or confining with those Maritim Provinces which were a long time heretofore possessed by the English and afterwards taken away was taken away together with the Provinces whenas perhaps by reason of the past confusion of possession in one and the same Lord all men might not bee sufficiently instructed touching the Bounds of the English Sea placed as wee have said upon the Shore over against us therefore for the setting forth of those Bounds the name first of Aquitain after its beeing lost was reteined in the Admiral 's Commission and then that also of Normandie was added And afterwards both of them with the name of Calais and the Marches in stead of the Shore of Picardie were for the same reason continued down to our times Which reason truly could not concern Bretaign at all nor Flanders likewise nor any other Shores lying Eastward over against us All which nevertheless do after the same manner bound the Sea-Territorie of England Moreover those things that have been hitherto observed shall bee confirmed by what wee shall add next touching the Office of Admiral among the French Touching the Admirals of the Kingdom of France or those constituted upon the opposite Shore their Original nature and varietie That the Sea it self flowing between Britain and France is not conteined in that command of his as of one that is Governor of a Territorie or Province nor is there any thing in it that may
our Isles of Gernesey Jersey Serk and Aureney in the Sea between Easter and Michaelmas is according to the Custom of those places acknowledged to belong unto Us at a reasonable rate to bee paid therefore and that the said Fishermen are bound to carrie all the Fish by them taken between the Times aforesaid unto certain places in those Isles appointed that the Officers under our Governor of the aforesaid Isles may take thence for our use at what price they shall think fit and reasonable Nor is that to bee slighted which wee finde in the Chronicles of the Abbie or Monasterie of Teuxburie concerning Henrie Beauchamp Duke of Warwick who was invested by Henrie the sixt with the Title and Dignitie of King not onely of the Isle of Wight but also of Gernesey and Jersey whereunto the other Isles in this Tract do in a civil sens belong The same thing is recorded of the Isle of Wight by that Learned man William Camden and that out of the same Book The Book it self speak's after this manner But the noble Lord Henrie Duke of Warwick and first Earl of England Lord Le Dispenser and de Abergeveney King of the Isles of Wight and Gardsey and Jardsey Lord also of the Castle of Bristol with the appurtenances thereunto belonging died 3 Idus Junii Anno Dom. 1446. in the twentie second year of his Age at the Castle of Hanley and was buried in the middle of the Quire at Teuxburie And a little before it is said of the same man that hee was Crowned King of Wight by the King 's own hand no express mention beeing made in that place of the other islands but they reckoned in the same condition with this as they were part of the patrimonie of the Kings of England But it is not to bee believed that those Isles which lie before the shore of Normandie had been so turned into a Kingdom though subject to the Crown of England unless even they also who made them a Kingdom had conceived that they possessed them before by a Title superior to that of the Dutchie that is to say by a Kingly Title As King Richard the second when hee had determined that Robert Earl of Oxford who also was Marquiss of Dublin and Duke of Ireland should bee creâted King of Ireland questionless did not doubt but that hee himself in the mean time possessed that Island by no less a Title and Dignitie than of King although the name of Lord was wholly used there at that time in stead of King as also until the latter end of the Reign of Henrie the eight So it is conceived upon good ground that those Isles and the Sea lying about them did though they used different Customs constitute one entire Bodie of Empire with the Kingdom of England Whereunto also that special privilege of theirs doth relate whereby through the favor of the Kings of England they enjoie the benefit of freedom from hostilitie by Sea though there bee a Warr on foot between the Neighbor-Nations round about but of this more hereafter And in their Court-Records which contain the Acts or Decrees of the aforesaid Justices Itinerant wee very often finde Pleas of the Crown which phrase is an Evidence of the English Government Also in their Trials those Forms In contempt of our Lord the King his Crown and Dignitie and Our Lord the King was seised of the aforescid Advousen in time of Peace as of his Fee and in Right of his Crown and others not a few of that kinde wee meet with which savor not of any Right of the Dutchie Add moreover that the King of England so held the Right heretofore not onely of the Isles over against the shore of Normandie but of those also which are opposite to Aquitain as a pledg or concomitant of his possession of that Sea so far as it belong'd to the patrimonie of the Kingdom of England that though our Henrie the third renounced his claim to no small part of Aquitain yet that Isle lying before it called Oleron no less famous in the West for Naval Laws than Rhodes was of old hee granted to his eldest son Edward to bee held in time to com as a perpetual Appendant of the English Crown For this Claus was added to the Grant so that the said Isle may alwaies remain to the Crown of England and never bee alienated from the same Also in his Letters granted to the Inhabitants of Oleron hee saith Wee will not in any wise sever you from the Crown of England Som years before also hee in like manner made a Grant of Gascoign or those parts which lie upon the shore of Aquitain near the Sea to Prince Edward upon condition it should remain entirely and for ever to the Crown of England So without doubt his intent was that both the Sea-Coasts and this Isle should in a special manner bee possest by the said Prince but by no means bee disjoined from the English Empire any more than the Sea its self which washt their shores And although after a while both this and som other neighboring Isles did many Ages since for divers reasons follow the fate of those French shores which lie next to them yet in the mean time the Dominion of the Sea remained entire as it did before to the Kings of England as it sufficiently appear's by those other passages which wee have shewn The Dominion and possession of the Sea asserted on the behalf of the Kings of England from that leav of praeter-Navigation or passage which hath been usually either granted by them to Foreiners or desired from them CHAP. XX. THose things which wee have hitherto alleged concerning this possession and dominion are confirmed by several Passports that have been obteined from the Kings of England for leav to pass through this Sea whereof wee have clear Testimonies in Records that is to say granted at the intreatie of Foreiners Our Henrie the fourth granted leav to Ferrando Urtis de Sarachione a Spaniard to fail freely from the Port of London through our Kingdoms Dominions and Jurisdiction to the Town of Rochel It is manifest that in this place our Dominions and Jurisdiction do relate to the Sea flowing between And when Charls the sixt King of France sent Ambassadors to Robert the third King of Scots to treat about the making of a League they upon request made to the same Henrie obteined Passports for their safe passage par touz noz povoirs destrois Seigniories par Mer par Terre that is through all places under our Power Territories and Dominions as well by Sea as by Land There are innumerable other Letters of Passport called safe Conducts in the Records especially of Henrie the fift and sixt whereby safe Port and Passage was usually granted as well by Sea as by Land and Rivers that is to say throughout the whole Dominion of him that made the Grant And it is