produce no Example of any Provincial Councel by call of the King For. Bodin lib. 1. cap. 6. towards the end writeth that the Kings of Spain Non sine magna mercede impetraverunt Sixti Pontificis Romani rescripto ne perigrinis sacerdotia tribuerentur Appeals from the King to Rome allowed So the Kings of Spain have meerly no power Ecclesiastical having dispoyled himself of all by inthralling their Kingdom to the Church of Rome Precedency of England in respect of Eminency of Royall Dignity THe Kings of England are anointed as the Kings of France who only have their preheminence before other Kingdoms declared by miracle in the cure of the Regius morbus which they can effect only and that of antiquity For Edward the Confessor healed many 2. They are superiour Lords of the Kingdome of Scotland and Man and Vicarii Imperii as Edward the third and Oswald intituled Rex Christianissimus ve Peda lib. 2. 3. They are named Filii adoptivi Ecclesiae as the Emperour Filius Primogenitus and the King of France Filius natu minor vide Platina 4. They are accompted among Reges super illustres in this order Imperator Rex Franciae Rex Angliae Franciae vide Corsettus 5. England in the General Councels at Constance and Pisa was made a Nation when as all Christianity was divided into four Nations Itallicam Gallicam Germanicam Anglicam Ex lib. sacrarum Ceremoniarum Ecclesiae Romanae 6. Whereupon seat accordingly was allowed at the three General Councels viz. Constance Pisa Sienna to the English Ambassadors next to the Emperour on the left hand and to the King of France on the right hand which were their Ancient seats before the Spaniards at Basill 1431. begun to contend for Precedency Where it was in the first Session ordered that all Legats should hold such their places as they had enjoyed heretofore according to their worth and antiquity Yet in the Councel of Trent the precedency of France with Spain was made questionable Augustus de Cavalles as the strongest reason to bar the French Interest inferred the Queen of England from her Ancestors both in respect of Inheritance Conquest and Gift de jure Queen of France By which reason when he doth shake or overthrow as he thinketh the Precedency of France he doth consequently strengthen the Precedency of England And in Treaty between Henry the seventh and Philip of Castile 1506 the Commissioners of England did subsign betore the other And in the Treaty of Marriage with Queen Mary Anno 1553 those of England are first rehearsed And at Burbrough Anno 1588. they gave it to her Majesties Ambassadors And yet in respect of the Eminency of this Royal throne to the See of Canterbury was granted by Vrbane at the Councel of Claremount Anno 1096. for ever the seat in General Councel at the Popes right foot who at that time uttered these words Includamus hunc in orbe nostro tanquam alterius orbis Pontificem Maximum Subsequence of Spain 1. The Kings of Castile are never anointed neither hath the Spanish Throne that vertue to endow the King therein invested with the power to heal the Kings evil For into France do yearly come multitudes of Spaniards to be healed thereof 2. No Kingdom held in fee of him 3. Spain then not remembred one of the Sons of the Church 4. The King of Spain placed last after the King of England inter super illustres by the said Corsettus 5. The Kingdome was then comprised under Itallica natio and no Nation of it self as in old it was called Iberia minor as a member of Italy Iberia major England being Britannia major At which time the Spaniard contented himself with the place next to the King of France Precedency of England before Spain in respect of the Nobility of Blood HEr Majesty in Lineal discent is deduced from Christian Princes for 800 years by Ethelbert a Christian 596. and the Matches of her progenitors most Royal with France Germany Spain Subsequence of Spain For their Antiquity of discent as Kings of Spain is chiefly from the Earls of Castilia about 500 years since For they cannot warrant their discent from Atalaricus the Goth and as Dukes of Austria from the Earls of Hapsburgh only about 390 years since Their matches anciently for the most part with their subjects and of late in their own blood Precedency of England in respect of antiquity of Government HEr Majesty having raigned now most happily 42 years This we would not have alledged but that the Spanish Ambassador at Basil objected in this respect the minority of Henry the sixth Her sex herein nothing prejudicial when as both divine and humane Laws do allow it and accordingly Spain England and Hungary insomuch that Mary Queen of the last was always stiled Rex Mario Hungariae Vide Tilius Subsequence of Spain The King of Spain yet in the Infancy of his Kingdome For the Precedency may be alledged viz. The Antiquity of the Kingdom when as Castile Arragon Navar and Portuguall had their first Kings about 1025. The ancient receiving of the Christian Faith by Joseph of Aramathea Simon Zelotes Aristobulus yea by St. Peter and St. Paul as Theodoretus and Sophrinius do testifie The Kingdome is held of God alone acknowledging no superiour and in no vassalage to the Emperour or Pope as Naples Sicilia Arragont Sardinia and Corsica c. Sir Thomas Moore denyeth that King John either did or could make England subject to the Pope and that the Tribute was not paid pag. 296. but the Preter-pence were paid to the Pope by K. John by way of Alms. The absolute power of the King of England which in other Kingdomes is much restrained England is accompted the fourth part of Christendome For in the Councel of Constance all Christianity was divided in nationem viz. Italicam Germanicam Gallicanam Anglicanam and accordingly gave voices England in the opinions of the Popes is preferred because in it is conteined in the Ecclesiastical division two large Provinces which had their several Legatinati when as France had scantly one The Emperour is accompted major filius Papae the King of France filius minor the King of England filius adoptivus The Archbishops of Canterbury are accompted by the people tanquam alterius orbis Papae and anointed to have place in General Councels at the Popes right foot The title of Defensor fidei as honourably and as justly bestowed upon the Kings of England as Christianissimus upon the French or Catholicus upon the Spaniard Edward the third King of England was created by the Emperour Vicarius Perpetuus Imperii cum jure vitae necisque in omnes Imperii snbditos and the Kings of England Papae Vicarii by Pope Nicholas the second vide COPGRAVE Innocentius the fourth the Pope said vere hortus deliciarum est Anglia vere pateus inexhaustus ubi
close and foul play entertaineth an overture made by the Duke de Longavil then prisoner in England for a Marriage of Mary his Sister with the French King which effected the two subtile Princes failed of their ends Lewis dead and Francis succeeding he made his first entrance a league with England the recovery of Millane which he did the protection of his neighbours and reduction of the Swisses from the Imperial side for which he imployed to them the bastard of Savoy Maximilian and Ferdinand seeing by this all their new purchases in danger and that they had now no disguised marriage again to entertain the credulity of Henry the eighth they work upon his youth and honour The Emperor will needs to him resign his Emperial Crown as wearied with the weight of Government and distraction of Europe which needed a more active man then his old age to defend the Liberty of Subjects and Majesty of Princes from the Tyranny of France That he had made the way already for him with the Electors that he would send the Cardinall Sedunensis with ample commission into England to conclude the resignation which was done That at Aquisgrave he will meet Henry the eighth and there give up his first Crown from thence accompany him to Rome where he should receive the last right of the Imperiall dignity putting Verona into his protection then assailed by the Venetians and giving him the investiture of Millane in feodo more Imperiali then in possession of the French to tye his aid the faster against these States Hereupon Henry the eighth concluded a defensive league with the Bishop of Mesa and Count Daciana authorised Commissioners from the Emperor Arragon Castile and sendeth his Secretary Master Pace with money for Maximilian had already borrowed and broken to entertain the Swissers into pay and confederacy against France Charles the Grandchild must feign a difficulty to sway his League untill the Emperor at Henry the eighths cost was fetched from Germany to the Netherlands to work his Nephew to it who in the interim had closely contracted a peace by the Grandfathers consent with France No sooner had Maximilian received ten thousand Florins of the English King to bear his charge but the Treaty of Noyon was closely between him Arragon and Castile concluded whereby the ten thousand Crowns for recognition of Naples was passd from France to the Emperor and Charles himself affianced to Loysia the French Kings daughter and also darkly carried that when Master Pace at Agno came down from the Emperor with his Signature of the confederacy the French Kings Ambassador went up the back Stairs with six thousand Florins and the transaction of the Pension of Naples to Maximilian and there received his confirmation of the Treaty at Novon notwithstanding the same day the Emperor looking upon his George and Garter wished to Wingfield Henry the eighths Ambassador that the thoughts of his heart were transparent to his Master So displeasing was this foul play to the Cardinall Sedunensis the Emperors chief Counsellor that he writ contra perfidiam Principum against the falshood of his own Lord a bitter Letter to the English King who finding again how his youth and facility was overwrought by these two old and subtill Princes his vast expences lost his hopes of France lesned and that of the Emperor vanished for Maximilian is now conferring the Title of Rex Romanorum to one of his Nephues concludeth by mediation of the Admiral of France a peace with that King a marriage for the Dolphin Francis with the Lady Mary and the re-delivery of Tournay for a large Summe of Money Not long after Maximilian dieth leaving the Imperial Crown in Competition of France and Castile Charles whose desire was as his Ancestors to weave that vvreath for ever into the Austrian Family began to fear the power of his corrivall vvith vvhom the Pope then sided and the English King stood assured by the late marriage of their two Children To draw off the Pope he knew it vvas impossible he vvas all French To vvork in Henry the eighth he found the inconstancy of his predecessors and the new match to lie in the vvay To clear the one he is fain in his Letters into England to load his two Grandfathers vvith all the former aspertions his years and duty then tying him more to obedience then truth but that he vvas a man and himself now that mutuall danger vvould give assurance vvhere otherwise single faith might be mistrusted France vvas in it self by addition of Britany more potent than ever this man had rejoyned to it some important pieces in Italy and should his greatness grow larger up by accession of the Imperiall Crown how easie vvere it to effect indeed what he had fashioned in Fancy the Monarchy of Europe As for the young Lady who was like to lose her husband if Henry the eighth incline to this Counsell and assist Castile in pursute of the Emperor he was contented for Loisia of France espoused to him by the Treaty at Noyon was now dead to make up the loss of the Lady Mary by his own Marriage with her a match fitter in years for the Dolphin was an infant as great in dignity for he was a King and might by the assistance of her father be greater in being Emperor Thus was Henry the eighth by fears and hopes turned about again and Pacy forthwith sent to the Electors with instructions money who so wrought that Charles was in July chosen Emperor and that it was by the sole work of Henry the eighth himself by Letters under his hand acknowledged From Aquisgrave he commeth Crowned the next year for England weddeth at Winsor the Lady Mary concludeth by league the invasion of France and to divide it with Henry the eighth by the River of Rodon making oath at the high Altar at Pauls for performance of both those Treaties Hereupon France is entred by the Engâ—ish army and Burbon wrought from his Allegiance by a disguised promise of this Emperor of Elianor his Sister for wife to raise forces against his Master which he did but was paid by the English King The French King to carry the wars from his own doors maketh towards Milan whereby Burbon and his forces were drawn out of Province to guard the Imperialls in Italy At Pavie they met and the French King was taken prisoner and forthwith transported into Spain where at Madrid the Emperor forced his consent to that Treaty whereby he gained Burgundy and many portions in the Netherlands leaving Henry the eighth who had born the greatest charge of all that Warre not only there unsaved but calling a Parliament at Toledo taketh by assignment of his States Isabella of Portugall to wife procuring from Pope Clement a Bull to absolve him of his former oaths and Marriage working not long after by Ferdinandus his Chaplain the Earl of Desmond to Rebell in Ireland and James the fifth of
of our sterling monies and passeth in London at that rate and not otherwise though holding more fine Silver by 12. grains and a half in every Royall of Eight which is the charge of coynage and a small overplus for the Gold-Smiths gain And whereas they say that the said Royall of Eight runs in account of Trade at 5 s. of his Majestie 's now English money the Merchants do all affirm the contrary and that it passeth only at 4 s. 4. ob of the sterling monies and no higher ordinarily And it must be strange my honourable Lords to believe that our Neighbours the Netherlanders would give for a pound tale of our sterling Silver by what name soever it passeth a greater quantity of their monies in the like intrinsick value by Exchange Or that our Merchants would knowing give a greater for a less to them except by way of usance But the deceipt is herein only that they continually varying their coyn and crying it up at pleasure may deceive us for a time in too high a Reputation of pure Silver in it upon trust then there is untill a trial and this by no Alteration of our coyn unless we should daily as they make his Majestie 's Standard uncertain can be prevented which being the measure of Lands Rents and Commerce amongst our selves at home would render all uncertain and so of necessity destroy the use of money and turn all to permutation of such things as were not subject to will or change And as they have mistaken the ground of their Proposition so have they upon a specious shew of some momentary and small benefit to his Majesty reared up a vast and constant loss unto his Highness by this design if once effected For as his Majesty hath the 1argest portion of any both in the entrances and issues so should he by so enfeebling of his coyn become the greatest loser There needs no other instance then those degrees of diminution from the 18. of Edwards 3. to this day at which time the Revenue of the Crown was paid after five Groats the ounce which is now five shillings which hath lost his Majesty two thirds of all his Revenue and no less hath all the Nobility Gentry and other his Majestie 's landed Subjects in proportion suffered But since to our great comfort we heard your Honours the last day to lay a worthy blame upon the Mint-Masters for that intended diminution of the Gold-coyn done by them without full warrant by which we rest discharged of that fear We will according to our duties and your Honours command deliver humbly our opinion concerning the reduction of the Silver money now currant to be proportionably equivalent to the Gold The English sterling Standard which was no little honour to Edward the first that setled it from an inconstant motion and laid it a ground that all the States of Europe after complyed to bring in their account which was of Silver an 11 to one of Gold the Kings of England for the most part since have constantly continued the same proportion and Spain since Ferdinand who took from hence his Pattern have held and hold unchangeably the same unto this day but since with us a late improvement of Gold hath broke that Rule and cast a difference in our Silver of six shillings in the pound weight we cannot but in all humility present our fear that the framing at this time of an equality except it were by reducing the Gold to the Silver is not so safe and profitable as is proposed by those of the Mint For whereas they pretend this Our richness of our Silver will carry out what now remaineth We conceive under favour it will have no such effect but clean contrary For all the currant Silver now abroad hath been so culled by some Gold-Smiths the same either turned into Bullion and so transported that that which now remaineth will hardly produce 65. s. in the pound weight one with another and so not likely for so little profit as now it goeth to be transported But if the pound sterling should be as they desire cut into 70. s. 6 d. it must of necessity follow that the new money will convert the old money now currant into Bullion and so afford a Trade afresh for some ill Patriot Gold-Smiths and others who formerly have more endamaged the State by culling then any others by clipping the one but trading in pounds the other in thousands and therefore worthy of a greater punishment And we cannnot but have just cause my Lords to fear that these bad members have been no idle instruments for their private benefit to the publick detriment of this new project so much tending to enfeebling the sterling Standard We further under your Lord ships favours conceive that the raising of the Silver to the Gold will upon some suddain occasion beyond Sea transport our Gold and leave the State in scarcity of that as now of Silver And to that Objection of the Proposers That there is no Silver brought of late into the mint The causes we conceive to be besides the unusual quantities of late brought into the mint in Gold one the overballasing of late of Trade the other the charge of coynage For the first it cannot be but the late infection of this City was a let of exportation of our best commodity Cloth made by that suspected in every place To this may be added the vast sums of money which the necessary occasion of war called from his Majesty to the parts beyond the Seas when we had least of Commodities to make even the ballance there And lastly dearth and scarcity of corn which in time of plenty we ever found the best exchange to bring in silver And therefore since by Gods great Favour the Plague is ended and general Trade thereby restored and more of Plenty this year then hath been formerly these many years of corn we doubt not but if the Ports of Spain were now as free as they were of late there would not prove hereafter any cause to complain of the want of Bullion in the State The second cause that the mint remains unfurnished will be the charge of coynage raised in price so far above all other places constraining each man to carry his Bullion where he may receive by coynage the less of loss And therefore if it may please his Majesty to reduce the prices here to the Rates of other of our Neighbour Countreys there will be no doubt but the Mint will beat as heretofore Questions to be proposed to the Merchants Mint-Masters and Gold-Smiths Concerning the Alteration of the Silver Monies 1. VVHether the Englist monies now currant are not as dear as the Forreign of the Dollar and Reall of 8. in the intrinsick value in the usual exchanges now made by the merchants beyond-Seas 2. Whether this advancing will not cause all the Silver-Bullion that might be transported in mass or Forreign coyn to be minted with the King's stamp beyond-sea
second if looking upon the several rates of the Kings Lands exposed to Fee-farm sales we find some at 50. other at 21. years as to the late contracters and make out of these extreams a medium of the largest 40. years and set on the other side the Common and current estimate for dead Rents 15. years purchase We must find that 50 l. Land sold un-improved respectively to the like trebled by a Fee-farm will be 250. l. loss to his Majesty in the sale As for Regalities though it may adde somewhat to a Subject in increasing such his petty command it can nothing to a Sovereign whose transcendent power drown'd in it all such subordinate dependances regards But if we consider besides the former improvement the increase of casual advantage and diminution of certain charge we shall have just cause not to continue this course for if the Commissioners in this business may be ordered by instruction to reserve upon every Mannor of above 30. per Annum a tenure in Knight-service by half a Fee and of above 50. l. in Capite by an intire Fee and of the purchase to pay his Rent into the receipt himself half yearly and strike there his Tally the former will advance the revenue accidental of the Crown in Wardships primier seisin alienation and aides and the latter cut off at once so many their unnecessary Receivers Auditors Stewards Bayliffs and Clerks as stand the King in yearly above 12000. l. As for other dues or casual Revenues which now fall under the charge of these Officers the Collection and payment may be as it hath been with the rest from the time of Henry 2. until of late dayes laid on the Sheriffs of the Shire and all the accounts left to the 2. Auditors of the press to draw up and Clerk of the Pipe to enter in Magno rotulo as in former time for it must seem strange to all men of judgement that it should be with those Officers who had their beginning but since the 25 year of Henry 8. by addition of his new revenue of 150000. l. from the suppressed Monasteries otherwise then with all things in nature and reason Cessante Causa cessat effectus not to be discontinued when as all Crown-annexed lands that gave them their just imployment are for the most part passed from the Soveraign into the subjects possession Besides this of the general disposing in Fee-farm there hath been a project in particular to infranchise the Copy-holders in the several Mannors which I should hold to be of more prejudice to his Majesty then the others bringing with it all the former inconveniences loss of Fines Regalities and advantages of sale and being without many of the advantages as Wardships Primiers Seisein alienation and aids for no man will buy quillets but in soccage and discontinuance or Officers who must still remain though they can bring the King but little benefit Kings raise money and improve their Revenues by Farming out for years Lands casualties or wastes As in the 7. Henry 4. the State held it more just to help the King out of his own then to burthen the Common-Wealth and therefore gave way by Parliament to the King to improve up his Lands though in Lease provided that the Leassee should have refusal of the bargain if he would Edward 1. anno 2. granted a commission to farm out all such wastes Quod absque iniuria alterius fieri potest And in anno 15. asserted a great part of his Woods for rent and disforrested in most Counties of England for a summe of money they gave him And it was not the least of charitable thrift in the King to reduce much of his waste to habitation of Christians especially the remote Forrests which would increase many thousand Families for his service and bring many thousand pounds to his Coffers But in the carriage of this business there must be much caution to prevent commotion for in them there are many that have right of common sans nombre And the resolution in agreement with them must be suddain and confident for multitudes are jealous and inconstant And the instruments to effect this must be such as are neighbours interessed and popular not strangers And the first demise to the inhabitants and at under and easie values Kings raise money and improve the Revenues of their Crown by manuring of Lands Thus did Henry 3. anno 13. in removing out of most of his Parks as Gillingham Brigstock Cliff Woodstock Haverel c. all mens Cattle pro bobus pro Lardaria Regis in Parcis praedictis impinguendis And Edward 1. commanded all the Escheators in England Excolere seminare appropriare ad maximum Regis proficuum ownes terras quae regi coronae suae devenerint per mortem aliquorum vocationem Episcopatium c. KIngs raise money and improve the Revenues of their Crown By Merchandise 1. Trading themselves 2. Licencing others to trade in Commodities 3. Improving Customes Lawful or unlawful 1. Trading themselves Thus did Edward 1. anno 22. seise into his hands all the Wools in the Kingdome as the Merchants were lading them in the Ports giving them security of payment at a long day and a short price and then transporting them to his own best and readiest sale Thus did Edward 3. anno 12. with all the Tin And Henry 6. anno 20. by advice of his Councel took up by way of purveyance great store of Grain and transported it into Gascoigne where by reason of a dearth the price was extream In anno 31. he arrested all the Tin in Southampton and sold it to his own present use and in the year following using the advantage of the Statute which bound all men to trade the staple Commodities to no other place but Callâ—ce vented himself many Sacks of Wool to other Ports of better advantage And the late Queen anno 1567. causeth by warrant of Privy Seal a great proportion of Beer to be purveyed transported and sold to her use beyond the Seas KIngs raise money and improve the Revenue of their Crown By licencing others to trade Commodities Lawful Or Vnlawful 1. Lawfully but solely Thus did Henry 6. by approbation of Parliament with all the trade of Allome for two years granted to the Merchants of Southampton for 8000. 1. And again for the like sum to those of Genoway 2. Unlawful or Prohibited Thus did many of the Kings after such time as the heavy burthen of imposition began in the miserable necessity of Henry 3. called then by no better name then Maltolt and continued until the 15. year of Richard 2. by divers intermissions for then I find the last petition of many in Parliament against it was altogether taken away For when Richard 2. and his Successors found the Revenue lessened by the importunate cry of their People whereby impositions were laid aside they began to advise another supply out of the unbounded power
and old Customes at London for 1000. Markes monethly to be paid unto the Wardrobe The like he did anno 17. Richard 2. anno 20. letteth out for term of life the Subsidie of Cloth in divers Countries And Edward 4. anno 1. the subsidie and usuage of Cloth Thus did Henry 8. with his Customes and since his time the late Queen and our now Soveraign Master and it was so then in use in the best governed State Rome which let out portions and decim's to the Publicans KIngs raise money and improve the Revenues of the Crown By Regalities 1. Temporal as for Liberties Penalties of Lawes Letters of Favour 2. Mixt. Liberties In granting restraining or renewing them It is a course usual that Kings have raised in money by calling in question the Charters and Liberties of Corporations Leets Free-Warrens and other Royalties Thus did Richard 1. proclaiming Quod omnes chartae et confirmationes quae prioris sigilli impressione roberaverint irritae forent nisi posteriori sigillo roborentur And Henry 3. anno 10. enjoyned all qui suis volebant Libertatibus gaudere ut innovarent chartas suas de novo Regis sigillo getting money thereby Edward 1. by divers Commissions with articles called Articuli de Ragman annexed to them called in question about anno 70. all the liberties and freedomes of England Gilbert de Thorneton his Attorney putting information by Quo warranto against all persons as well bodies Politick as others whereby they were inforced anew to renew their Charters and Fines for their Liberties The like was in anno 13. Edward 3. in whose time anno 9. all clauses of allowances by Charter of Amerciaments Fines c. imposed by the Kings Ministers upon any of the Tenants of other men were adjudged void and the penalties made payable to the Kings Officers unless they made a new purchase of their Liberties And this was one of the usualest and easiest meanes to raise money from the People because it lighteth onely upon the best abilities And if there were now but 20. l. taken of every Corporation of every person that holdeth by Charter his Liberties 5.l for renewing them and of every one that claimeth by prescription 10. l. for purchase of a Charter all which would be easie and acceptable it would amount to above 100000. l. For penal Lawes that have been sometimes but with ill success wrought upon When Richard 2. anno 22. began this course appointing in all his Commissions and instructions Bushey onely to be of the Quorum for compounding with the Delinquents it wrought in the affection of his People such distaste that it grew the death of the one and deposition of the other No less fatal was the like to Empson and there is no string will sooner jâ—rre in the Common-Wealth then this if it be generally touched For Letters of Favâ—â—â— Either for mitigation of dispatch of Justice Of the first sort there be many found in Henry 6. and Edward 4. time sometimes of protection although by course of the Common Law none are warrantable but to such as are going in obsequium Regis or ibidem moraturi sometimes freeing men from Arrests by calling them up to appear before the Kings Councel Sometimes in causes highly criminal releiving the Prisoner in commanding the Judges to make stay of all proceeding upon supposal of indirect practises until the King was better informed Of the second sort there are many in Henry 7. time where the King hath taken money for writing to the Judges of Assize his Letters of Favour For Offices Thus did King John with the Chancellor-ship selling it for term of life to Gray for 5000. Markes divers offices now in the gift of the Master of the Rolls were engaged to the Chancellour and Treasurer of England as are to be found in Record of Henry 4. Henry 5. and Henry 6. to be passed by warrant of the Kings hand and upon some consideration And Henry 7. renewed this course using Dudley as his instrument to compound with Suitors of those and any other places And by that Record we find the Chancellor the Chief Justice the Keepers of most of the Records the Clerks of the Assizes and Peace the Masters of his Game and Parks and what else carrying either profit or reputation paid to the King some proportion of money for their places Neither is this different from the course of other States For in France Lewis 12. called the Father of his Country did so with all Offices not being of Judicature which his Successors did not forbear In Spain it is usual and Vasqui the Spanish Advocate defendeth the lawfulness of it And Charles the fifth prescribeth it to his Son as a rule in his last instruction drawing his ground of reason and conveniency from the example and practise of the See at Rome The like might be of all inferiour promotions that are or may be in the Kings gift whether Ecclesiastical or Temporal if they were after the true value in profit and reputation listed into rankes according to the several natures of their imployments respectively For Honours And that either by Power legal or Election Of the first it is only in respect of Land whereby every man is to fine when the King shall require that hath ability to be made a Knight and is not of this sort there be plenty of Examples The other out of choise and Grace as Hugo de Putiaco Bishop of Durham was by King Richard 1. created Earl of Northumberland for a great sum of money And I doubt not but many of these times would set their ambition at as high a price And for his Majesty now to make a degree of honour hereditary as Barronets next under Barons and grant them in tail taking of every one 1000. l. in fine it would raise with ease 100000. l. and by a judicious election be a meanes to content those worthy persons in the Common-Wealth that by the confused admission of many Knights of the Bath held themselves all this time disgraced For the Coine and Bullion By which although some Kings out of a last shift have seemed to relieve themselves yet was it in truth full of danger and distrust to the Common-wealth being an assured token of a bankrupt state and to the Prince in conclusion of most disadvantage For the Revenues of the Crown being commonly incertain Rents they must in true value howsoever in verbal sound be abated to the proportion that the Money shall be abased And every man will rate his Commodity in Sale not according to the accompt of pence or pounds but to the weight of pure Silver contained in the currant money As for example That which was before the decâ—ying of the Coine worth five shillings the pouud weight will if the allay be to the half be held at ten shillings and so in every proportion respectively For money is not meerly to be esteemed in respect of the Sculpture or Figure
great Debts high Engagements and present wants The noise whereof I wish may ever rest inclosed within these Walls For what an incouragement it may be to our Enemies and a disheartning to our Friends I cannot tell The danger of those if any they have been the cause is great and fearful It was no small motive to the Parliament in the time of Henry 3. to banish the Kings half-Brethren for procuring to themselves so large proportion of Crown Lands Gavâ—ston and Spencer for doing the like for themselves and their followers in Edward the 2. time and the Lady Vâ—ssy for procuring the like for her Brother Beaumont was banished the Court. Michael de la Poole was condemned the 20. of Richard 2. in Parliament amongst other Crimes for procuring Lands and Pensions from the King and having imployed the Subsidies to other ends then the grant intended His Grand-Child William Duke of Suffolk for the like was censured 28. Henry 6. The great Bishop of Winchester 50. Edward 3. was put upon the Kings mercy by Parliament for wasting in time of Peace the Revenues of the Crown and gifts of the People to the yearly oppression of the Common-VVealth Offences of this Nature were urged to the ruining of the Last Duke of Somerset in Edward 6. time More fearful Examples may be found too frequent in Records Such Improvidence and ill Council led Henry the third into so great a strait as after he had pawned some part of his Forreign Territories broke up his House and sought his Diet at Abbies and Religious houses ingaged not onely his own Iewels but those of the Shrine of Saint Edward at Westminster he was in the end not content but constrained to lay to pawne as some of his Successors after did Magnam Coronam Angliae the Crown of England To draw you out to life the Image of former Kings extremities I will tell you what I found since this Assembly at Oxford written by a Reverend man twice Vice-Chancellour of this place his name was Gascoign a man that saw the Tragedy of De la Poole He tells you that the Revenues of the Crown were so Rent away by ill Councel that the King was inforced to live de Tallagiis Populi That the King was grown in debt quinque centena millia librarum That his great Favourite in treating of a Forrieign Marriage had lost his Master a Forreign Dutchie That to work his ends he had caused the King to adjourn the Parliament in Villis remoti partibus Regni where few People propter dâ—fectum hospitii victualium could attend and by shifting that assembly from place to place to inform I will use the Authors words illos paucos qui remanebunt de Communitate Regin concedere Regi quamvispessima VVhen the Parliament endeavoured by an Act of Resumption the just and frequent way to repair the languishing State of the Crown for all from Henry 3. but one till the 6. of Henrry 8. have used it this great man told the King it was ad dedecus Regis and forced him from it To which the Commons answered although vexati laboribus expensis Quod nunquam concederent taxam Regi until by authority of Parliament râ—suâ—eret actualiter omnia pâ—rtinentia Coronae Anglioe And that it was magis ad dedecus Regis to leave so many poor men in intolerable VVant to whom the King stood then indebtad Yet nought could all good Councel work until by Parliament that bad great man was banished which was no sooner done but an Act of Resumption followed the inrollment of the Act of his Exilement That was a speeding Article against the Bishop of Winchester and his Brother in the time of Edward 3. that they had ingrossed the person of the King from his other Lords It was not forgotten against Gaveston and the Spencers in Edward 2. time The unhappy Ministers of Richard 2. Henry 6. and Edward 6. felt the weight to their Ruine of the like Errors I hope we shall not complain in Parliament again of such I am glad we have neither just cause or undutiful dispositions to appoint the King a Councel to redress those Errors in Parliament as those of the 42. H. 3. We do not desire as 5. H. 4. or 29. H. 6. the removing from about the King of evil Councellors We do not request a choise by name as 14. E. 3. 3. 5. 11. R. 2. 8. H. 4. or 31. H. 6. nor to swear them in Parliament as 35 E. 1. 9. E. 2. or 5. R. 2. or to line them out their directions of rule as 43. H. 3. and 8. H. 6. or desire that which H. 3. did promise in his 42. year se actâ—oâ—nia per assensum Magnatum de Concilio suo electorum sine eor assensu nihil We only in loyal duty offer up our humble desires that since his Majesty hath with advised Judgement elected so wise religious worthy Servants to attend him in that high imployemnt he will be pleased to advise with them together a way of remedy for those disasters in State led in by long security and happy peace and not with young and single Councel A SPEECH Made by Sir ROB. COTTON Knight and Baronet before the Lords of his Majesties most Honourable PRIVYCOVNCEL At the Councel Table being thither called to deliver his Opinion touching The ALTERATION OF COYNE 2. Sept. Annoque Regni Regis Caroli 2. LONDON Printed in the Year 1672 A SPEECH Touching the ALTERATION OF COYNE My LORDS SInce it hath pleased this Honourable Table to command amongst others my poor Opinion concerning this weighty Proposition of money I must humbly ctave pardon if with that Freedome that becomes my duty to my good and gratious Master and my obedience to your great command I deliver it so up I cannot my good Lords but assuredly conceive that this intended Project of enhauncing the Coyne will trench both into the Honour the Justice and the Profit of my Royal Master very farre All Estates do stand Mag is Famâ quam Vi as Tacitus saith of Rome and Wealth in every Kingdome is one of the Essential marks of their Greatness and that is best expressed in the Measure and Puritie of their Monies Hence was it that so lohg as the Roman Empire a Pattern of best Government held up their Glory and Greatness they ever maintained with little or no charge the Standard of their Coine But after the loose times of Commodus had led in Need by Excess and so that Shift of Changing the Standard the Majesty of that Empire fell by degrees And as Vopiscus saith the steps by which that State descended were visibly known most by the gradual alteration of their Coine And there is no surer Symptome of a Consumption in State then the corruption in money What renown is left to the Posterity of Edward the first in amending the Standard both in purity and weight from that of elder and more barbarous times must stick