He had exercised this Sovereign Power with Augustus before his 〈◊〉 to Rhodes Paterculus Hist. 2. cap. 99. had cast out some Words concerning his Humour and the Oddness of his Manners which seeming to Excuse did in effect Reproach them 12 This manner of Accusing while we Excuse is very much in fashion with Courtiers who according to the Florenâ—iâ—e Proverb have Honey in the Mouth and a Razor under the Girdle V. The Funerals of Augustus being ended there was a Temple and Divine Worship decreed for him and that being done earnest Supplications were address'd to Tiberius who on his side spoke ambiguously concerning the Greatness of the Empire and the Diffidence he had of his own Abilities Saying That nothing but the Soul and Genius of Augustus could support so great a Burden of Affairs 1 The Prince who immediately succeeds a Predecessor who hath performed great Things doth himself an Honour in exalting him for besides that it is believed that the Esteem that he hath for him will spur him on to the â—mitation of him he becomes himself more wonderful and more venerable to his Subjects when he equals him or excels him Tiberius was not inferior to Aâ—gustuâ— in Understanding and Experience The Day that Charles the Fifth had â—bâ—icated the Kingdom of Sâ—ain his Son Philip said in his Speech That the Emperor laid an heavy Weight upon him That he would not accept of a Crown which stood in need of the Prudence and Experience of his Imperial Majesty were it not to contribute to thâ— Preservation of so invaluable a Life Concluding that â—e would endeavour to imitate some of his Virtueâ— since to imitate them all was a Thing impossible for the most perfect Man in the World Cabrera lib 1. cap. 7. oâ— his History and that having sustain'd some part of them during the Life of the Emperour 2 It would be a great Advantage to the Children of Sovereig◠〈◊〉 if their Fathers would themselves take pains to instruct them I mean those who are to succeed them for from whom shall they learn the Art of Government if not from him who Governs And how can they be able to Govern when they ascend the Throne if they have never been admitted to any Knowledge of the Affairs of their State It must pass through the Hands of interessed Ministers who will make their Advantage of their Prince's Ignorance to render themselves more necessary and who to maintain themselves in the Power they have gotten will never let him see Aâ—â—airs but on that side which may give him a disgust of Business On the contrary a Prince who hath had some share in the Government in his Father's Life-time enters trained up and accustomed to act the difficult part of a King I don't pretend to say that a King ought to trouble himself to teach him a thousand Things which belong to the Office and Duty of a Praeceptor Majus aliquid exceâ—sius a Principâ— postulatur But setting Iealouâ—ie aâ—ide he cannot fairly dispense with himself from tâ—aching him 〈◊〉 Maxims which are as the Principles and the Springs of Government and which Tacitus calls Arcana Dominationis And as the Children of Sovereign Princes saith Cabrera have been accustomed to believe themselves above the Laws they have absolute need of the Instructions of their Fathers for besides the Impressions which Blood and the Majesty of Sovereign Power make upon them there are none but their Fathers who have the Authority to command them and the Means to make themselves obeyed cap. 8. lib. 1. of his History he was sensible by his own Experience how difficult and dangerous it was to charge his Shoulders with the Weight of Government That in a City which abounded with the Choice of great and able Persons all Things ought not to be intrusted to the Management of one since Publick Functions were better exercis'd when many join'd their Cares and Labours 3 It is very necessary for a Prince saith Commines to have several Persons of his Council because the wisest sometimes err and they help to set one another right l. 2. c. 2. The chief Point is to know how to chuse them well and to employ every one according to the Nature and Degree of their Abilities But there was more of Ostentation than of upright Meaning in these Discourses And besides if Tiberius whether by Nature or by Custom spoke obscurely even on those Subjects where he had no occasion to dissemble his Words at this time became more intricate and doubtful when he studied altogether to disguise his Thoughts Then the Senators who were all equally afraid of seeming to divine his Meaning broke out into Tears Complaints and Vows holding out their Hands to the Gods and to the Image of Augustus and embracing the Knees of Tiberius till he commanded a Register s Sueton calls this Registry Ratâ—â—narium i. e. an Inventory or a Iourâ—al to be brought written by the Hand of Augustus 4 Although Princes have Secretaries whose Hand might save them the trouble of Writing it is so far from being beneath them to write themselves Memoirs of this kind which Tacitus calls Dominationis Arcana that on the contrary it would be Imprudence in them to commit them to the Ears and Hand of another There is no Secretary nor Confident whosoever he be that ought to be admitted to the Knowledge of these Secrets A Prince who is guilty of this Oversight will become precarioâ—â— to such a Subject Edward the Sixth King of England wrote himself the Iournal of his Life whereof the three last Years are extant So that if this Prince who died at Sixteen had lived longer and continued his Labour he would have proved a very great Man In Portugal they have an Office which they call Escrivaon dâ— puridade as much as to say The Writer or Register of the Confidence or of the Secrets And Mariana often makes use of this Word in this sense when he saith Communicar sus consejos y puridades As this is the most important place of the Kingdom and which hath never been held by any other but by the chief Minister it is probable that it was erected on purpose to write the Secrets of the King's Cabinet and thence to prepare Memoirs of State Iohn the Second King of Portugal and Ferdinand the Fifth King of Arragon and Castille wrote them themselves and containing a Particular of the Publick Revenues with a Roll of the Names of Citizens and Allies which serv'd in the Armies of the Tributary Kingdoms of the Conquer'd Provinces of the Naval Strength of the Imposts and all the Pensions and Expences which were charg'd on the Commonwealth To which Augustus whether out of Fear for the Empire which had receiv'd so great a Blow in Germany or out of Iealousie lest some of his Successors should have the Glory of extending the Roman Conquests farther than himself added the Advice of Restraining the Empire within the present Limits
5 Whether this Counsel proceeded from Fear or Iealousie it was certainly good Power is not always augmented in proportion as it is extended It is often with a vast State as it is with prodigious Ships whose Burden hinders their sailing Besides there are Conquests which are burthensome because they can't be preserved It was for this Reason that Edward King of England would not hearken to the Proposals of Lewis the Eleventh who would have engaged him in the Conquest of Flanders after the Death of the last Duke of Burgundy answering That the Cities of Flanders were strong and great and the Country not easie to keep after it was conquered Memoires of Commines l. 6. c. 2. The King of Spain would gain more by giving up to France the remainder of the Low-Countries than by keeping it for besides that this Country not only brings him in nothing but costs him a great deal it would be much more Honourable to give it up voluntarily than to lose it by piece-meals after a shameful manner as it were by the Attachments of a Sergeant Pensees diverses ch or sect 40. This Counsel of Augâ—stus to shut up the Empire within its Limits crossed saith Ammirato the inviolable Maxim of the Romans who were ever endeayouring by all ways possible to enlarge their Empire but Augustus knowing by his own Experience the Evils that might ensue thence thought it his Duty to leave this Counsel to his Successors to cut up the Root both of Foreign and Civil Wars And if Tacitus gives the Name of Fear to this Advice it is because it is the part of a wise Man to â—ear that which deserves to be feared and to foresee how many Dangers he expoâ—es himself to who never ceases â—â—om invading others Commentary lib. 1. disc 6. and lib. 12. disc 1. VI. In the mean time the Senate still descending to the most abject Supplications it happen'd that Tiberius said unwarily He found himself uncapable of Governing the whole Empire but if it pleas'd them to commit some part of it to his Administration whatsoever it were he would accept it Then Asinius Gallus laying hold of the Word And what part of it O Tiberius said he wouldst thou undertake He not expecting such a Question and not having his Answer in a readiness for a while stood silent 1 Nothing gives greater Offence to a dissembling Prince such as Tiâ—erius was than to endeavour to sound his Heart or to let him see that you perceive that he dissembles We ought never to put Princes upon explaining themselves farther than they are willing when they speak obscurely it is a sign that there is some Mystery in it and consequently it is dangerous to enquire into it The Marquis of Aitone saith M. de Montresor went to visit Monsieur who kept his Bed pretending to have the Goâ—t and knew well enough that his Highness acted a Part but he made no discovery thereof by any outward shew or by any particular Act to prevent his Retreat out of the Territories of the King his Master In his Memoirs But having recover'd the use of his Reason answer'd That it was unbecoming of his Modesty to choose a Share of it when he had rather discharge himself altogether of the Burden 2 This Answer of Tiberius plainly shews that Princes do not love to be replied upon and that it is want of Respect towards them to put them to the Trial. Princes deâ—ire to be thought sincere because this conduces much to the obtaining their Ends but they will not be so Asinius who discover'd in his Countenance that he had stung him replied That the Demand which he had made tended not to the sharing of that Power which could not be divided but to draw this Acknowledgment from his own Mouth that the Commonwealth being but one Body could only be govern'd by one Soul Then after he had prais'd Augustus he desired Tiberius to remember his own Victories in War and his excellent Actions in Peace during the space of so many Years wherein he had the Management of Affairs But all this was not sufficient to make him well with the Emperour 3 The Praises which a Subject gives his Prince after he has given him Offence by Words are never a Plaister so broad as the Sore The Affronts offered Princes are irreparable because they impute the Reparations thereof to the Fear which the Offenders have of their Resentment and not to their Repentance who bore him an ancient Grudge suspecting him for having espous'd Vipsania the Daughter of Marcus Agrippa and formerly the Wife of Tiberius t Dio adds a Reason which is of yet greater weight That Asinius having married Vipsaâ—ia Drusus his Mother he looked upon Drusus as his own Son So that not being satisfied with having Tiberius's first Wife he also shared with him in his Prerogatives of a Father It looked also as if he would have had a share also in Drusus's Heart Câ—m Drusum filii instar haberet These are Dio's Words lib. 57. Lastly as Tiberius had always loved Vipsâ—nâ—â— whom he had not divorced but to please Augustus who gave him his own Daughter he could not endure that Asinius should ' enjoy this Lady who had as many good Qualities as Augustus's Daughter had bad ones as if by that Marriage he design'd to raise himself above the Condition of a private Life 4 A Prince never looks with a good Eye on him who hath married a Wife whom he hath divorced whether he divorced her out of Aversion or by Constraint for if he did it out of Aversion he looks on the Husband as a Person who hath taken her Part against him or who knows the Secrets of the Family whereof he may make an ill Use If by Constraint which was the case of Tiberius he hates the Husband as a Rival who hath enrich'd himself with his Spoils or as an ambitious Person who by the advantage of his Marriage hopes to advance his Fortunes The Honour which Asinius had of being Father-in-Law to Drusus one of the presumptive Heirs of the Empire join'd with his ambitious Spirit distinguished him too much not to raise Iealousie in Tiberius Piasecki relates that Iohn Duke of Filandia who was afterwards King of Poland was imprisoned by King Eric his Brother with his Wife Catharine Sister to Sigismund Augustus King of Poland because he seemed to have compassed this high Alliance to enable him to seize the Crown of Suedeland as their Father Gustavus had done In the beginning of his Chronicle and inherited the imperious Humour of Asinius Pollio his Father VII After this Speech Lucius Aruncius likewise offended him by another almost of the same Tenour For though Tiberius had not any old Animosity against him yet he hated him for his Riches for the Excellency of his Natural Endowments and Moral Perfections and for the Reputâ—tion which they had gain'd him with the People which was not inferiour to his Merit
1 Kings saith Salust are more aâ—raid or Men of Virtue and Merit than of ill Men. 〈◊〉 boni quâ—m 〈◊〉 suspectiores sunt sâ—mperque his 〈◊〉 virâ—us sormidâ—losa est In Calilina Tiberius was well perswaded of what Agrippa had said to Augustus That a Man of great Underâ—â—anding and great Courage could â—ot but be a Lover of Liberty and in his Heart an Enemy to an absolute Master Diâ—n lib. 52. Commines saith that Lewis the Eleventh â—eared all Men but especially those who were worthy to be in Authority Memoirs l. 6. c. 12. Besides that Augustus in one of the last Discourses which he held speaking of those who would refuse the Empire though capable of Ruling it or who would be Ambitious of it though uncapable of Governing or who at once would be capable of Governing and desirous of the Government said That Lepidus would be worthy of it without wishing for 2 A Prince can never give better sustructions to his Successor than to â—ark out what great Men he ought 〈◊〉 distrust This Knowledge is the most necessary thing to a Prince when he 〈◊〉 ascends the Throne and 〈◊〉 much the 〈◊〉 because it is in the â—â—ginning that he is most eaâ—â—â—y deceived and the great Men most 〈◊〉 to make their Atâ—â—mpts upon an Authority that is not yet well eâ—tablished In the last Counsels which David on his Death-bed gave to his Son Salomon he advised him not to let 〈◊〉 go to the Grave in peace who had 〈◊〉 two just Men Almer and 〈◊〉 to bring to the Grave with blood the hoar Head of Shimei who had dared to curse him and to causâ— the Sons of Barzillai to eat at his own Table who had â—urnished him with Provisions and other Necessaries for his whole Army when he fled before Absalom 1 Kings chap. 2. Francis the First in the last Hours of his Life advised his Son Henry not to admit the House of Lorrain to any share of the Government foretelling that the Guises would be the Ruine of the Valois Counsel that would have saved France from many Wars and Calamities had Henry the Second been wise enough to have made use of it On the contrary Philip the Second employed all those Ministers which Charles the Fifth recommended to him when he resigned the Crown of Spain and especially the Duke d'Alva the Bishop of Arras who was afterwards Granvelle Diego de Bargâ—â— Francis de Eraso and Gonzalo Peres the Father of Anthony who was so famous for his Misfortunes And this he did with so much the more success because Charles the Fifth by a secret Memoir which he had sent him had fully informed him of the true Character of their Minds and of the difference of their Interests This was a Paper of so excellent Instructions saith the Commander of Vera that if Tiberius had made thâ— like Tacitus would have given him Immortal Praises Epitâ—me of the Life of Charles the Fifth and Cabrera cap. 7. lib. 1. of his History Burnet saith that Edward the Sixth King of England wrote in a Book the Portraitures of the Lord-Lieutenants of his Counties and of the principal Magistrates of his Kingdom with all the Particulars that he was told of them Part. 2. l. 1. of his History Certainly he had in this â—ound the Secrets of knowing every thing and consequently of being well served it that Asinius would be desirous of it without deserving it that Aâ—â—untius neither was unworthy of it nor would fail to lay hold of the first Occasion 3 Ambition Merit Courage and Opportunity are all that are necessary to make a Usurper A Subject who hath been esteemed worthy to Govern by a Prince who hath excelled in the Arts of Government will always be suspected by the Successor of that Prince and which is worse will fall a Sacrifice if the Prince be of a sanguinary Temper It was never doubted but Ferdinand d'Avalos Marquis de Pesquera who commanded the Army of Charles the Fifth in Italy was disposed to accept of the Kingdom of Naples which Francis Sforsa Duke of Milain in the Name of the Pope and the Venetians offered him with the Title of Captain-General of the Italian League for he was a long time in Treaty with Ierom Moron who was this Duke's chief Minister And that he afterwards discovered all to the Emperour was an effect of the difficulty of the Enterprize rather than of his Fidelity which Charles the Fifth ever after suspected to seize it â— Concerning the two first of these 't is agreed on all Hands but some in stead of Arruntius have nam'd Cneius Piso. Certain it is that all of them excepting Lepidus perish'd afterwards by Tiberius under the supposition of several Crimes Quintus Haterius and Mamercus Scaurus incurr'd likewise the Displeasure of that suspicious Soul The first for asking him How long O Caesar wilt thou suffer the Commonwealth to be without a Head 4 Subjects cannot reproach their Prince more than to complain that the State is without a Head and consequently fallen into an Anarchy From the moment that a Prince ascends the Throne he ought to set upon Action and not to give his Subjects space to doubt whether they have a Master Anthony Perez said That the King and Kingdom make a Marriage that the King is the Husband and the Kingdom the Wife and that a Kingdom is a Widow that hath nor a laborious and vigilant King The other for saying It was to be hop'd that the Suit of the Senate would not be unprofitable because when the Consuls propos'd him to them for Emperour he interpos'd not his Tribunitial Power to resist the Motion He reprehended Haterius on the spot but he said not a Word in reply to Scaurus against whom he was more deeply u Because he discovered that all Tiberius's refusals of the Empire were not in earnest whereas Haterius seemed to be perswaded that his Refusal was sincere when he conjured him not to suffer the Commonwealth to be longer without a Head which was also an oblique way of flattering Tiberius intimating thereby that the Senate was not the Head of the Empire offended 5 Silence is the most certain sign of a deep Resentment for whereas the Mouth gives the Heart vent Silence nourishes in it Hatred and the desire of Revenge Tacitus saith that Agricola was a little too sharp in his Repâ—imands but that afterwards there remained no more in his Breast so that none had any jealousie of his Silence At length being tir'd with hearing the general Complaints and Murmurs and the Remonstrances of each Man in particular he unbent somewhat of his Stiffness not to the degree of declaring that he would accept the Empire but only as he said to put an end to their Requests 6 Most Popes use this Policy at first they seem not willing to hear any mention made of a Cardinal Nephew or of the Acquisition of Principalities or Duchies for their Kindred but
a General of an Army should not have Courage that is void of Iudgment so neither ought he to have too much Flegm or too much Speculation because it is to be feared that the foresight of many Inconveniencies which may happen but which do not may hinder him from attempting Things which would succeed in the Hands of others who are less Speculative and more Daring Politcical Test. par 2. sect 4. c. 9. Arminius a This young Man saith Paterculus was of a robust Constitution had a quick Apprehension and a delicate and penetrating Wit beyond what is to be imagined of a Barbarian Considering that nothing is more easie than to destroy those who fear nothing and that overmuch Confidence is the most ordinary cause of great Misfortunes he communicates his Design at first to very few People but afterwards to many more And this Resolution was so immediately followed with the Execution of it that Varus having neglected the first Advice of Segestes had not time to receive a second from him ch 118. Charles Duke of Burgundy committed the same Error that Varus did and perished like him by refusing to give Audience to a Country Gentleman named Cifron who came to discover to him the Treason of the Count de Campobasso and by not crediting the Intelligence which Lewis the Eleventh sent him by the Lord de Contay his Ambassador in France that this Count was selling his Life Whereby you see saith Commines that God infatuated him on this occasion Memoirs l. 4. â— ult l. 3. c. 6 â— For Segestes though he was drawn into the War by the general Consent of his Country-men yet he liv'd in perpetual Discord with Arminius and the bad Understanding betwixt them was increas'd by a particular Offence for Arminius had taken away by force his Daughter Thusnelda betroth'd already to another Thus the Father-in-Law and Son were equally hateful to each other and those mutual Ties which commonly beget Friendship were now the Provocations to the most bitter Enmity 5 As Princes seldom marry but by Interest not for Love Alliance is so far from being a Band of Friendship betwixt them that it opens a Gap to new Pretensions which grow into Quarrels and afterwards into Wars The last Duke of Burgundy hated Edward King of England and the whole House of York against which he assisted the House of Lancaster whence came his Grandmother by the Mother's side and yet at last he married Margaret Sister to Edward only to strengthen himself against King Lewis the Eleventh But as this Alliance was not made but by State-Interest and that both of them might gain their Ends the Duke notwithstanding hated Edward on whom he made biting Iests and Edward offer'd Lewis to joyn with him and to bear part of the Charges if he would continue the War against the Duke Commines l. 1. c. 5. l. 3. c. 4. l. 4. c. 8 11. of his Memoirs XLIX Germanicus on this Account commanded out Cecina with Four Legions Five thousand Auxiliary Soldiers and some Companies of Germans rais'd in haste from some Places on this side the Rhine He himself conducted a like Number of Legions but double the Number of Allies and having built a Fortress on the old Foundations which his Father had laid and which were yet standing he march'd with great speed against the Catti leaving behind him Lucius Apronius with Order to take care that if the Rivers should overflow by any sudden fall of Rains yet the Ways might be kept in repair and continue passable For in setting forward he found the Waters so very low and the Ways so dry a Thing uncommon in that Climate that he found no difficulty in his March but he feared in his return it might be otherwise He came so suddenly upon the Catti that the old Men the Women and the Children were either kill'd at first or taken Prisoners and the young Men forc'd to swim the River of Adrana b Now the Eder who attempting afterwards to obstruct the Romans in the building of a Bridge over it were repuls'd by their Arrows and their Engines These Hopes failing and their Propositions for Peace being also rejected some of them came over and submitted to Germanicus the rest forsaking their Cantons retir'd into the Fastnesses of their Woods Germanicus having burn'd Martium c Now Marpurg the Capital City of Hesse their Capital Town ravag'd all the Low-lands and took his March backwards to the Rhine the Enemy not daring to attack his Rear as their Custom is when they â—eign to fly rather through Stratagem than Fear The Cherusci d The People of Brunswick and of Thuring were desirous to have succour'd their Friends thâ— Catti but they were apprehensive of Cecina who caâ—ry'd far and near the Terrour of his Arms. On the contrary the Marsi having presum'd to charge him were vigorously repuls'd and entirely routed L. Some time afterwards there came Deputies from Segestes to desire his Assistance against his Country-men who had besieg'd him for Arminius had there the stronger Party because he had advis'd the War 1 As there is nothing subject to greater Iealousie nor more difficult to preserve amongst powerâ—ul Neighbours than Liberty they who advise War appear to have a greater Affection for their Country than those who advise Peace and consequently have more Credit amongst their Fellow-Citizens It was by this Method that Maurice Prince of Orange who looked on the Treaty of 1609. as the Ruine of his Authority in Holland where he aimed at the Sovereignty found means to destroy Iohn Barnevelt who had been the principal Promoter of this Treaty by perswading the People by Pamphlets that this great Man was corrupted by the Spanish Gold and held Intelligence with this King for the reduction of the United Provinces to his Obedience it being the common Practice of Barbarians only to love and esteem those Persons who are Fierce and Daring and more especially in unquiet Times Segestes had added to the Deputies his Son Segimond though the Mind of the young Man was wholly averse to that Employment 2 When a Subject is conscious that he is guilty of Tâ—eason he ought not to trust to the Prince's Clemency if he hath not good Security of it If my Mother was my Iudge said Alcibiades I would not trust her with much greater Reason they who have the Prince for Iudge and Party ought to take good Security before they surrender themselves into his Hands The Cardinal Alphonso Petrucci was no sooner come to Rome but Leo the Tenth caused him to be arrested and afterwards strangled in Prison altho he came thither under the Security of the Pope's safe Conduct whereof the Spaâ—ish Ambassador was Guarantee The Landgrave of Hesse was cheated by the Confidence he reposed in Charles the Fifth with whom he had two Electors and several other Princes of the Empire for Intercessors for the Year in which all Germany revolted being created Priest of
la Ferte-Senecterre their Iealousie rendred the fairest Enterprizes abortive but from the time that the former was got rid of his Companion who put every thing to hazard Fortune always â—avoured him wanting Moderation in their good Fortune and Courage in their bad Arminius and Inguiomer retir'd out of the Battle the first untouch'd the last desperately wounded The Slaughter lasted all the Day and at the shutting of Evening the Legions return'd into their Camp many of them being hurt and all without Victuals yet well contented finding in their Victory Health and Vigour and large Provision of whatsoever they desir'd LXIII In the mean time a Report was spread that the Romans were defeated and that the Germans were descending upon Gaul And they were on the point of breaking down the Bridge upon the Rhine if Agrippina had not oppos'd her Courage to the Cowardise of those who had advis'd so infamous an Action During the time of that Consternation she discharg'd all Duties of a General a In the Siege of Tournay ann 1581 Mary of Lalain Princess of Epinoy being not contented incessantly to exhort the Soldiers and the Burghers to a vigorous defence against the Duke of Parma and the Spaniards she so valiantly exposed herself that she had her Arm broken by the Shot of an Arquebuss of which she died the Year following Thus this Lady made good the Character which Commines gives of her Family 〈◊〉 Philip de Lalain saith he was of a Race of which there have been few who have not been valiant and have almost all died in 〈◊〉 their Princes in War Memoirs l. 1. c. 2. Ann. 1595 the Lady De Bâ—â—â—gny Wiâ—e of the Lord of Cambray performed the Dâ—â—y of a Captain and oâ— a private Soldier in the defence of this Town againâ—t the Spaniards Night and Day she went to visit the Sentinâ—â—s and to observe the Battery â—he wrought on the Fortifications she diâ—charged the Cannon with her Pike in her Hand she exposed herselâ— to all Dangers and braved the Spaniaras and would not hear of a Capitulation Which might have succeeded if her Husband had not been so odious to the City over which he tyrannized without Pity Herrera calls this Lady another 〈◊〉 another Vâ—rulana Hist. part 3. l. 11. c. 16. Don Câ—râ—os Coloma l. â— of 〈◊〉 Wars of Fâ—anders she reliev'd the poor Soldiers she supply'd the Sick with Remedies 1 It is not one of the least Praises of a General to take care of the â—ealth and Lives of his Soldiers As there is nothing so Valuable as Life so there is no Benefit whereof Men have a more grateful Sense than of it especially Soldiers who are exposed to more Dangers than all the rest of Mankind The Spanish Commentator on Commines saith That the Soldiers set upon the Tomb of a certain Captain who died at Milain the Words of the Creed Qui propter nos propter nosâ—ram salutem descendit 〈◊〉 infâ—ros The Spaniards adds he gave not this Praise to the Prince of Parma in Flanders for whilst his Army was in want of every thing he must not want Mules to â—etch Spaw-Waters for his Baths Ch. 9. l. 6. and provided Clothes for those who were perishing with Cold. Caius â—liâ—ius who has written the History of these Wars says That she stood on the entry of the Bridge to praiâ—e and thank the Legions as they pass'd along All which Proceedings made a deep Impression of Discontent and Melancholy on the Soul of Tiberius He strongly suspected that this Over-Diligence and Care could not possibly be innocent 2 In the Opinion of Livy Civility and Liberality are never free in a great Fortune The Prince can't look upon a great Man who studies to gain the People's Affections but as a Rival who would steal from him the Hearts of his Subjects that he may afterwards deprive him of their Obedience Henry the Third saith a Politick Spaniard one Day ask'd his Confidents this Question What doth the Duke of Guise do thus to charm the People's Hearts Sir said a cunning Courtier he gives with both Hands and when it is not in his Power to grant what they desire he supplies it with Words Let them invite him to a Wedding he goes to a Funeral he assists at it to be Godfather to a Child he accepts it He is affable caressing and liberal he carries it fair to all People and speaks ill of none in short he reigns in their Hearts as your Majesty doth in your Territories Gracian's Heroes ch 12. Of all that Don Pâ—dro Giron Duke of Ossen did to continue himself in he Viceroyship of Naples and to hinder the Cardinal Gaspar Borgia from taking Possession of it nothing rendred him more suspected or rather more criminal than what he did after the arrival of the Cardinal to Prochira an Isle near Naples Having assembled the common People he threw among them abundance of Money and when he had no more left he pull'd off the Gold Buttons which he had on his Clothes and a Girdle of Diamonds and after that by an extravagant Liberality he also threw his Hat and his Cloke to them imploring the Assistance of this Multitude against a Priest who he said was not fit to govern a Kingdom of which the Pope had a desire to possess himself Conjuratio Ossuniana 1612 1620. at the bottom that it was not against Foreigners that Agrippina thus fortifi'd herself with the Favour of the Soldiers that the Generals might now securely take their Ease when a Woman could perform their Office take Reviews of the Legions march amidst the Roman Ensigns and their Eagles and make Donatives to the Soldiers How could it be without Design that her little Son was carried round the Camp in the plain habit of a private Soldier that she caus'd him to be Sirnam'd Caligula That she had already more Authority in the Army than all the Generals 3 Tiberius transgressed through Distrust and Iealousie but Agrippina through Imprudence for she better remembred whence she descended and whose Wife she was than whose Subject The same Commentator on Comminus saith That Distrust is wont to take away the Iudgment of Women but that on the contrary it gives Iudgment to Princes and improves it that it is a Passion that absolutely masters Ladies whereas it is a Quality that is absolutely necessary to Kings Witness Edward the Fourth King of England who according to Commines was driven out of his Kingdom by the Earl of Warwick because he always lived withou Suspicion Chap. 1. of the Commentary let E. and ch 5. of l. 1. of the Memoirs since she had appeas'd a Mutiny where the Name of the Emperour had been of no Consideration 4 Great Services draw Calamities on those who perform them especially when they are Men whose Birth Courage or Merit gives Iealousie to the Prince The younger Pliny saith That it is seldom seen that a Prince loves those to whom he
have govern'd with applause For instance If the King of Spain should send into Catalonia and Sâ—ciâ—y which are two fierce Nations and whose Obedience is as it were Arbitrary Viceroys who would take the same Courses that the Viceroys of Naples and the Governors of Milan do he would immediately lose these Provinces where there is nothing but Bones for the Spanish Ministers to gnaw upon LXI But Germanicus who did not yet know that his Iourney had given Offence went up the River Nile having Embark'd at Canopus a Town built by the Spartaâ—â— in Memory of a Captain of a Ship of that Name who was buried there when Mâ—nelaus in his return to Greece was driven back by contrary Winds to the Coasts of Lybia The Mouth of the River that is next to Canopus is consecrated to Hercules who as the Inhabitants affirm was a Native of their Countrey and the first of all who bore that Name with which the rest were honoured after him because they follow'd him in the same Paths of Valour He afterwards viewed the great Ruines of Thebes where there were yet remaining some Inscriptions engraven on Obelisks in Aegyptian Letters which describ'd its ancient Grandeur One of the Eldest Priests who was order'd to interpret it reported That it formerly contain'd seven hundred thousand Men of an age able to bear Arms and that with an Army of that Number King Rhameses conquer'd Libya Aethiopia the Medes and Persians Bactriania and Scythia and all the Countrey which is inhabited by the Syrians Armenians and their Neighbours the Cappadocians extending from the Bithynian Sea on one side to the Lycian on the other There was also read an account of the Tributes imposed on the Nations what weight of Gold and Silver what Numbers of Horses and Arms for War How much Ivory and Perfumes for Oblations to the Temples and what quantities of Corn and other Necessaries of Life each Nation paid which equall'd in Magnificence and Value the Tributes that are now imposed either by the Parthian or the Roman Empire LXII But Germanicus was led on with a Desire of seeing other Miracles whereof the Principal were the Statue of Memnon cut in Stone which gave a Sound like that of a Humane Voice when the Rays of the Sun stâ—uck upon it Pyramids as high as Mountains rais'd in moving and almost unpassable Sands 1 It is common for great Princes to raise Magnificent Edifices in Desart and dry Places and which by their situation seem to be Uninhabitable to make their Power appear the greater and to shew that every thing yields to their Fortune Philip II. had this Prospect when he chose the pitiful Village of the Escurial to build there the Famous Monastery which bears this Name and which the Spaniards call the Eighth Wonder of the World although an old Alcada aged â—ourscore years answer'd an Officer who ask'd him in the King's Name his Opinion of it That the King was going to make a Nest of Caterpillars who would devour the whole Country Cabrera c. 11. l 6. of his History by the Emulation and Wealth of their Kings Lakes cut in the Ground for the reception of the Waters of the Nile when it overflows and in other places Caverns so deep that their bottoms cannot be sounded From hence he went to Elephantine and Syene heretofore the Boundaries of the Roman Empire which now extends to the Red Sea LXIII Whilst Germanicus pass'd the Summer in Progresses Drusus acquired no small Glory amongst the Germans by fomenting their Division 1 It is true sign of the Destruction of a Country when those divide and abandon one another who ought to be united Memoirs l. 2. c. 1. Dum singuli pugnant universi vincuntur saith Tacitus in Agricola The Landtgrave of Hesse who commanded the Army of the League of Smalcald against Charles V. had reason to say to the Conâ—ederate Cities through which he pass'd My Friends let every Fox keep his Tail to let them understand that the League could not subsist but by their common agreement Epitomy of the Life of C. V. There can't be better Counsel than what the Lord Contay gave the C. de Charolois who took it very ill that the Lords of the League of the Publick Good held a Council amongst themselves without calling him to it Bear it patiently said Contay for if you displease them they will make their Peace with King Lewis more advantageously than you as you are the Strongest so you ought to be the Wisest Beware therefore of dividing them and use your ulmost industry to maintain a good Correspondence betwixt them and your self Memoirs of Commines l. 1. c. 12. and persuaded them that now Maroboduus d With what Prudence and Conduct saith Paterculus Tiberius by the Ministry of his son Drusus forced Marcâ—odâ—us to quit the Kingdom which he had Invaded and wherein he hid himself as Serpents do in the Bowels of the Earth Hist. 2. Cap. 129. Lewis XI took almost the same Method against the Duke of Burgundy not only by Separating from him all his Allies Edward King of England Gelasius Duke of Milan who had before left the Alliance of the King for that of the Duke of Burgundy Renatus King of Sicily who design'd to have made him his Heir and to put Provence into his hands the Dutchess of Savoy the King's Sister who saith Commines was so much in the Duke's Interest that the Duke disposed of the House of Savoy as of his own but also by raising him up new Enemies as the Swiss who beat him in two Battels and the Cittes of Basil Strasbourg Nuremburg and Francsort who enter'd into an Alliance with the Swiâ—s and to injure him was thought enough to get their own Pardoâ— His Memoirs Lib. 5. Cap. 1. 2. was already weakned they ought to follow their blow till he was entirely ruin'd 2 This Example sheweth that there is scarce any such thing as good Faith among Princes and that the Leagues and Confederacies which they enter into are rather sâ—ares which they lay for one another than Ties of Friendship Commonly the Weakest joyns himself with the Strongest only to make himself more considerable to his Neighbours and his Enemies and this was the Motive of Maroboduus who by his Alliance with the Romans hoped to become more formidable to the Cheruâ—ci and to his Rival Arminius The Strongest on the contrary allies himself with the Weaker under colour to protect and defend him but in truth to lay the Yoke of Slavery upon him as soon as he can find an Opportunity to do it And this is what Tiberius did with respect to Maroboduus in sending Drusus into Germany to sign a League with him Thus it may be truly said That Lâ—â—gues make more noise than they do service That they have more of Appearance and Ostentation than of Reality and Strength and that in fine they rather hasten the Ruine of the Weaker or the less Politick than they do retard or
serve our Country And some lines after he concludes with these words Therefore our Author unjustly blames Maroboduus since in my Opinion there is no less glory for a Man to be a Good Husband of his Life to serve God his Country and his Friends and to reserve himself for a better Fortune than to run into Battels and throw it away to acquire Glory which like smoke is carried away by a Blast of Wind. But this Consideration which is the 145. of the Second Part is fitter for Monks and Tradesmen than for Princes and Noblemen to whom War is the most Natural Employment Catualda had the same Fate and no other refuge for being expell'd not long after by the Hermunduri under their General Vibilius he was received by the Romans who sent him to Forum Iulii a Colony of Gallia Narbonensis And lest the Barbarous People who came with these two Princes might raise any Disturbances in these Provinces which were in perfect quiet they were transplanted beyond the Danube betwixt the River Marus and Cusus and Vannius of the Nation of the Quadi was set over them as King LXV The Senate having at the same time receiv'd the News that Germanicus had made Artaxias King of Armenia they decreed that he and Drusus should enter the City in Ovation and that Arches with their Statues should be built on both sides of the Temple of Mars the Avenger And Tiberius being better pleas'd that he had made Peace by his Prudence 1 A Prince who understands Negotiations as Tiberius did ought always to prefer the way of Treaties to that of Aâ—ms It is certainly more honour for him to overcome his Enemies by Skill than by Force A Gascon Gentleman who was in the Service of Edward King of England on occasion of the Peace of Pâ—quigny said That his Master had gain'd Nine Battels in Person but that what we made him lose by this Peace which drove the English out of France brought him greater Shame and Loss than the other Nine which hâ— had gain'd had acquir'd him Honour and Advantage Commines l. 4. c. 10. of his Memoirs Queen Margaret speaking of the Peace which the Duke of Alensoâ— made at Neraâ— with the King of Navarre and the Huguenots on his Party My Brother said she having made a Peace to the Satisfaction of the King and all the Catholicks and not less to the Contentment of the Huguenots return'd thence into France with as much Honour and Glory for having compos'd so great Troubles as from all the Victories which he had obtain'd by Arms. Memoirs l. 3. than if he had ended the War with the Sword employs the same Artifices against Rhescuporis King of Thrace After the Death of Rhoemetalces who was in possession of the whole Countrey Augustus had divided it betwixt his Brother Rhescuporis and his Son Cotys In which division thâ— Arrable-Land the Cities and the Parts adjoyning to Greece fell to Cotys's share the Wild uncultivated Parts and which border'd on Enemies to Rhescuporis The tempers of these two Kings were as different the Former being Mild and Complaisant the Latter Covetous Ambitious and Cruel However they liv'd at first in an appearance of Friendship But in a while Rhescuporis pass'd his Bounds usurp'd upon Cotys and stuck not sometimes to use Force where he found Resistance but this he did by wary and slow Methods in the Reign of Augustus who he feared would revenge the Injustice as he was the Founder of these two Kingdoms But when he heard of his Death he sent Troops of Robbers and demolished some of his Castles to give an occasion for War LXVI Tiberius who feared nothing more than new Troubles dispatches away a Centurion with a Message to the two Kings enjoyning them not to decide their Quarrel by the Sword 1 Divisions never began in a Country saith Commines but they have proved destructive in the end and very difficult to extinguish Lib. 4. Cap. 9. For a King to nourish Divisions betwixt Princes and Persons of Virtue and Courage is to kindle a Fire in his House for sometimes one or the other will say The King is against us and under this Pretence will think of fortifying themselves and making Alliances with his Enemies l. 6. c. ult And whilst one of the Parties takes Arms against the Prince he is always ill obey'd by the other who thinking that he stands in great need of them sets their Services at the higher price Thus a Powerâ—ul King ought never to suffer the Princes who are his Vassals or Neighbours to go to War for the Fire comes to spread it self thence into his Dominions On the contrary he ought to assume the Office or an Arbitrator or a Mediator betwixt the Parties and threaten to declare against him who will not hearken to Peace Cotys immediately disbands the Army he had raised and Rhescuporis with a feign'd Submission desir'd that they might have an Enterview and terminate their Differences by Treaty and what with the Easie Compliance of the one and the Fraudulent Compliance of the other they soon adjusted not only the Time and Place of their Treaty but also the Conditions of their Agreement Rhescuporis under colour of ratifying the Agreement with greater Ceremony makes a Feast which he protracts till Midnight and then puts Cotys in Chains 2 A wise Prince ought never to put himself into the hands of another with whom he hath great Interests depending He that goes to meet another can't be reasonably secur'd by any Promises Oaths or Passports Safe Conducts are as feeble Arms against Force as Paper is against Iron And Iulius II. before he was Pope said often That they were great Fools who exchanged Liberty and Life for a Dead Beast's Skin * Apology for the Council of Pisa. The Duke of Bâ—rgundy wrote to Lewis XI a large Letter with his own hand giving him security to come and to return and the King took no guaâ—d with him but would rely entirely upon the security given by the Duke Commines l. 2. c. 5. Notwithstanding the Duke order'd the Gates of the City and of the Castle of Peronne to be shut saying That the King was come thither to betray him and these Gates were shut three days during which time the Duke did not see the King nor did any of the King's Servants enter into the Castle but through the Wicket of the Gate Chap. 7. and 9. of the same Book This Duke when he was only Count de Charolois committed the â—ame Error by suffering himself to be insensibly led on by the King with whom he walked to a Place call'd the Boulevart or Bulwark through which People enter into Paris for which he was much blamed by the Count de S. Pol and by the Mareschal de Burgundy who put him in mind of the Misfortune that happen'd to his Grandfather King Charles the Seventh at Montereau-faut-Yonne To which Reprimand the Duke return'd this Answer Don't rebuke me for I know very
sometimes the Wisest Men make For if on the one side we consider that Augustus made himself to be lamented and esteem'd by an unparellel'd demonstration of Humanity yet without contributing any thing of his own his last Will will appear to be made with great Wisdom and Policy but if we examine more narrowly how he purchas'd the favour of the People we shall find that for a Prince of such Understanding he committed a great Fault because by the bait of an apparent intail he provoked the great Persons concerned in it to plot against his Posterity whom he had strengthen'd by many Adoptions For if these Noble Persons were Politick Men as 't is probable since Augustus mistrusted them 't is not likely that they would be contented with an hope which according to the ordinary course of Nature could not take effect in some hundreds of years Germanicus and Drusus with all their Children being to succeed before she Iâ— the thirty third of his Observations upon Tacitus His Legacies exceeded not the common Rules only he bequeath'd to the People four hundred Thousand great Sesterces to the most Inferior sort thirty five Thousand great Sesterces to each of the Praetorian Soldiers or Guards a Thousand small Sesterces and three hundred to every Legionary After this they spoke of the Honours which were to be render'd to the Dead and the Chief on which they insisted were that the Funeral State should pass through the Triumphal Gate which was first advis'd by Gallus Asinius That the Titles of the Laws which had been Instituted by him and the names of the Nations which he had vanquish'd should be carried before the Body which was propos'd by Lucius Arruntius But Messala Valerius adding that the Oath of Fidelity to Tiberius should be annually renew'd Tiberius interrupting him on the sudden ask'd if it were by his Order that he had thus spoken And Messala replying that it was of his own head adjoin'd farther that in all things which concern'd the Publick Good he would never take any Man's opinion but his own though in so doing he should make Caesar himself his Enemy This was the only remaining kind of Flattery The Senators with a General Cry demanded that the Imperial Corps should be carried to the Pile on their Shoulders only But Tiberius dispens'd with that Office rather out of Vanity and to do himself honour in the refusal than out of real Modesty After this he publish'd an Edict to the People warning them not to disturb these Funerals as they had done those of Iulius Caesar with their excess of Zeal and not obstinately to persist in their desire that the Body should be burn'd in the Market-place and not in the Field of Mars which was the place decreed for that Ceremony On the day of the Funeral Solemnity the Soldiers were order'd to be under Arms. Those who had either seen themselves or had heard from their Fathers of that day whereon Iulius Caesar the Dictator had been slain when the sharpness of their Slavery was yet 〈◊〉 upon them and their Liberty with an ill Omen just reâ—â—or'd much deriding the superfluous care now us'd by Tiberius on this occasion for even at that time as there were some who judg'd his Death an impious action so there were oâ—hers y Who call'd Caesar Tyrant to authorise this Murther as Lawful It a enim appellari Caesarem facto ejus expiedebat says Paterculus Book 1. Ch. 58. speaking of Brutus who extoll'd it as a glorious Iustice 3 The actions of great Men may be taken by two handles some commend others blame them They receive divers names according to the different inclinations of Persons who pass a Iudgment of ' em Cataline was blamed for what he would have done and Caesar was commended for what he did When there are Parties every one judges according to the Affection and Interest of that side he is of The Doctors of the League durst compare Câ—ement the Iacobin who assassinated Henry III. with Ehud who delivered the Children of Israel out of bondage by killing Eglon King of Moab The Spaniards put into their Martyrology Baltazar of Guerard who kill'd the Prince of Orange at Delf whereas the Hollanders and Protestants have made him a Devil incarnate In the 14 Book of the Second Part of the History of Anthony of Herrera there are two Chapters the 9. and the 10. which make 〈◊〉 Panegyrick upon this Guerard whose death he calls a Martyrdom I admire amongst others these words Considerando como avia de executar sâ— intento y estando firme con el exâ—mplo de nuestro Salvador Iesu-Christo y de sus Santos c. i. e. Guerard considering how he ought to proceed to the Execution of his design and continuing firm in his resolution after the Example of our Saviour Iesus Christ and his Saints went the 10th of Iuly to find the Rebel c. as if Iesus Christ and his Saints had given any example of murder The Inquisition of Spain let this pass as if they approved it Moreover this shews how much Men love their own Opinions and how rash they are to believe things holy or wicked in the sight of God as their passion moves them Upon this occasion I shall observe that the History of the Reformation of England by Dr. Burnet is â—ull of this partiality every where calling all those Rebels and Superstitious who would not acknowledge H. VIII to be head of the Church of England nor consent to the Laws which he made concerning Religion nor to those which were made in the Reign of his Son Edward VI. and on the other side giving the Glorious Title of Martyrs to the Protestants who suffered under the Reign of Q. Mary the Sister of Edward who restor'd the Catholick Religion in England But in the present case here was an old Emperor quietly gone out of the World who had been settled in a long course of Sovereignty of 44 years z Counting from the Death of Anthoâ—y the Triumvir and who had establish'd the Succession against the Common-Wealth by a large Provision of Heirs and those in power he it seems must have a Guard of Soldiers about his dead body to secure it from disturbance at his Funeral IV. This afforded no small occasion of discourse concerning Augustus himself The greater part of the Assistants vainly admiring that he should happen to die on the same day on which he first assum'd the Empire a The 21. of September compleat 20 years old except one day according to Paterculus Hist. 2. Chap. 65. that he died at Nola in the same House and Chamber wherein his Father Octavius b At the Death of Cardinal de Richelieu the Parisians observ'd almost the same that he was born and died in the same House that he received Baptism and Extreme Unction in the same Parish History of Cardinal de Richelieu Book 6. Chapter the Last Conestagio and Cabrera have likewise observ'd that
imitation of the Titian Priests formerly instituted by Titus Tatius t These Priests or Knights were instituted in Romulus's Reign after thâ— Union of the Sabines with the Romans who received the Sabines as Fellow-Citizens and Companions whom the Day before they had Enemies as Tacitus saith Eodem die hostes dein cives habuerit Ann. 11. This Tatius was King of the Sabines and was admitted a Partner in the Sovereignty of Rome by Romulus who gave him the Capitol and the Quirinal-Hill for his Habitation But his Death which happen'd a little time after reunited the Regal Power in the Person of Romulus who thereby remained King of the Romans and of the Sabines to preserve the Religion of the Sabines Twenty one of the Principal Men among the Romans were drawn by Lot of which Number were Tiberius Drusus Claudius and Germanicus 1 The Orders of Knighthood are not esteemed otherwise than they are confined to a small Number of Knights This small Number ought also to consist of Persons illustrious for their Birth or for their Merit for otherwise the Great Men look on themselves to be disgraced in being associated with them and consequently the Prince deprives himself of an easie way of rewarding them Tacitus saith That the Generals of the Army perceiving that the Senate of Rome granted the Triumphal Ornaments for the least Exploits in War believed that it would be more Honourable for them to preserve the Peace than to renew the War which would equal to themselves all those to whom the Prince's Favour should procure a Triumph to be decreed Ann. 13. In Portugal it was pleasant to behold the Taylor and the Shoemaker of King Alphonso the Sixth to wear the Habit of Christ although in truth they were as worthy of it as most of those to whom the Count of Castelmelhor sold it Then it was that the Augustinian Games began to be disturb'd by the Contention of the Stage-Players and different Factions arose concerning the Preference of this or that Actor u Cabrera well observes that the Spectacles and the publick Games were the Cause that the People of Rome who were before contented to obey the Magistrates and the Laws thought fit to desire to have a Share in the Government For taking upon themselves licentiously to Applaud what gave them the greatest Pleasure as if they had been capable of Iudging prudently they began to perceive that the Players set a great Value on their Approbation and that their Favour gave them Reputation So that after they knew the Power which they had in the publick Feasts they came to slight the Nobles and the Magistrates and afterwards to create Tribunes Aediles and Quaestors At last they introduced the Plebeians into the Consulship and the Dictatorship and made them thereby equal to the Patricians L. 10. c. 22. of his History So that we have no Reason to wonder if Tiberius who was so well skilled in the Arts of Government had an Aversion to Spectacles and all popular Concourses Augustus himself had been much addicted to these Divertisements out of his Complaisance to Maecenas who was desperately in love with the Pantomine Bathyllus Besides that he was himself no Enemy to those Entertainments and knew it was becoming of a Gracious Prince to enter into the 2 As there are certain Days in the Year which the Fathers of Families spend in Rejoycings with their Children it is very reasonable that there should be also some on which the Prince should live as in a Family with his People Tacitus saith That Nero who was otherwise a very bad Prince made Feasts in the publick Places and shewed himself through the whole City as if all the City had been his Hoâ—se Ann. 15. Wise Princes saith Cabrera assist at the publick Plays to gain the Affection of their Subjects and these Plays or Spectacles are assigned to certain Days to mitigate the ordinary Discontents of the People by Diversions which deceive their Trouble Cap. 1. lib. 9. of his History Commines saith That Princes who divide their Time according to their Age sometimes in serious Matters and in Council at other times in Feasts and Pleasures are to be commended and the Subjects are happy who have such a Prince His Memoirs l. 6. c. 4. Pleasures of his People x Strada saith That Octavius Farnese Duke of Parma and Son-in-Law to Charles the Fiâ—th was a great Observer of this Maxim and thereby was as much beloved by the People as any Prince of his Time Laxamentis popularibus ipse se privato non absimilem immiscebat effecitque ut inter principes ea tempestate populorum studiis ac benevolentia claros meritò haberetur Lib. 9. dec 1. Burnet saith That Elizabeth Queen of England was a perfect Mistress of thâ— Art of insinuating herself into the Hearts of the People and although she was suspected of being too much a Comedian she succeeded notwithstanding in her Designs and made herself more beloved by her People by little Complaisances and Affectations to shew herself and to regard the People as she passed the Streets than many Princes have done by scattering Favours with both Hands History of the Reformatiâ—n p. 2. l. 3. Tiberius was of a Temper wholly different but he durst not yet subject a Multitude 3 A Prince upon his coming to the Throne ought to make no alteration in Things which he finds to have been of long Establishment the People parting with old Customs with great diffiâ—ulty If the Memory of his Predecessor is dear to the People he ought to conform himself to his manner of Government at least until his Authority be well established He must lead the People through long Turnings and do it so that they may go where he would have them without perceiving whither they are going Lewis the Eleventh had like to have lost all by desiring to undo all that his Father had done When he came to the Grown saith Commines he disappointed the best and most eminent Knights who had faithfully served his Father in the recovery and settling of the Kingdom But he oftentimes repented afterwards that he had treated them so by acknowledging his Error for thence sprang the War called The Publick Good which was like to have taken from him his Crown C. 3. of l. 1. and c. 11. of l. 6. of his Memoirs When he died he therefore advised his Son not to do as he had done Elizabeth Queen of England at her coming to the Crown acted directly contrary to Lewis the Eleventh for she employed most of the Ministers of her Sister Queen Mary by whom she had been ill Treated and although in her Heart she was already entirely a Protestant she was notwithstanding Crowned by a Bishop of the Church of Rome and ordered Karn who was Mary's Ambassador at Rome to make her Compliments to the Pope Burnet's History Part 2. l. 3. Mariana saith That Emanuel King of Portugal made some difficulty to recall the