and honorable voyage vnto Cadiz the vanquishing of part of the king of Spaines Armada the destruction of the rich West Indian Fleete the chasing of so many braue and gallant Gallies the miraculous winning sacking and burning of that almost impregnable citie of Cadiz the surprising of the towne of Faraon vpon the coast of Portugal and other rare appendances of that enterprise because they be hereafter so iudicially set downe by a very graue and learned Gentleman which was an eye witnesse in all that action I referre your good L. to his faithfull report wherein I trust as much as in him lay he hath wittingly depriued no man of his right Vpon these and other the like considerations I thought it fit and very conuenient to commend with all humilitie and reuerence this first part of our English Voiages Discoueries vnto your Honors fauourable censure and patronage And here by the way most humbly crauing pardon and alwayes submitting my poore opinion to your Lordships most deep and percing insight especially in this matter as being the father and principall fauourer of the English Nauigation I trust it shall not be impertinent in passing by to point at the meanes of breeding vp of skilfull Sea-men and Mariners in this Realme Sithence your Lordship is not ignorant that ships are to litle purpose without skilfull Sea-men and since Sea-men are not bred vp to perfection of skill in much lesse time as it is said then in the time of two prentiships and since no kinde of men of any profession in the common wealth passe their yeres in so great and continuall hazard of life and since of so many so few grow to gray heires how needfull it is that by way of Lectures and such like instructions these ought to haue a better education then hitherto they haue had all wise men may easily iudge When I call to minde how many noble ships haue bene lost how many worthy persons haue bene drenched in the sea and how greatly this Realme hath bene impouerished by losse of great Ordinance and other rich commodities through the ignorance of our Sea-men I haue greatly wished there were a Lecture of Nauigation read in this Citie for the banishing of our former grosse ignorance in Marine causes and for the increase and generall multiplying of the sea-knowledge in this age wherein God hath raised so generall a desire in the youth of this Realme to discouer all parts of the face of the earth to this Realme in former ages not knowen And that it may appeare that this is no vaine fancie nor deuise of mine it may please your Lordship to vnderstand that the late Emperour Charles the fift considering the rawnesse of his Sea-men and the manifolde shipwracks which they susteyned in passing and repassing betweene Spaine and the West Indies with an high reach and great foresight established not onely a Pilote Maior for the examination of such as sought to take charge of ships in that voyage but also founded a notable Lecture of the Art of Nauigation which is read to this day in the Contractation house at Siuil The readers of which Lecture haue not only carefully taught and instructed the Spanish Mariners by word of mouth but also haue published sundry exact and worthy treatises concerning Marine causes for the direction and incouragement of posteritie The learned works of three of which readers namely of Alonso de Chauez of Hieronymo de Chauez and of Roderigo Zamorano came long ago very happily to my hands together with the straight and seuere examining of all such Masters as desire to take charge for the West Indies Which when I first read and duely considered it seemed to mee so excellent and so exact a course as I greatly wished that I might be so happy as to see the like order established here with vs. This matter as it seemeth tooke no light impression in the royall brest of that most renowmed and victorious prince King Henry the eight of famous memory who for the increase of knowledge in his Sea-men with princely liberalitie erected three seuerall Guilds or brotherhoods the one at Deptford here vpon the Thames the other at Kingston vpon Hull and the third at Newcastle vpon Tine which last was established in the 28. yeere of his reigne The chiefe motiues which induced his princely wisedome hereunto him selfe expresseth in maner following Vt magistri marinarij gubernatores alij officiarij nauium iuuentutem suam in exercitatione gubernationis nauium transigentes mutilati aut aliquo alio casu in paupertatem collapsi aliquod releâ—amen ad eorum sustentationem habeant quo non solùm illi reficiantur verùmetiam alij iuuenes moueantur instigentur ad candem artem exercendam ratione cuius doctiores aptiores fiant nauibus alijs vasis nostris aliorum quorumcúnque in Mare gubernandis manutenendis tam pacis quà m belli tempore cum opus postulet c. To descend a litle lower king Edward the sixt that prince of peerelesse hope with the aduise of his sage and prudent Counsaile before he entred into the Northeasterne discouery aduanced the worthy and excellent Sebastian Cabota to be grand Pilot of England allowing him a most bountifull pension of 166 li.vj.s.viij.d by the yeere during his life as appeareth in his Letters Patents which are to be seene in the third part of my worke And if God had granted him longer life I doubt not but as he delt most royally in establishing that office of Pilote Maior which not long after to the great hinderance of this Common wealth was miserably turned to other priuate vses so his princely Maiestie would haue shewed himselfe no nigard in erecting in imitation of Spaine the like profitable Lecture of the Art of Nauigation And surely when I considered of late the memorable bountie of sir Thomas Gresham who being but a Merchant hath founded so many chargeable Lectures and some of them also which are Mathematicall tending to the aduancement of Marine causes I nothing doubted of your Lordships forwardnes in settling and establishing of this Lecture but rather when your Lordship shall see the noble and rare effects thereof you will be heartily sory that all this while it hath not bene erected As therefore our skill in Nauigation hath hitherto bene very much bettered and increased vnder the Admiraltie of your Lordship so if this one thing be added thereunto together with seuere and straight discipline I doubt not but with Gods good blessing it will shortly grow to the hiest pitch and top of all perfection which whensoeuer it shall come to passe I assure my selfe it will turne to the infinite wealth and honour of our Countrey to the prosperous and speedy discouery of many rich lands and territories of heathens and gentiles as yet vnknowen to the honest employment of many thousands of our idle people to the great comfort and reioycing of our friends to the terror daunting and confusion of our foes
Russia to Boghar in Bactria Anno 1558. 324. 24 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson through Russia and ouer the Caspian sea into Persia Anno 1561. 343. 25 The voyage of Thomas Alcock George Wrenne and Richard Cheyney seruants vnto the Company of Moscouy Merchants in London into Persia Anno 1563. 353. 26 The voyage of Richard Iohnson Alexander Kitchin and Arthur Edwards seruants to the foresaid company into Persia Anno 1565. 354. 27 The voyage of Thomas Southam and Iohn Sparke by land and riuer from Colmogro to Nouogrod in Russia Anno 1566. 365. 28 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the third time Anno 1566. 372. 29 The voyage of Arthur Edwards Agent for the Moscouy company Iohn Sparke Laurence Chapman Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle seruants into Persia An. 1568. 389. 30 The voyage of Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouy Company into Persia the fift time Anno 1569. 394. 31 The voyage of William Burrough Captaine of 13. English ships to the Narue in Liefland Anno 1570. 401. 32 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the fourth time Anno 1571. 402. 33 The voyage of Christopher Burrough into Persia the sixt time Anno 1579. 419. 34 The voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman sent to discouer the Northeast seas beyond the Iland of Vaigats Anno 1580. 445. 35 The voyage of Master Ierome Horsey ouer land from Mosco in Russia to England Anno 1584. 469,470 36 A voyage to the Northeast performed by certaine Russes and translated out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein 492. 37 A voyage to Sibier and the Riuer of Ob by land declared in a letter written to Gerardus Mercator 510,511 512. 38 The vanquishing of the Spanish Armada Anno 1588. 591. 39 The honourable voyage to Cadiz Anno 1596. 607. ¶ The Ambassages Treatises Priuiledges Letters and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages of this first Volume 1 TWo testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history of the Kings of Brittaine concerning the conquests of King Arthur pagina 1. 2 A testimony of M. Lambard in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching the right and appendances of the Crowne of the kingdome of Britaine pag. 2. 3 A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie 10. 4 The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports 17. 5 Libellus historicus Iohannis de Plano Carpini 21. 6 Part of the great Charter graunted by King Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque Ports 117. 7 The rolle of the huge Fleete of Edward the thirde before Caleis 118. 8 The summe of expences layde out in the siege of Caleis 121. 9 A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the thirde his huge Fleete of 1100. ships wherewith he passed ouer vnto Caleis Anno 1359. 121. 10 Certaine verses of Geffrey Chaucer concerning the long Voyages and valiant exploits of the English knights in his dayes 124. 11 A testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus prouing London to haue bene a famous Mart-towne in the raigne of Nero the Emperour 124. 12 A testimony out of venerable Beda proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffique in his time 125. 13 The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning the safe trade of English Merchants 125. 14 An ancient testimony translated out of the olde Saxon Lawes conteyning the aduancement of Merchants for their thrice crossing the wide seas 120. 15 A testimony of certaine Priuileges obteined for the English and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England 126. 16 The flourâ—shing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the dayes of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis 227. 17 A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning traffique to Bristow in his time 127. 18 The league betweene Henry the second and Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany partly touching trade of Merchandise 128. 19 A generall safe conduct granted by King Iohn to all forreine Merchants 129. 20 The letters of King Henry the thirdâ— vnto Haquinus king of Norwey 129,130 21 A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called The Cog. 130. 22 A Charter granted for the behalfe of the Merchants of Colen in the 20. yeere of Henry the thirde 131. 23 The Charter of Lubeck granted for seuen yeeres in the time of Henry the third 131,132 24 A Charter of the Merchants of Almaine or the Stilyard-merchants 132. 25 A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish Merchants 133. 26 King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to forreine Merchants Anno Dom. 1303. 133. 27 The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning certain English Merchants arrested in Norway 138. 28 Another letter of Edw. the second vnto the said Haquinus for the merchants aforesaid 139. 29 A third letter of King Edward the second to the said Haquinus in the behalfe of our English merchants 140. 30 An Ordinance for the Staple to be holden at one certaine place 142,143 31 A Catalogue of the great Masters of Prussia 144. 32 The Oration or speach of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second king of England 148. 33 An agreement made by the Ambassadours of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second 150. 34 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia vnto Rich. the second 153. 35 A briefe relation of William Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their Ambassages into Prussia and to the Hans-townes 154. 36 Certaine Articles of complaint exhibited by the Liuonians 156. 37 Other complaints exhibited by the Cities of the Hans 156. 38 Compositions and Ordinances concluded betweene the Ambassadours of Prussia and the Chanceller and Treasurer of England Anno 1403. 157. 39 The letters of the Chanceller and Treasurer of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 158. 40 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia for entercourse of traffique 159. 41 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen vnto king Henry the fourth 160. 42 An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen 161. 43 An agreement betweene king Henry the fourth and the Hans-townes 164. 44 A testimonie out of Albertus Krantzius concerning the surprise of Bergen in Norway wherein 21. houses of the English merchants were burnt 169. 45 The grieuances and offences whereat the merchants of the Hans found themselues agrieued 171. 46 A letter of Henry the fourth king of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 175. 47 A letter of Werneherus de Tettingen commander in Elbing vnto sir William Sturmy Ambassadour vnto king Henry the fourth Together with an other letter of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen master of Prussia 176. 48 The letters of Vlricus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia signifying vnto king Henry the 4. that he was contented
wit or industrie can be contriued to al purposes sufficient but only by our seaforces preuailing and so by our inuincible enioying al within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained To which incredible political mysterie attaining no easier readier or perfecter plat and introduction is as yet come to my imagination then is the present and continuall seruice of threescore good and tall warlike ships with twentie smaller barkes and those 80. ships great and smal with 6660. apt men furnished and all singularly well appointed for seruice both on sea and land faithfully and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet order as partly I haue in other places declared and further vpon good occasion offered may declare This grand nauie of peaceable king Edgar of so many thousand ships and they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the least with all the finall intents of those sea forces so inuincible continually mainteined the order of the execution of their seruice the godly and Imperial successe thereof are in a maner kingly lessons and prophetical incouragements to vs left euen now to bee as prouident for publique securitie as he was to be as skilful of our sea right and royal limits and wisely to finde our selues as able to recouer and enioy the same as he was who could not chuse but with the passing and yeerely sayling about this Brittish Albion with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round about it he could not chuse I say but by such ful and peaceable possession find himselfe according to right and his hearts desire the true and soueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean enuironing any way his empire of Albion and Ireland with the lesser Islands next adiacent with memorial whereof as with one very precious iewel Imperial hee adorned the title and crowne of his regalitie as with the testimonie annexed of the states and nobles of his Empire to commit to perpetuall memorie the stile of his chiefe worldly dignitie in this very tenor of words before also remembred Ego AEdgarus Anglorum Basileus omniúmque Regum Insularum Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis cunctarúmque nationum quae infra eam includuntur Imperator Domiâ—us The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Edmund Ironside into Hungarie Anno D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigâ—rniensis pag. 391. DEdit consilium Edricus Canuto regi vt clitunculos Eadwardum Eadmundum regis Eadmundifilios necaret Sed quia magnum dedecus sibi videbatur vtin Anglia perimerentur paruo elapso tempore ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit Qui licèt foedus esset inter cos precibus illius nullatenùs voluit acquiescere sedillos ad regem Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitae que reseruandos Quorum vnus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis ibidem vitam finiuit Eadwardus verò Agatham filiam Germani Imperatoris Henriciin matrimonium accepit ex qua Margaretam Scotorum reginam Christinam Sanctimonialem Clitonem Eadgarum suscepit The same in English EDric counselled king Kanutus to murther the yong princes Edward and Edmund the sonnes of King Edmund But because it seemed a thing very dishonourable vnto him to haue them put to death in England hee sent them after a short space vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine Who albeit there was a league betweene them would in no case condescend vnto Canutus his bloody request but sent them vnto Salomon the king of Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue The one whereof namely Edmund in processe of time there deceased But Edward receiued to wife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour Henry of whom he begot Margaret the Queene of the Scots and Christina a Nunne and Clito Edgar A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie IN the yeere of our Lord 1066. Edward King of England of famous memory deceased whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome against which Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stainford bridge where the English winning the fielde put all the Noruegians to flight out of which flight one Godredus sirnamed Crouan the sonne of Harald the blacke who had before time fled out of Island repaired vnto Godred sonne of Syrric who then reigned in Man and was right friendly and honourably enterteined by him In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued England and Godred the sonne of Syrric king of Man deceased after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships and sailed vnto Man and giuing battell vnto the people of the countrey was vanquished and put to flight The second time also hauing gathered his armie and ships together hee came vnto Man fought with the inhabitants lost the victorie and was chaced away Yea the third time he assembled a great multitude and comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa hid 300. of his men in a wood standing vpon the side of the hill called Scacasel The Sunne was no sooner vp but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred And in the midst of the skirmish the foresaid 300. men rising out of their ambush and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians molested them so sore that they were enforced to flie But when they saw y t they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the riuer of Ramsa and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side they which remained with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their liues Then hee being mooued with compassion and pitying their extreme calamitie because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished among them sounded a retreat and forâ—ad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit The day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice whether they would diuide Man among themselues and inhabite it or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey and so returne vnto their owne home Howbeit it pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with the commodities thereof and so to returne from whence they came Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him tooke possession of the South part of the Island and vnto the remnant of the Manâ—ians he granted the North part thereof vpon condition that none of them should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the said ground by title of inheritance Whereupon it commeth to passe that vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple and that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe a great part of Lainestir And he so tamed the Scots that none of them durst build a ship or a boate with aboue three yron nailes in it Hee reigned 16. yeeres and died in the Island called
would withholde from him all other gold within the earth I sawe some of those people being very deformed creatures In Tangut I saw lusly tall men but browne and smart in colour The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish and Comanian languages Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards Also they haue iackets like vnto the vpper vestment of a deacon sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat and is so trimmed that it glittereth in the sunne beames like vnto a glasse or an helmet well burnished And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters which houer in the wind as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length and a handfull in breadth being very smoothe And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe or vnto any other great personage hee alwayes beheld that table as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand nor to the lefte nor vpon his face with whom he talked Yea going too and fro before his lord he looketh no where but only vpon his table Beyond theÌ„ as I vnderstand of a certainty there are other people called Muc hauing villages but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droâ—es of cattell in their countrey no man appointed to keepe them But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill and there maketh a shout and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse come flocking about him and suffer themselues to be handled and taken as if they were tame And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie they shut him vp into an house ministring there things necessary vnto him vntill his businesse he dispatched For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him and so would become wilde Beyond Muc is great Cathâ—ya the inhabitants whereof as I suppose were of olde time called Seres For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke And this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey I was crediblie informedâ— that in the said countrey there is one towne hauing walles of siluer and bulwarkes or towers of golde There be many prouinces in that land the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars And amongst * Somewhat is wanting Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror William Rufus Henry the second king Richard the first king Iohn and Henry the third continued vnto them EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Gascoigne to all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Shirifs Prouosts Officers to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England truly to be continued in time to come we haue granted by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires to the same our Barons and to their heires all their liberties and freedomes So that they shall be free from all toll and from all custome that is to say from all lastage tollage passage cariage riuage asponsage and from all wrecke and from all their sale carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion with socke and souke toll and theme And that they shall haue Infangthefe and that they shall be wreckefree lastagefree and louecopfree And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth according as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds so that if any person will plead against them they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord king Henrie our great grandfather And that they shall haue their findeâ—â—es in the sea and in the land And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen And that they haue their honours in our court and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid except any of the same Barons doe implead any man or if any man be impleaded And that they shall not pleade in any other place except where they ought and where they were wont that is to say aâ— Shepeway And that they haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England Edward William the first William the second Henrie the king our great grandfatherâ— and in the times of king Richard and king Iohn our grandfathers and lord king Henrie our father by their Charters as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue and which we haue seene doe reasonably testifie And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds So neuerthelesse that when the same Barons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice our Warden and the
wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes which for the time shall be their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce or at the somounce of our heires We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd in the same maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their monours in the countie of Kent And they be not put in any Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise that is to say of one tunne before the mast and of another behind the maste We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires that they for euer haue this liberty that is to say That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde and our grants following to them of our especiall grace of newe haue caused to be made sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie And sauing vnto vs and to our heires plea of our crowne life and member Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent And that they be not put in Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste and of another tunne behinde the maste And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde that is to say That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd for which they doe their seruice aforesaid and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd These being witnesses the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England William of Valencia our vncle Roger of the dead sea Roger of Clifford Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding Master Robert of Seyton Bartholomew of Southley Thomas of Wayland Walter of Hoptan Thomas of Normannel Steuen of Pennester Frances of Bonaua Iohn of Lenetotes Iohn of Metingham and others Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune in the sixth yeare of our reigne The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice extant in the kings great wardrobe in London whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare The South fleete The Kings Shippes 25. Mariners 419. London Shippes 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Hoo Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Shippes 2. Mariners 51. Hope Shippes 2. Mariners 59. New Hithe Shippes 5. Mariners 49. Margat Shippes 15. Mariners 160. Motue Shippes 2. Mariners 22. Feuersham Shippes 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Douer Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. Lyme Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plimouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9. Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. SouthhaÌ„pton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9. Mariners 159 Poole Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59. Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. Iâ—fercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. Summe of the South fleete Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleete Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9. Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. Yorke Ships 1. Mariners 9. Rauenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Strâ—khithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Summe of the North fleete Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The summe totall of all the English fleete Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spayne Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The summe of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805.
THe summe of expenses aswell of wages prests as for the expenses of the kings houses and for other gifts and rewards shippes and other things necessary to the parties of France and Normandie and before Calice during the siege there as it appeareth in the accompts of William Norwel keeper of the kings Wardrobe from the 21. day of April in the 18 yeere of the reigne of the said king vnto the foure and twentieth day of Nouember in the one and twentieth yeere of his reigne is iii. hundreth xxxvii thousand li. ix s iiii d. A note out of Thomas Walsingham touching the huge Fleete of eleuen hundred well furnished ships wherewith king Edward the third passed ouer vnto Calais in the yeere 1359. ANno gratiae 1359. Iohannes Rex Franciae sub vmbra pacis dolose obtulit Regi Angliae Flandriam Picardiam Aquitaniam aliasque terras quas equitauerat vastarat pro quibus omnibus ratificandis idem Rex Edwardus in Franciam nuncios suos direxit quibus omnibus Franci contradixerunt Vnde motus Rex Anglie celeriter se suos praeparauit ad transfretandum ducens secum principem Walliae Edwardum suum primogenitum ducem Henricum Lancastrie ferè proceres omnes quos comitabantur vel sequebaÌ„tur poene mille currusâ— habuirque apud Sanwicum instructas optime vndecies centum naues cum hoc apparatu ad humiliandum Francorum fastum Franciam nauigauit relicto domino Thoma de Wooodstock filio suo iuniore admodum paruulo Anglici regni custode sub tutela tamen The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 1359. Iohn the French king craftily and vnder pretence of peace offered vnto Edward the third king of England Flanders Picardie Gascoigne and other territories which he had spoyled and wasted for the ratifying of which agreement the foresaid king Edward sent his ambassadors into France but the Frenchmen gain saied them in all their articles and demaunds Whereupon the king of England being prouoked speedily prepared himselfe and his forces to crosse the seas carying with him Edward Prince of Wales his heire apparant and Henry duke of Lancaster and almost all his Nobles with a thousand wagons and cartes attending vpon them And the said king had at Sandwich eleuen hundred ships exceedingly well furnished with which preparation he passed ouer the seas to abate the Frenchmens arrogancie leauing his yonger sonne Thomas of Woodstocke being very tender of age as his vicegerent in the Realme of England albeit not without a protectour c. The voyage of Nicholas de Lynna a Franciscan Frier and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions situate vnder the North pole in the yeere 1360. and in the raigne of Edward the 3. king of England QVod ad descriptionem partium Septentrionalium attinet eam nos accipimus ex Itinerario Iacobi Cnoyen Buscoducensis qui quaedam exrebus gestis Arthuri Britanni citat maiorem autem partem potiora à Sacerdote quodam apud Regem Noruegiae An. Dom. 1364. didicit Descenderat is ex illis quos Arthurus ad has habitandas insulas miserat referebat An. 1360. Minoritam quendam Anglum Oxoniensem Mathematicum in eas insulas venisse ipsisque relictis ad vlteriora arte Magica profectuÌ„ descripsisse omnia Astrolabio dimensum esse in hanc subiectam formam ferè vti ex Iacobo collegimus Euripos illos quatuor dicebat tanto impetu ad interiorem voraginem rapi vt naues semel ingressae nullo vento retroagi possent nequè verò vnquam tantum ibi ventum esse vt molae frumentarie circumagendae sufficiat Simillima his habet Giraldus Cambrensis qui floruit An. 1210. in libro de mirabilibus Hyberniae sic enim scribit Non procul ab insulis Hebridibus Islandia c. ex parte Boreali est maris quae dam miranda vorago in quam à remotis partibus omnes vndique fluctus marinitanquam ex condicto fluunt recurrunt qui in secreta naturae penetralia se ibi transfundentes quasi in Abyssum vorantur Si verò nauem hâc fortè transire contigerit tanta rapitur attrahitur fluctuum violentia vt eam statim irreuocabiliter vis voracitatis absorbeat Quatuor voragines huius Oceani a quatuor oppositis mundi partibus Philosophi describunt vnde â—am marinos fluctus quà m AEolicos flatus causaliter peruenire nonnulli coniectant The same in English TOuching the description of the North partes I haue taken the same out of the voyage of Iames Cnoyen of Hartzeuan Buske which alleageth certaine conquests of Arthur king of Britaine and the most part and chiefest things among the rest he learned of a certaine priest in the king of Norwayes court in the yeere 1364. This priest was descended from them which king Arthur had sent to inhabite these Islands and he reported that in the yeere 1360 a certaine English Frier a Franciscan and a Mathematician of Oxford came into those Islands who leauing them and passing further by his Magicall Arte described all those places that he sawe and tooke the height of them with his Astrolabe according to the forme that I Gerard Mercator haue set downe in my mappe and as I haue taken it out of the aforesaid Iames Cnoyen Hee sayd that those foure Indraughts were drawne into an inward gulfe or whirlepoole with so great a force that the ships which once entred therein could by no meanes be driuen backe againe and that there is neuer in those parts so much winde blowing as might be sufficient to driue a Corne mill Giraldus Cambrensis who florished in the yeere 1210 vnder king Iohn in his booke of the miracles of Ireland hath certaine words altogether alike with these videlicet Not farre from these Islands namely the Hebrides Island c. towards the North there is a certaine woonderful whirlpoole of the sea whereinto all the waues of the sea from farre haue their course and recourse as it were without stoppe which there conueying themselues into the secret receptacles of nature are swallowed vp as it were into a bottomlesse pit and if it chance that any shippe doe passe this way it is pulled and drawen with such a violence of the waues that eftsoones without remedy the force of the whirlepoole deuoureth the same The Philosophers describe foure indraughts of this Ocean sea in the foure opposite quarters of the world from whence many doe coniecture that as well the flowing of the sea as the blasts of the winde haue their first originall A Testimonie of the learned Mathematician master Iohn Dee touching the foresaid voyage of Nicholas De Linna ANno 1360. that is to wit in the 34. yeere of the reigne of the triumphant king Edward the third a frier of Oxford being a good Astronomer went in companie with others to the most Northren Islands of the world and there leauing his company together hee trauailed alone
and purposely described all the Northerne Islands with the indrawing seas and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata aliter fortunae qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither and home againe It is to be noted that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name to Island it is not aboue a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade which further appeareth by the priuileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels recorded by Thomas of Walsingham DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe captis quatuor ducibus tribus peremptis amplius quam trecentis de valentioribus exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis Ciuitas quoque vocatur Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè aâ—que suorum capta est Namque qui fuerunt de famâ—lia sâ— primi murum ascenderant vexillum ejus super muros caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus posuerunt Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto qui aduersarius nostri fuitâ— Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas Sed propter infirmitates quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum The same in English ABout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia where with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince and of a certaine king called Wytot hee vanquished the armie of the king of Lettowe with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes and the slaughter of three besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard was by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers surprised and taken For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent skaling the walles aduanced his colours thereupon And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother who was our professed enemie And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues The voyage of Thomas of VVoodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham EOdem tempore dux Glouerniae Dominus Thomas de Woodstock multis moerentibus iter apparauit versùs le Pruys quem non Londinensium gemitus non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant quiâ— proficisci vellet Nam plebs communis tà m Vrbana quà m rustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret quo praesente nihil tale timebant Siquidèm in eo spes solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur Ipse verò mòx vt fines patriae suae transijt illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna nunc hà c nunc illà c turbinibus procellosis circumfertur in tantum destituitur vt de vita etiam desperaret Tandem post Daciam post Norwagiam post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam peruenit Northumbriam ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy magnum apportans gaudium toti regno tam de ejus euasione quà m de aduentu suo The same in English AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock the yongest sonne of Edward the third to the great griefe of many tooke his iourney towards Prussia whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen which they feared not while he was present For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests and was brought into such distresse that he despaired euen of his owne life At length hauing not without danger of death sailed along the coastes of Denmarke Norway and Scotland he returned into Northumberland and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him where after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne The verâ—es of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue who liuing in the yeere 1402. as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe and other heathen lands to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants and to seeke honour by feats of armes The English Knights Prologue A Knight there was and that a worthie man that from the time that he first began to riden out he loued Cheualrie trouth honour freedome and Curtesie full worthy was he in his lords warre and thereto had hee ridden no man farre As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse and euer had honour for his worthinesse At Alisandre hee was when it was wonne full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce In Lettowe had hee riden and in
Kingdome and buy and sell in the Citie of London Wherefore we will and firmely command for vs and our heires that the forenamed Marchants of Colen may enioy the liberties and free priuiledges aboue-mentioned throughout our whole kingdome of England as is aforesaid Witnesses the reuerend father Walter Bishop of Carlil William de Ferarijs Gilbert Basset Walter de Beau-champ Hugh Disspenser Walter Marescal Geofrie Disspensser Bartholomew Peach Bartholomew de Saukeuill and others Giuen by the hand of the reuerend father Ralph Bishop of Chichester and our Chauncellour at Dauintre the eight day of Nouember in the twentieth yeere of our reigne Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa Anno 41. Henrici 3. HEnricus dei gracia Rex Angliae dominus Hiberniae dux Normanniae Aquitaniae Comes Andegauiae omnibus Balliuis suis salutem Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti fidelis fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubiae in Regem Romanorum electi suscepisse in protectionem defensionem nostram saluum securum conductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent vel facient deferri Et eis concessimus quod de omnibus rebus mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad opus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem corundem sed libere vendant negocientur inde in Regno praedicto prout sibi viderint expedite Et ideo vobis mandamus quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo in terram nostram cum rebus mercandisis suis ibidem morando inde recedendo nullum inseratis aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentum aut grauamen Nec eos contra quietantiam praedictam vexetis aut ab alijs vexari permittatis In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes per septennium durantes Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses interim bene fideliter se habuerint erga praefatum electum fratrem nostrum Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vndecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostri quadragesimo primo Haec litera duplicata est pro Burgensibus mercatoribus Dacis Brunswig Lubek The same in English The charter of Lubek granted for seuen yeeres obtained in the one and fortieth yeere of Henry the third HEnry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine and Earle of Anjou to all his Bailifs sendeth greeting Know ye that at the instant request of our welbeloued and trusty brother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late elected king of the Romanes we haue receiued vnder our protection and defence and vnder our safe and secure conduct the citizens of Lubek in Alemain with all their goods and wares which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our kingdome We haue also granted vnto them that of all their goods and merchandize nothing shal be seized vnto the vse of our selues or of any other without their owne consent but that they may freely sell and exercise traffike therewith according as they shall thinke expedient And therefore we straightly command you that neither your selues do offer nor that you permit any other to offer any impediment or molestation vnto the said Burgers or vnto their messengers either at their comming into our land with their goods and marchandize in the time of their abode there or at their departure from thence and that yee neither molest them your selues nor yet suffer them by others to be molested contrary to the aforesaid Charter In testimonie whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made Patents during the space of seuen yeeres next following Prouided that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane time behaue themselues well and faithfully towards our foresaid elected brother Witnesse our selues at Westminster the eleuenth day of March in the one and fortieth yeere of our reigne This Letter was doubled namely for the Burghers and the Marchants of Denmarke of Brunswig and of Lubecke Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanniae qui habent domum in London quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur Anno 44. Henriciterty Anno primo 29. Edwardi primi renouata confirmata AD instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimi fratris nostri concedimus mercatoribus Alemanniae illis videlicet qui habent domum in Ciuitate nostra London quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur quod eos vniuersos manutenebimus per totum RegnuÌ„ nostrum in omnibus ijsdem libertatibus liberis consuetudinibus quibus ipsi nostris progenitorum nostrorum temporibus vsi sunt gauisi Ipsosque extra huiâ—sinodi libertates liberas consuetudines non trahemus nec trahi aliquatenus permittemus In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes The same in English A charter for the Marchants of Almaine who haue an house at London commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch graunted in the 44. yeere of Henry the third renued and confirmed in the 1. 29. yeere of Edward the first AT the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of the Romanes our most deare brother wee doe graunt vnto the Marchants of Alemain namely vnto those that haue an house in our citie of London commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants that we will throughout our whole Realme maintaine all and euery of them in all those liberties and free customes which both in our times and in the times of our progenitors they haue vsed and enioyed Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and free customes nor in any wife permit them to be inforced In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatoribus alienigenis MErcatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in ciuitate London c. infra quadraginta dies post ingressum suum anno 3. Edwardi primi The same in English A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish marchants VVE will and command that outlandish marchants doe sel their wares in the citie of London c. within forty dayes of their arriuall The great Charter granted vnto forreine marchants by king Edward the first in the 31 yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta mercatoria Anno Domini 1303. EDwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae dux Aquitaniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus Iustitiarijs Vicecomitibus praepositis ministris omnibus balliuis fidelibus suis salutem Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscriptorum regnorum terrarum prouinciatum videlicet Alemanniae Franciae Hispaniae Protugalliae Nauarrae Lombardiae Thusciae Prouincie Cataloniae ducatus nostri Aquitaniae Tholosanie Caturluni Flandriae Brabantie omnium aliarum terrarum locorum extraneorum quocunque nomine censeantur venientium in regnum nostrum Anglie ibidem
quod adducent vel adduci facient infra regnum potestatem nostram vnde marinarijs fretum soluere tenebuntur soluent nobis haeredibus nostris nomine Custumae duos solidos vltra antiquas custumas debitas in denarijs solui consuetas nobis aut alias infra quadraginta dies postquam extra naues ad terram posita fuerint dicta vina Item de quolibet sacco lanarum quem dicti mercatores aut alij nomine ipsorum ement è regno educeÌ„t aut emi educi facient soluent quadraginta denarios de incremeÌ„to vltra custumam antiquam dimidie marce quae prius fuerat persoluta Et pro lasta coriorum extra regnum potestatem nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id quod ex antiqua custuma ante soluebatur Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios vltra certum illud quod de antiqua custuma â—uerat prius datum Item duos â—olidos de quolâ—bet scarlato panno tincto in grano Item decem octo denarios de quolibet panno in quo pars grani fuerit intermixta Item duodecem denaâ—ios de quolibet panno alâ—o sine grano Item doudecem denarios de qualibet aeris quintalla Cumque de praefatis mercatoribus nonnulli eorum alias exercere soleant mercandisas vt de Auerio ponderis de alijs rebus subtilibus sicut de pannis Tarsensibus de setico cindallis de sera alijs diuersis mercibus de equis etiam alijs animalibus blado alijs rebus mercandisis multimodis que ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt ijdem mercatores concesserunt dare nobis heredibus nostris de qualiber libra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum mercandisarum huiusmodi quocunque nomine censeantor â—â—es denarios de libra in introitu rerum mercandisarum ipsarum in regnum potestatem nostram praedictâ—m infra viginti dies postquam huiusmodi res mercandisae in regnum potestatem nostram adductae etiam ibidem exoneratae seu venditae fuerint Et similiter tres denarios de qualibet libra argenti in eductione quarum cunque reâ—um mercandisarum huiusmodi emptarum in regno potestate nostris praedictis vltra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas Et super valore estimatione rerum mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libra argenti sicut praedicitur sunt soluendi credatur eis per literas quas de Dominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt Et si literas non habeant stetur in hac parte praedictorum mercatorum si presentes fuerint vel valetorum suorum in corundem mercantorum absentia iuramentis Liceat insuper socijs de societate predictorum mercatorum infra regnum potestatem nostram praedictas lanas vendere alijs suis socijs similiter emere ab ijsdem absque cusâ—uma soluenda Ita tamen quod dictae lane ad tales manus non deueniant quod de custuma nobis debita defraudemur Et praeterea est sciendum quod postquam supra dicti mercatores semel in vnoloco infra regnum potestatem nostram custumam nobis concessam â—uperius pro mercandisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta suum habeant inâ—e warantum siue huiusmodimercandisae infra regâ—um potestarem nostram remaneant siue exterius deferantur exceptis vinis quae de regno potestate nostris praedictis sine voluntaâ—e licentia nostra sicut praedictuÌ„ est nullatenus educantur Volumus ac pro nobis ac haere dibus nostris concedimus quod nulla exactio prisa vel praestatio aut aliquod onus super personas mercatoruÌ„ predictorum mercandisas seu bona eorundem aliquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius concessam His testibus veracibus principalibus Roberto Contuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae primate Waltero Couentriae Lichfildie episcopo Henrico de Lacy Lincolniense Humfredo de Bohum comite Herfordiense Essexie Constabulo magno Anglie Adomaro de Valentia Galfrido de Gaymal Hugone de Lespensor Waltero de Bello campo senescallo hospitij nostri Roberto de Burijs alijs Datum per manum nostraÌ„ apud Windesore primo die Februarij anno regni nostri xxxj The aforesaid generall Charter in English EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine to Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Uicounts gouernours officers and all bayliffes and his faithfull people sendeth greeting Wee haue speciall care for the good estate of all marchants of the kingdomes lands and countreis following to wit of Almaine France Spaine Portugal Nauarre Lombardie Florence Prouence Catalonia of our duchie of Aquitaine Tholosa Caturlune Flanders Brabant and of all other forreine countreis and places by what name soeuer they be called which come into our kingdome of Englandâ— and there remayne that the sayd marchants may liue in quiet and full securitie vnder our dominion in time to come Wherefore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined to our seruice and the seruice of our kingdome wee fauourably agreeing to their petitions for the fuller asring of their estate haue thought good to graunt to the sayd marchants for vs and our heires for euer these priuiledges vnder written ordaining in forme as followeth First that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and countreys may come into our kingdome of England and any where else into our dominion with their marchandises whatsoeuer safely and securely vnder our defence and protection without paying wharfage pontage or pannage And that in Cities Boroughs and market townes of the sayd kingdome and dominion they may traffique onely by the great as well with the naturall subiects and inhabitantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion as with forreiners straungers or priuate persons Yet so that marchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares and spices may be sold by the small as heretofore hath bin accustomed And that all the aforesaid marchants may cary or cause to be caried whither they will as well within our realme or dominion as out of the same sauing vnto the countreis of the manifest and knowne enemies of our kingdome those marchandises which they shall bring into our foresayd realme and dominion or buy or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme and dominion paying such customes as they ought to doe except onely wines which it shall not be any wayes lawfull for them to cary out of our sayd realme and dominion without our speciall fauour and licence after they be once brought into our realme and dominion Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleásure lodge remaine with their goods in the cities boroughs and townes aforesaid with the good liking of those which are owners of their lodgings
these goods and marchandises shall be brought into our realme and dominion and shall be there vnladen and solde And likewise three pence vpon euery pound of siluer in the carying out of any such goods and marchandises which are bought in our realme and dominion aforesayd aboue the customes beforetime payd vnto vs or any of our progenitors And touching the value and estimation of these goods and marchandises whereof three pence of euery pound of siluer as is aforesayd is to be payd credite shal be giuen vnto them vpon the letters which they are able to shewe from their masters or parteners And if they haue no letters in this behalfe we will stand to the othe of the foresayd marchants if they bee present or in their absence to the othes of their seruants Moreouer it shall be lawfull for such as be of the company of the aforesayd marchants within our realme and dominion aforesayd to sell woolles to other of their company and likewise to buy of them without paying of custome Yet so that the said wools come not to such hands that wee be defrauded of the custome due vnto vs. And furthermore it is to be vnderstood that after that the aforesaid marchants haue once payed in one place within our realme and dominion the custome aboue granted vnto vs in forme aforesayd for their marchandises haue their warrant therof whether these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be caried out excepting wines which in no wise shal be caried forth of our realme and dominion aforesayd without our fauour licence as is aforesayd we wil and we grant for vs and our heires that no execution attachment or loane or any other burthen be layd vpon the persons of the aforesayd marchants vpon their marchandises or goods in any case contrary to the forme before mentioned and granted The faithfull principall witnesses of these presents are these Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England Walter bishop of CoueÌ„trey and Lichfield Henry Lacie of Lincolne Humfrey de Bohume Earle of Herford and Essex high Constable of England Adomare of Valentia Geofrey of Gaymal Hugh Spenser Walter Beauchampe Seneschall of our house Robert of Bures and others Giuen by our owne hand at Windesore the first day of February in the yere of our reigne xxxi De mercatoribus Angliae in Norwegia arestatis eorum mercimonijs dearrestandis literae Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui Haquino regi Norwegie MAgnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegie illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadeÌ„ Dei gratia rex Anglie Dom. Hibernie dux Aquitanie saluteÌ„ cuÌ„ dilectione sincera Miramur noÌ„ modicuÌ„ in intimis conturbamur de grauaminibus oppressionibus quae subditis nostris infra regnum vestrum causa negociandi venienâ—â—bus his diebus plus solito absque causa rationabili sicut ex graui querela didicimus inferuntur Nuâ—er siquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete Simon filius Alani de eadâ—m Guido filius Mathei eorum socij mercatores nostri nobis conquerendo monstrarunt quod cum ipsi quosdam homines seruientes suos cum tribus nauibus suis ad partes regni vestri ad negotiandum ibidem transmisissent naues illae in portu villae vestrae de Tonnesbergh halece alijs bonis diuersis vsque ad magnam summam oneratae fuissent Et licet nautis nauiuÌ„ praedictarum hominibusque seruientibus praedictis à regno vestro liberè cum nauibus bonis praedictis ad partes Anglie redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de coÌ„ductu postmodum ramen antequaÌ„ naues illae propter venti contrarietateÌ„ portum praedictum exire potuerunt quidam balliui vestri naues praedictas cum hominibus bonis omnibus tunâ— existentibus in eisdem occasione mortis cuiusdam militis nuper balliui vestri in Vikia per malefactores piratas dum naues praedictae in portu supradicto sicut praemittitur remanserunt supra mare vt dicitur interfecti de mandato vestro vt dicebant artestarunt diu sub aresto huiuâ—modi detinebant quousque videlicet homines marinarij praedicti de quadraginta libris sterlingoruÌ„ certo die statuto ad opus vestrum pro qualibetnaui predictarum soluendis inuiti coacti securitatem inuenissent Et similiter de eisdem nauibus cum hominibus praedictis infra portum praedictum citra sestuÌ„ natiuitatis Sancti Ioannis Baptistae proximo futuro ad standum runc ibidem de personis nauibus suis vestre gratie seu voluntatis arbitrio reducendis tres obsides vlterius liberassent quod ipsis valde graue censetur auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito reputatur Et quia contra rationem equitatem omnemque iustitiam fore dinoscitur atque legem quòd delinquentium culpe seu demerita in personis vel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscijvel participes seu de huiusmodi delinquentium societate non fuerunt aliqualiter vlciscantur vestram amicitiam affectuose requirimus rogamus quatenus praemissa diligenti meditatione zelo iustitiae ponderantes obsides predictos iubere velitis ab hostagiamento huiusmodi liberari dictamque securitatem relaxari penitus resolui Scientes pro certo quod si malefactores predicti qui dictum militem vestrum vt dicitur occiderunt alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem nostâ—am poterunt inueniri de ipsis iustitiam iudicium secundum legem consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus Non enim possumus his diebus aequanimiter tolerare quod naues predicte seu aliae de regno nostro quae semper prompte ad nostrum seruitium esse debent extra idem regnum ad partes remotas se diuertant sine nostra licentia speciali Quid autem ad hanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreueritis in premissis nobis si placeat reseribatis per presentium portatorem Datae apud Windesore decimo sexto die Aprilis The same in English The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus king of Norway concerning the English marchants arrested in Norway and their goods to be freed from arrest TO the mighty Prince lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue We maruell not a little and are much disquieted in our cogitations considering the greeuances and oppressions which as wee haue beene informed by pitifull complaints are at this present more then in times past without any reasonable cause inflicted vpon our subiects which doe vsually resort vnto your kingdome for traffiques sake For of late one William the sonne of Laurence of Wainfleete and one Simon the sonne of Alan of the same towne and Guido the sonne of Mathew and their associates our marchants in complayning wise declared vnto vs that
hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants with three shippes into your dominions there to exercise traffique and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh with Herrings and other commodities to a great value and also the said mariners men and seruants of the foresayd shippes being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd did at your commandement as they say arrest and for along season also deâ—eiâ—ed vnder that arrest the foresaid ships with all the men and goods that were in them namely vntill such time as the men and mariners aforesaide beeing driuen perforce and constrained thereunto should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling vpon a certain day appointed vnto your vse for euery of the foresaide ships and also vntill they had moreouer deliuered three pledges for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid hauen before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing then and there to stand vnto your fauour and curtesie as touching the said persons and those ships of theirs which dealing the parties themselues take very grieuously yea and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason equitie iustice and lawe that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons or in their goods as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime nor haue had any society with the saide offenders we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice you would of your loue and friendship command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited And know you this for a certaintie that if the foresaide malefactors who as it is reported slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and dominions be found we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure that the ships aforesaide or any other ships of our kingdome which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice should without speciall licence depart out of our saide kingdome vnto forreine dominions Nowe what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April Another Letter of Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostroâ—um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfleâ—te Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus continentem Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent Thesaurarius vester bona mercimonia praedictorum Thomae Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt die Sancti Michaelis vltimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè in ipsorum Thomae Simonis damnum non modicum depauperationem manifestam Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae Simonis vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustitiae complementum Iâ—a quod pro defectu exhibitions iustitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio prouidere Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae vt suprà The same in English TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous King of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England Lorde of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue Wee receiued the complaint of our welâ—elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne the contents whereof are that whereas of late the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michael last past without any iust or reasonable occasion caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon to the value of fortie pound which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of Northberne to be arrested and as yet also iniuriously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest to the great damage and impouerishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon And for asmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe wee doe right earnestly request you that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon or of their Atturneyes you woulde of your loue and friendship vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaide least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid Our request is that you would by the bearer of these presents returne an answere vnto vs what you are determined to doe at this our instant motion Giuen as aboue A third letter of King Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae partium vicinarum quos Balliuus Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt stricto carceri manciparunt quorum multi vt iam intelleximus propter alimentorum subtractionem duritiam ac asperitatem carceris perierunt vt ipsorum bonorum
suorum deliberationem praecipere curaretis vestrae serenitati Regiae nostras nuper transmisimus literas speciales Sed vos retentis adhuc in carcere nostris mercatoribus sicut prius nobis perâ— literas vestras quas audiuimus intelleximus diligenter inter caetera rescripsistis quod quidam mercatores de regno vestro de iniurijs violentijs arrestationibus quibus in regno nostro his diebus sunt vt asserunt contra iustitiam aggrauati multipliciter conqueruntur adijciendo in vestris literis memoratis quod quidam iniquitatis silij in villa Lennae ad piscandum vt dicebant halecia venientes quendam militem Balhuum vestrum in Vikia vnà cum decem alijs subditis vestris in vestris regni vestri negorijs existentibus crudeliter occiderunt Super quibus mens nostra grauatur quà m plurimum turbatur praesertim quum nunquam nostrae fuerit voluntatis quod iniuriae violentiae seu arrestationes aliquae mercatoribus vel alijs de regno vestro per aliquos de regno potestate nostris fierent indebitè vel iniustè nec adhuc intelligere possumus quod mercatoribus vestris per aliquem vel aliquos de subditis nostris huc vsque aliter factum fuerit Scientes pro certo quod si nobis per inquisitiones legitimas constare poterit huiusmodi grauamina subditis vestris infra regnum nostrum illata fuisse nos sufficientes emendas satisfactiones debitas super illis celerÃsque iustitiae complementum fieri faciemus Et insuper sâ—malefactores praedicti qui praefatum militem alios secum existentes vt praemiâ—titur occiâ—erunt de regno seu potestate nostra sint vel infrà idem regnum vel potestatem poterunt inueniri de ipsis iudicium iustitiam fieri praecâ—piemus secundùm Leges consuetudines regni nostri Et quia inter nos vos nostrósque vestros subditos hinc inde foueri desideramus mutuam concordiam amorem ita quod mercatores nostri vestri mercandisas suas in nostris vestris regnis dominijs liberè absque impedimento valeant exercere prout temporibus progenitorum nostrorum fieri consueuit ex dictarum literarum vestrarum seâ—ie collegimus euidenter vos promptos esse similiter paratos ad omnia singula quae pro vobis vestris subditis super discordijs contentionibus aut grauaminibus inter nostros vestros subditos qualitercunque suscitatis pro bono pacis iustitiae fuerint aeqâ—animiter facienda Nos consimilia pro nobis nostris quantum ad nos ad ipsos attinet illius amore qui pacis author fore dinoscitur pro quiete commodo populi vtriusque regnorum nostrorum quatenus ius ratio dictitauerint promittimus nos facturos Vestram amicitiam requirentes obnixius roganâ—â—s quatenus mercatores nostros praedictos qui adhuc superstites relinquuntur quos etiam tempore quo dicta felonia committi dicebatur interclusos tenebat custodia carceralis iubere velitis nostri contemplatione zelóque iustitiae ab huiusmodi custodia liberari bona ab ipsis capta eis prout iustum fuerit restitui faciendo Et vt deliberatio mercatorum nostrorum praedictorum bonorum suorum eò facilius concedatur place at vobis cum diligentia debira ponderare quod Galfridus Drewe quidam alij mercatores nostri de Lenne quibusdam mercatoribus de regno vestro occasione eiusdem grauaminis ipsis mercatoribus vestris ad sectam Tideman ni Lippe infrà regnum noâ—trum vt dicebatur illati centum libras sterlingorum perâ—oluerunt sicut in quodam scripto indentato inter Ingelramum Lende de Thorenden quosdam alios mercatores vestros ex parte vna praefatum Galfridum quosdam alios de regno nostro similiter ex altera confecto vidimus contineri Si qui verò de subditis vestris de aliquibus subditis nostris de aliqua iniuria ipsis facta querelas in curia nostra deponere voluerint prosequi cum effectu ipsorum subditorum vestrorum petitiones admitti eis super querelis huiusmodi plenam celerem iustitiaÌ„ fieri faciemus Ita quod ijdem subditi vestri exinde reputare debebunt meritò se contentos Et interim de excessibus grauaminibus subditis vestris infrà regnum nostrum qualitercunque illatis inquiti faciemus cum diligentia veritatem Vestrae igitur voluntatis beneplacitum in premissis nobis rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae apud Westminster tertio die Aprilis The same in English TO the mightie Prince king Haquinus by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England lord of Ireland Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue We sent of late vnto your royall maiestie our special letters for the behalfe of our late marchants of Lenne and of the coast adioyning whome your baily and officers of the citie of Bergen lately apprehended committing them to close prison many of whome as we vnderstand are for want of due nourishment and by reason of the extremitie loathsomnesse of the prison quite perished that you would cause them and their goods to bee released Howbeit you reteining as yet our marchants in durance as before in your letters which we haue diligently heard and throughly vnderstood haue amongst other matters returned this answere vnto vs that certaine marchants of your kingdome doe make sundrie complaints of iniuries violences and arrests whereby they haue lately as themselues auouch contrary to iustice bene aggrieued and oppressed in our dominions adding moreouer in your sayde letters that certaine sonnes of iniquitie of the towne of Lenne comming as they saide to fish for herrings cruelly murthered a certaine Knight who was in times past your bayliffe of Vikia together with ten others of your subiects being imployed about the affaires of your kingdome In consideration whereof our minde is exceedingly and aboue measure grieued and troubled especially sithence it was neuer any part of our intent that any iniuries violences or arrests should vniustly be inflicted vpon any marchants or any others of your realme by any of our kingdomes neither can we as yet haue any intelligence that any such hard measure hath bene offered vnto any of your marchants by any one or moe of our subiects giuing you for a certaintie to vnderstand that if vpon lawfull inquisition we shal be aduertised of any such grieuances which haue bene offered vnto your subiects within our realme we will cause speedie iustice to be administred and sufficient recompence and due satisfaction to be made in regarde thereof And moreouer if the saide malefactors which as it is aforesaid slewe the forenamed Knight and others of his companie either be appertaining vnto our kingdome and dominion or may at any time be found within our saide kingdome or
Lord Jesu saith Blessed motte they bee That maken peace that is tranquillitee For peace makers as Matthew writeth aright Should be called the sonnes of God almight God giue vs grace the weyes for to keepe Of his precepts and slugly not to sleepe In shame of sinne that our verry foo Might be to vs conuers and turned so For in the Prouerbs is a text to this purpose Plaine inough without any glose When mens weyes please vnto our Lord It shall conuert and bring to accord Mans enemies vnto peace verray In vnitie to liue to Goddis pay With vnitie peace rest and charitie Hee that was here cladde in humonitie That came from heauen and styed vp with our nature Or hee ascended he yaue to vs cure And left with vs peace ageyne striffe and debate Moâ—e giue vs peace so well irradicate Here in this world that after all this selfe Wee may haue peace in the land of beheste Ierusalem which of peace is the sight With his brightnes of eternall light There glorified in rest with his tuition The Deitie to see with full fruâ—â—ion Bee second person in diuinenesse is Who vs assume and bring vs to the blis Amen Here endeth the true processe of the Libel of English policie exhorting all England to keepe the sea enuiron shewing what profit and saluation with worship commeth thereof to the reigne of England GOe furth Libelle and meekely shew thy face Appearing euer with humble countenance And pray my Lords to take in grace In opposaile and cherishing the aduance To hardines if that not variance Thou hast fro trought by full experience Authors and reasons if ought faile in substance Remit to hâ—m that yafe thee this science That seth it is soth in verray fayth That the wise Lord Baron of Hungerford Hath thee ouerseene and verely he saith That thou art true and thus hee doeth record Next the Gospel God wotte it was his worde When hee thee redde all ouer in a night Goe forth trew booke and Christ defend thy right Explicit libellus de Politia conseruatiua maris A large Charter granted by K. Edward the 4. in the second yere of his reigne to the marchants of England resident especially in the Netherland for their chusing of a master and gouernor among themselues which gouernement was first appointed vnto one William Obray with expresse mention what authoritie he should haue EDward by the grace of God king of France of England lord of Ireland to al those which shal see or heare these letters sendeth greeting good wil. Know ye that whereas we haue vnderstood as well by the report of our louing and faithfull Counsellors as by the common complaint and report of all men that many vexations griefs debates discords annoyes dissentions damages haue heretofore bene done moued committedâ—â—nd happened and do daily fal out and happen among the common marchants mariners our subiects of our realmes of France England our lordships of Ireland and Wales of other our dominions seigneuries and territories because that good discretion and authority hath not bin obserued among our saide subiects which abide frequent conuerse remain inhabit passe aswel by sea as by land into y e parts of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and diuers other countreis seigneuries belonging aswell to the high and mighty prince our most deere and louing cousin y e Duke of Burgoine of Brabant carle of Flanders c. as being in the obedience dominion of other lords which are in friendship alliance good wil with vs and that it is to be doubted that through the saide inconuenience and occasion many discommodities may ensue fal out in time to come which God forbid vnles we should prouide conuenient remedie in this behalfe for our subiects aforesaid wherefore we desiring most effectually and heartily to auoide the mischiefe of the saide inconueniences to prouide conuenient remedy for the same to the end that the said common marchants and mariners and others our subiects of our said realms dominions which at this present hereafter shal haunt and frequent y e said countreis may be iustly lawfully ruled gouerned and intreated by right equity in the countreis aforesaid and that equity reason iustice may be ministred vnto them and euery of them according as the cases shal require we being wel assured and hauing ful confidence in the discretion faithfulnes wisdome experience good diligence of our most deare welbeloued subiect Will. Obray our seruant in regard of the good faithfull and acceptable seruices which he hath done vs in our realm among our subiects in times past hoping that he wil do also hereafter we haue made ordained constituted committed and established and by the tenour of these presents of our special grace ful power authority royall we ordaine appoint commit and establish during our pleasure to be gouernor iudge warden of iustice and the appurtenances appendances therof which we haue or may haue ouer our said common subiects the marchants trauailing hereafter as wel by sea as by land and abiding in the said countries of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and other countreis beyond the sea as is aforesaide together with the wages rights profits and emoluments heretofore accustomed as the said Will. Obray at other times hath had and receiued of our said subiects when he had vsed and exercised the said office of gouernor also with other such rights and profits as hereafter shal more plainly be declared And furthermore for our parts we haue giuen him and by these presents do giue him as much as in vs lieth during our pleasure ful power authority and special commandement to gouerne rule and cause to be gouerned and ruled with good iustice by himselfe or by his sufficient lieuetenants or deputies all aâ—d euery our foresaid subiects the common marchants mariners comming remaining frequenting passing repairing from henceforth into the said countreis of Brabant Flanders Henault Holland Zeland and other countreyes beyond the sea as it is said and to keep and cause to be kept to exercise and maintein for vs and in our place the said office of gouernour and to doe all such things which a faithfull gouernour ought to do and to take knowledge and administration of the causes of the said common marchants and mariners our subiects and of euery of them and of their causes and quarels moued or hereafter to be moued in the countreis aforesaid or within the limits borders therof and to doe them full speedy iustice And to reforme cause reformation gouerne appease and pacifie all contentions discords questions or debates between those our said subiects moued or to moued and to right redresse repaire restore and amend all transgressions domages enterprises outrages violences and iniuries committed or to be coÌ„mitted and like wise to require to aske demand and receiue restitutions reparations
sent his ambassadors vnto the great duke of Moscouia In regard of which his fatherly loue and great benefite vouchsafed on vs wee are ready when occasion shall serue to aduenture our liues and goods praying in the meane season vnto Almightie God who is the onely establisher and confounder of common wealths to bring this excellent woorke the foundation whereof is already laiâ—e vnto a prosperous conclusion But as touching the title which the Moscouite maketh to this prouince to say the very trueth we greatly wondred and were astonished at the declaration thereof For it is most apparant not onely out of all ancient and credible histories but euen from the experience and state of these regions that the said title and allegations are fabulous and fained For out of all auncient monuments by what names soeuer they bee called whereof there are diuers extant among vs it cannot be proued by any mention nor yet by any likelihoode or coniecture that those things which the Moscouite affirmeth concerning the people which were gouernors of these regions in times past and concerning the right and title of his ancestors vnto this prouince are grounded vpon truth For it is not vnknowen by what meanes this prouince partly through the industry of marchants and partly by the benefite of nauigation was first discouered neither is it vnknowen howe the inhabitants thereof beeing wholly addicted vnto heathenish superstitions and idolatrie were by the croised knights who drew other knights professing the same order in Prussia to aide and accompanie them in this their enterprise and that with great labour and difficultie conuerted vnto the Christian faith when as at the same time the â—iuonians had no knowledge at all of the iurisdiction religion maners or language of Moscouie who had not onely no conuersation nor dealings with the Moscouites but were estranged also from all other nations whatsoeuer for leading a miserable poore barbarous and heathenish life in sauage maner among wilde beastes and in the desert and solitary woods they were vtterly ignorant of God and destitute of ciuil magistrates Howbeit this kind of gouernment was peculiar vnto them namely that all of our familie and society vsed a kinde of reuerence vnto their elders more then to any other whom also that their authoritie might be the greater they called by the name of kings and albeit one of their families consisted of a 100. persons thâ—y obeyed them in al respects and after their rude and barbarous maner did them loyal seruice At the very same time the Moscouites had receiued the religion and the Ecclesiasticall ceremonies of the Greeke and Easterne Church which religion they published and dispersed throughout all prouinces subiect to their dominion vsing their owne proper letters and characâ—ers for the same purpose Of all which things the Liuonians which very barbarously inhabited a lande beeing enuironed with Russia Lithuania Samogitia Prussia and the Balthic sea neuer heard any report at all It is moreouer to be noted that neuer at any time heretofore either within the earth or in other places of Liuonia there haue bene found any monuments at all of the antiquitie or letters of the Russes which verily must needs haue come to passe if the Moscouites Russes or any other nations which vse the foresaid particulars had borne rule and authority ouer the Liuonians yea there had beene left some remainder and token either of their religion and diuine worship or of their lawes and customes or at the least of their maners language and letters This indeed we can in no wise deny that euen in Liuonia it selfe there haue bin in times past and at this present are many and diuers languages spoken by the people Howbeit no one language of them all hath any affinity either with the Moscouian tongue or with the tongues of any other nations But whereas the Moscouite pretendeth that there hath bin vsually paide a pension or tribute vnto himselfe and his predecessours out of the whole prouince it is as incredible as the former About the beginning of this tragicall warre the Moscouite to cloke his tyranny and ambition vnder some faire pretense amongst other of his demaunds made mention also of a tribute which should be due vnto him out of the bishop of Dorpat his iurisdiction whereof notwithstanding hee could neither bring any iust account nor affirm any certainty howbeit there is no man liuing to be found which either can tell of his owne remembrance or from the relation of others that any such tribute was euer paid vnto the Moscouite What time therefore he referred al this negotiation vnto the master of the Liuonian order and commanded him to get what knowledge hee could therof from the men of Dorpat vrged the tribute saying if it were worth but one haire that he would not remit it at length it was found recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Dorpat that beyond the memory of man when the territory of Plesco contained nothing but woods and forrests for wilde beastes that the pesaunts of the liberty of Dorpat called Neuhus by the consent of the Russian borderers enioyed Bee-hiues in the said woods and paid euery yeere in lieu thereof vnto the Russian gouernours sixe shillings of Liuonian coine But so soone as the Russians had felled the woods and had built townes and villages in their place the saide pension ceased together with the trees which were cut downe Wherefore the saide sixe shillings were neuer since that time either demanded by the Russes or paid by the Liuonians These things which I knew concerning the causes of the Liuonian warres I thought good to signifie vnto you Giuen the 22. of May in the yeere of our Lord 1576. Ordinances instructions and aduertisements of and for the direction of the intended voyage for Cathay compiled made and deliuered by the right worshipfull M. Sebastian Cabota Esquier gouernour of the mysterie and companie of the Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of Regions Dominions Islands and places vnknowen the 9. day of May in the yere of our Lord God 1553. and in the 7. yeere of the reigne of our most dread soueraigne Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God king of England Fraunce and Ireland defender of the faith and of the Church of England and Ireland in earth supreame head FIrst the Captaine general with the pilot maior the masters marchants other officers to be so knit and accorded in vnitie loue conformitie and obedience in euery degree on all sides that no dissention variance or contention may rise or spring betwixt them and the mariners of this companie to the damage or hinderance of the voyage for that dissention by many experiences hath ouerthrown many notable intended and likely enterprises and exploits 2 Item for as much as euery person hath giuen an othe to be true faithfull and loial subiects and liege men to the kings most excellent Maiestie his heires and successors and for the obseruation of all lawes statutes made
Duâ—furth Master of the Considentia 10 Roger Wilson Masters mates 11 Iohn Buckland Masters mates 12 Richard Ingram Masters mates Exemplar Epistolae seu literarum Missiuarum quas illustrissimus Princeps Eduardus eius nominis Sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex misit ad Principes Septentrionalem ac Orientalem mundi plagam inhabitantes iuxta mare glaciale nec non Indiam Orientalem Anno Domini 1553 Regni sui anno septimo vltimo EDuardus sextus Angliae Franciae Hiberniae Rex c. Omnibus Regibus principibus ac dominis cunctis Iudicibus terrae Ducibus eius quibuscunque est excellens aliqua dignitas in ea cunctis in locis quae sunt sub vniuerso coelo Pax tranquillitas honor vobis terris regionibus vestris quae imperio vestro subiacent cuique vestrum quemadmodum conuenit ei Proptereà quòd indidit Deus Opt. Max. hominibus prae cunctis alijâ— viuentibus cor desiderium tale vt appetat quisque cum aliis societatem inire amare vicissim amari beneficijs afficere mutua accipere beneficia studeat ideò cuique pro facultate sua hoc desiderium in omnibus quidem hominibus beneficijs fouere consetuare conuenit in illis autem maximè qui hoc desiderio adducti à remotis etiam regionibus ad eos veniunt Quo enim longius iter eius rei gratia ingressi sunt eò ardentius in eis hoc desiderium fuisse declararunt Insuper etiam ad hoc nos patrum maiorumque nostrorum exempla inuitant qui semper humanissimè susceperunt benignissimè tractauerunt illos qui tum à locis propinquis tâ—â—â—â—à remotis cosamicè adibant eorum se protectioni commendantes Quod si omnibus id praestare aequum est certè mercatoribus imprimis praestari debet qui per vniuersum orbem discurrunt mare circumlustrantes aridam vt res bonas vtiles que Dei beneficio in regione eorum inueniuntur ad remotissimas regiones regna adferant atque inde vicissim referant quòd suae regioni vtile ibi repeterint vt populi ad quos eunt non destituantur commodis quae non profert illis terra eorum ipsi sint participes rerum quibus illi abundant Nam Deus coeli terrae humano generi maximè consulens noluit vt omnia in quauis regione inueniâ—entur quò regio ope alterius regionis indigeret gens ab alia gente commodum aliquod expectaret ac ita stabiliretur amicitia inter omnes singulique omnibus benefacere quaererent Hoc ita que ineundae ac stabiliendae amicitiae desiderio moti viri quidam regni nostri iter in remotas maritimas regiones instituerunt vt inter nostros illos populos viam mercibus inferendis efferendis aperirent nosque rogauerunt vt id illis concederemus Qui petitioni illorum annuentes concessimus viro honorabili forti Hugoni Wilibâ—o alijs qui cum eo sunt seruis nostris fidis charis vt pro sua voluntate in regiones eis priùs incognitas eant quaesituri ea quibus nos caremus adducant illis ex nostris terris id quo illi carent Atque ita illis nobis commodum inde accedat sitque amicitia perpetua foedus indissolubile inter illos nos dum permittent illi nos accipere de rebus quibus superabundant in regnis suis nos concedemus illis ex regnis nostris res quibus destituuntur Rogamus itaque vos Reges Principes omnes quibus aliqua est potestas in terra vt viris istis nostris transitum permittatis per regiones vestras Non enâ—m tangent quicquam â—x rebus vestris inuitis vobis Cogitate quòd homines ipsi sunt Et si qua re caruerint oramus pro vestra beneficentia eam vos illis tribuatis accipientes vicissim ab eis quod poterunt rependere vobis Ita vos gerite erga cos quemadmodum cuperetis vt nos subditi nostri nos gereremus erga seruos vestros si quando transierint per regiones nostras Atque promittimus vobis per Deum omnium quae coelo terra mari continentur perque vitam nostram tranquillitatem regnorum nostrorum nos pari benignitate seruos vestros accepturos si ad regna nostra aliquando venerint Atque à nobis subditis nostris ac si nati fuissent in regnis nostris ita benignè tractabuntur vt rependamus vobis benignitatem quam nostris exhibueritis Postquam vos Reges Principes c. rogauimus vt humanitate beneficentia omni prosequamini seruos nostros nobis charos oramus omnipotentem Deum nostrum vt vobis diuturnam vitam largiatur pacem quae nullam habeat finem Scriptum Londini quae ciuitas est primaria regni nostri Anno 5515. à creato mundo mense Iiar 14. die mensis anno septimo regni nostri The copie of the letters missiue which the right noble Prince Edward the sixt sent to the Kings Princes and other Potentates inhabiting the Northeast partes of the worlde toward the mighty Empire of Cathay at such time as Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and Richard Chancelor with their company attempted their voyage thither in the yeere of Christ 1553. and the seuenth and last yeere of his raigneâ— EDward the sixt by the grace of God King of England France and Ireland c. To all Kings Princes Rulers Iudges and Gouernours of the earth and all other hauing any excellent dignitie on the same in all places vnder the vniuersall heauen peaceâ— tranquillitie and honour be vnto you and your lands and regions which are vnder your dominions and to euery of you as is conuenient Forasmuch as the great and Almightie God hath giuen vnto mankinde aboue all other liuing creatures such an heart and desire that euery man desireth to ioine friendship with other to loue and be loued also to giue and receiue mutuall benefites it is therefore the duety of all men according to their power to maintaine and increase this desire in euery man with well deseruing to all men and especially to shew this good affection to such as being moued with this desire come vnto them from farre countreis For how much the longer voyage they haue attempted for this intent so much the more doe they thereby declare that this desire hath bene ardent in them Furthermore also the examples of our fathers and predecessors doe inuite vs hereunto forasmuch as they haue euer gently and louingly intreated such as of friendly mind came to them aswell from Countries neare hand as farre remote commending themselues to their protection And if it be right and equity to shew such humanitie toward all men doubtlesse the same ought chiefly to be shewed to marchants who wandering about the world search both the land and the sea to carry
countries greeting Before all right great and worthy of honour Edward King of England c. according to our most hearty and good zeale with good intent and friendly desire according to our holy Christian faith great gouernance being in the light of great vnderstāding our answere by this our honourable writing vnto your kingly gouernance at the request of your faithfull seruant Richard Chancelour with his company as they shall let you wisely know is this In the strength of the twentieth yeere of our gouernance be it knowen that at our sea coastes arriued a shippe with one Richard and his companie and sayd that hee was desirous to come into our dominions and according to his request hath seene our Maiestie and our eyes and hath declared vnto vs your Maiesties desire as that we should grant vnto your subiects to goe and come and in our dominions and among our subiects to frequent free Marts with all sortes of marchandizes and vpon the same to haue wares for their returne And they haue also deliuered vs your letters which declare the same request And hereupon we haue giuen order that wheresoeuer your faithful seruant Hugh Willoughbie land or touch in our dominions to be wel entertained who as yet is not arriued as your seruant Richard can declare And we with Christian beliefe and faithfulnes and according to your honourable request and my honourable commandement will not leaue it vndone and are furthermore willing that you send vnto vs your ships and vessels when and as often as they may haue passage with good assurance on our part to see them harmelesse And if you send one of your maiesties counsel to treate with vs whereby your countrey marchants may with all kinds of wares and where they will make their market in our dominions they shall haue their free Marte with all free liberties through my whole dominions with all kinde of wares to come and goe at their pleasure without any let damage or impediment according to this our letter our word and our seale which we haue commaunded to be vnder sealed Written in our dominion in our citie and our palace in the castle of Mosco in the yeare 7060 the second moneth of February This letter was written in the Moscouian tongue in letters much like to the Greeke letters very faire written in paper with a broad seale hanging at the same sealed in paper vpon waxe This seale was much like y e broad scale of England hauing on the one side the image of a man on horseback in complete harnesse fighting with a dragon Under this letter was another paper written in the Dutch tongue which was the interpretation of the other written in the Moscouian letters These letters were sent the next yere after the date of king Edwards letters 1554. The coines weights and measures vsed in Russia written by Iohn Hasse in the yere 1554. FOrasmuch as it is most necessary for al marchants which seeke to haue traffique in any strange regions first to acquaint thēselues with the coines of those lands with which they do intend to ioyne in traffique and how they are called from the valuation of the highest piece to the lowest and in what sort they make their paiments as also what their common weights and measures be for these causes I haue thought good to write some thing thereof according to mine owne knowledge and experience to the end that the marchants of that new aduenture may the better vnderstand how the wealth of that new frequented trade will arise First it is to be noted that the Emperour of Russia hath no other coines then siluer in all his land which goeth for paiment amongst merchants yet notwithstanding there is a coine of copper which serueth for the reliefe of the poore in Mosco no where els and that is but only for quasse water and fruit as nuts apples and such other like The name of which money is called Pole or Poles of which Poles there goe to the least of the siluer coines 18. But I will not stand vpon this because it is no currant money among merchants Of siluer coines there be three sortes of pieces the least is a Poledenga the second a Denga the third Nowgrote which is as much to say in English as halfepenie penie and twopence and for other valued money then this there is none there are oftentimes there coines of gold but they come out of forrein countreys whereof there is no ordinarie valuation but they passe according to the agreement of merchants Their order in summing of money is this as we say in England halfpenie penie shilling and pound so say they Poledenga Denga Altine and Rubble There goeth two Poledengas to a Denga six Dengaes to an Altine and 23 Altines and two Dengaes to a Rubble Concerning the weights of Russia they are these There are two sorts of pounds in vse amōgst them the one great y e other small the great pound is iust two small pounds they call the great weight by the name of Beasemar and the smal they call the Skalla weight with this smal weight they weigh their siluer coines of the which the Emperor hath commanded to put to euery small pound three Rubbles of siluer and with the same weight they weigh all Grocerie wares and almost al other wares which come into the land except those which they weigh by the Pode as hops salt iron lead tinne batrie with diuers others notwithstanding they vse to weigh batrie more often by the small weight then by the great Whensoeuer you find the prices of your wares rated by the Pode consider that to be the great weight and the pound to be the small Also they diuide the small pound into 48 parts and they call the eight and fortieth part a Slotnike by the which Slotnike the retailers sell their wares out of their shops as Goldsmiths Grocers Silkesellers and such other like as we doe vse to retaile by the ounce and as for their great weight which they cal the Beasemar they sel by pode or shippond The pode doth containe of the great weight 40 pounds and of the smal 80 there goe 10. podes to a shippond Yet you must consider that their great weight is not full with ours for I take not their great pound to be full 13 ounces but aboue 12 I thinke it be But for your iust proofe weigh 6 Rubbles of Russia money with our pound weight and then shal you see what it lacketh for 6 Rubbles of Russia is by the Emperors standerd the great pound so that I thinke it the next way to know the iust waight as well of the great pound as of the small There is another weight needfull to be knowen which is the weight of Wardhouse for so much as they weigh all their drie fish by weight which weight is the Beasemar as they of Russia doe vse not withstanding there is another sorte in it the names
or 24 at the most There are many other trifles in Russia as sope mats c. but I thinke there will bee no great account made of them The letters of king Philip and Queene Marie to Iuan Vasiliuich the Emperour of Russia written the first of April 1555 and in the second voyage PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene of England France Naples Ierusalem and Ireland defenders of the faith Princes of Spaine and Sicilie Archdukes of Austrich Dukes of Burgundie Millaine and Brabant Countries of Haspurge Flanders and Tiroll To the right High right Mightie and right excellent Prince garnished with all gifts of nature by Gods graâ—e Iohn Vaâ—iliuich Emperour of all Russia great Duke of Volodemer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan King of Astracan Lord of Plesco and great Duke of Smolensko of Tueria Ioughoria Permia Vadska Bulghoria and others Lorde and great Duke of Nouogrod of the lowe Countrey of Chernigo Rezan Polotskay Rostoue Yeraslaue Bealozera Liefland Oudoria Obdoria and Condensa Commander of all Siberia and of the North partes and lord of many other countreys greeting Whereas by the consent and licence of our most deare and entirely beleued late brother King Edward the sixt whose soule God pardon sundrie of our subiects marchants of the citie of London within this our realme of England did at their owne proper costs and aduenture furnish three shippes to discouer serch and find lands Islands regions and territories before this aduenture not knowen ne commonly hâ—unted and frequented by seas The one of the which three shippes named the Edward Bonauenture whereof our right welbeloued Richard Chancelour was then gouernour and great Captaine chanced by the grace of God and the good conduct of the sayd Chancelour to arriue and winter in the North part of your Empire of Russia Forasmuch as we be credibly informed by the report of our trustie and welbeloued subiect that your Maiestie did not onely call him and certaine of his company to your emperiall presence and speech entertayned and banqueted them with all humanitie and gentlenes but also being thereunto requested partly by the letters of our said brother partly by request of the sayd Richard Chancelour haue by your letters patents vnder your seale among other things granted That all such marchants as shall come forth of anie of our realms of England or Ireland withal maner of wares if they wil trauel or occupie within your dominions The same marchants with their marchandises in al your lordship may freely at their libertie trauaile out and in without hinderance or any maner of losse And of your farther ample goodnesse haue promised that our ambassadours if wee send any shall with free good will passe to and from you without any hinderance or losse with such message as shall come vnto you and to returne the same to our kingdomes well answered as by the same your letters written in your lordly Palace and Castle of Mosco in the yeere 7063 the moneth of Februarie more at large appeareth Like as wee cannot but much commend your princely fauour and goodnesse and in like manner thanke you for the aboundant grace extended to the sayd Richard Chancelour and others our subiects marchants Euen so these are to pray and request you to continue the same beneuolence toward them and other our marchants and subiects which doe or heereafter shall resorte to your countrey And for the more assurance and incouragement to trade and exercise the feate of marchandise with your subiects and all other marchants within your dominions that it may please you at this our contemplation to assigne and authorise such Commissaries as you shall thinke meete to trade and conferre with our welbeloued subiects and marchants the sayd Richard Chancelour George Killing worth Richard Graie bearers of these our letters who are by vs authoriseâ— for that purpose and to confirme and graunt such other liberties and priuiledges vnto the Gouernour Consuls Assistants and Communaltie of the fellowship of the saide Marchants as the said bearers in their name propone and require by you to be granted for their safe conduct good gouernment and order to bee erected and continued among them in your saide dominions And this with such your clemencie and expedition as wee vpon the next arriuall of the saide Richard Chancelour may bee enformed of your gracious disposition and answere Which your beneuolences so to bee extended wee bee minded to requite towards any your subiects Marchants that shal frequent this our realme at your contemplation therefore to be made Thus right high right Excellent and right mightie Almightie God the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost haue you in his blessed keeping Giuen vnder our seale at our Palace of Westminster the first of April in the yere from the blessed incarnation of our Sauiour Iesus Christ 1555. and in the first and second yeeres of our reignes Articles conceiued and determined for the Commission of the Merchants of this company resiant in Russia and at the VVarhouse for the second voyage 1555. the first of May as followeth FIrst the Gouernour Consuls Assistants and whole company assembled this day in open court committeth and authorizeth Richard Gray and George Killing worth iointly and seuerally to be Agents Factors and Atturneis generall and speciall for the whole body of this companie to buy sel trucke change and permute al and euery kind and kindes of wares marchandizes and goods to the said company appertaining now laden shipped in the good ship called the Edward Bonauenture appointed for Russia the same â—o vtter and sell to the best commoditie profit and aduantage of the said corporation be it for ready money wares marchandises or truck presently or for time as occasion benefit of the company shal require and all such wares as they or either of them shal buy trucke or prouide or cause to be bought for the company to lade theÌ„ homeward in good order and condition as by prudent course of marchandises shall and ought to appertaine which article extendeth also to Iohn Brooke for the Wardhouse as in the 17. and 18. articles of this commission appeareth 2 Item it is also committed as aboue to the said Agents to binde charge the said company by debt for wares vpon credit as good opportunitie and occasion shal serue with power to charge and bind the said company and their successors for the paiments of such things as shal be taken vp for credite and the said Agents to be relieued ab opere satis dandi 3 Item full authoritie and power is committed to the said first named factors together with Richard Chancelor grand Pilot of this fleete to repaire to the Emperors court there to present the king and Queenes Maiesties letters written in Greeke Polish and Italian and to giue and exhibite the marchants presents at such time and place as shal be thought most expedient they or one of them to demand and humbly desire of y
heate of the Sunne in the day causeth the deepe lakes of Ladega and specially of Onega to cleaue and if there should come then a sudden thaw as oftentimes in that time of the yeere doeth then doe these lakes open and breake whereby many men are lost and both men and horse drowned although other riuers do remaine frozen a long time after In the towne of Some also there are many warehouses whereof we cannot be destitute for the reposing of our wares as also as many barkes as you wil to transport your wares from thence to S. Nicholas road and that for three pence a poods caryage so that from the Citie of Nouogrod vnto S. Nicholas road you may haue wares caried for two altines The pood commeth vnto 23. altines the tunne Prouided alwayes that you buy your wares there your selfe and send it thence for there is no hope that the natiues will bring their wares from Nouogrod to Some in hope to sell vnto vs considering the great trade that they haue at the Narue which is within 180. miles off them Written by Thomas Southam a seruant to the company An Act for the corporation of Merchants aduenturers for the discouering of new trades made in the eight yeere of Queene Elizabeth Anno 1566. WHereas diuers very good Subiects of this Realme of England in the latter ende of the reigne of the late right high and mightie prince our Soueraigne Lord king Edward the sixt at the gracious incouragement and right good liking of the said king and by his Maiesties liberall example did at their aduenture and to their exceeding great charges for the glory of God the honor and increase of the reuenues of the Crowne and the common vtilitie of the whole Realme of England set forth thrâ—e ships for the discouery by Sea of Isles lands territories dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by the Subiects of the sayd late king not commonly by seas frequented and after that Almightie God had called to his mercie the said king who died before the finishing and sealing of his most ample and gracious letters of priuiledges promised to the said Subiects as wel in consideration of the said enterprise as for diuers other respects it pleased our late souereigne Q. Mary at the humble suites of the same subiects to graunt by her letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England bearing date at Westminster the 26. day of February in the second yeere of her raigne for the considerations mentioned in the said letters Patents to the saide subiects being specially named in the saide letters Patents and to their successors that they by the name of Merchants aduenturers of England for the discouerie of lands territories Isles dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before their late aduenture or enterprise by seas or Nauigations coÌ„monly frequented should be from thenceforth one body and perpetual felowship and communaltie of themselues both in deed and in name and that the same felowship and communaltie from thenceforth should and might haue one or two gouernours foure Consuls and 24. assistants of the said felowship and comminaltie of Merchants aduenturers and that they by the name of the Gouernour Consuls assistants felowship and comminaltie of Merchants aduenturers for the discouery of lands territories Isles dominions and Seigniories vnknowen by the seas and Nauigations and not before their said late aduenture or enterprise by Seas frequented should or might be able in the lawe to implead and to bee impleaded to answere and to be answered to defend and to be defended before whatsoeuer Iudge or Iustice temporall or spiritual or other persons whatsoeuer in whatsoeuer court or courts and in all actions real personal and mixt and in euery of them and in all plaints of Nouel deseison and also in all plaints sutes quarrels affaires businesse and demaunds whatsoeuer they be touching and concerning the said felowship and comminaltie and the affaires and businesse of the same only in as ample maner and forme as any other corporation of this Realme might doe giuing also and granting vnto them by the said letters Patents diuers authorities powers iurisdictions preheminences franchises liberties and priuiledges as by the same letters Patents more at large will appeare And among other things mentioned in the said letters Patents whereas one of the three ships by the said fellowship before that time set foorth for the voyage of discouery aforesaid named the Edward Bonauenture had arriued within the Empire and dominion of the high and mightie Prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich Emperour of all Russia Volodimersky great duke of Musky c. who receiued the Captaine and Merchants of the saide shippe very graciously granting vnto them freâ—â—y to traâ—fique with his subiects in all kinde of merchandizes with diuers other gracious priuiledges and liberties therefore the said late Queene by the same letters Patents for her her heires and successors did graunt that all the maine lands Isles ports hauens creeks and riuers of the said mighty Emperour of all Russia and great duke of Moâ—co c. and all and singular other lands dominions territories Isles ports hauens creeks riuers armes of the seas of al and euery other Emperour king prince ruler or gouerner whatsoeuer he or they be before the said late aduenture or enterprise not knowen or by the aforesaid merchants and subiects of the said king and Queene by the seas not commonly frequented nor any part or parcell thereof and lying Northwards Northeastwards or Northwestwards as in the said letters patents is mentioned should not be visited frequented nor hunted by any the subiects of the said late Queene other then of the said company and fellowship and their successors without expresse licence agreement consent of the Gouerner Consuls and Assistants of the said felowship and communaltie or the more part of them in maner forme as is expressed in the saide letters patents vpon paine of for feiture and losse as well of the ship and ships with the appurtenances as also of the goods merchandizes and things whatsoeuer they be of those the subiects of the said late Queene not being of the saide fellowship and communaltie which should attempt or presume to saile to any of those places which then were or after should happen to be found and traffiqued vnto the one halfe of the same forfriâ—ure to be to the vse of the said late Queene her heires successors and the other halfe to be to the vse of the said felowship communaltie as by the same letters patents more plainly will appeare Since the making of which letters patens the said fellowship haue to their exceeding great costes losses and expences not onely by their trading into the said dominions of the saide mightie prince of Russia c. found out conuenient way to saile into the saide dominions but also passing thorow the same and ouer the Caspian sea haue discouered very commodious trades into Armenia Media Hyrcania Persia and other dominions in Asia minor hoping by
for fish oyle and Salmon chiefly hee that will seeke a better market for the sales then at Hull he must seeke it out of England for the like is not in England This is the best way that I can deuise and most for your profite and if you will I will also set you downe all the commodities that are necessarie for such a voyage and which way also that the Hollanders may within two or three yeeres be forced to leaue off the trade of Cola which may easily be done For if my abilitie were to my will I would vse the matter so that they should either leaue off the trade or els cary light ships with them home againe A dedicatorie Epistle vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie written by Master William Burrough late Comptroller of her Highnesse nauie and annexed vnto his exact and notable mappe of Russia briefly containing amongst other matters his great trauailes obseruations and experiments both by sea and land especially in those Northeastern parts To the most high and renowmed Princesse ELIZABETH by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland c. MY minde earnestly bent to the knowledge of nauigation and Hydrographie from my youth most excellent my dread Soueraigne hath eftsoones beene moued by diligent studie to search out the chiefest points to them belonging and not there with sufficed hath also sought by experience in diuers discoueries and other voyages and trauailes to practise the same I was in the first voyage for discouerie of the partes of Russia which begun in anno 1553. being then sixteene yeeres of age also in the yeere 1556. in the voyage when the coastes of Samoed and Noua Zembla with the straightes of Vaigatz were found out and in the yeere 1557 when the coast of Lappia and the bay of S. Nicholas were more perfectly discouered Since which time by my continuall practise in the voyages made yeerely to S. Nicholas in Russia or to the Narue and to some other countreys also by Sea as likewise in passing from S. Nicholas to Mosco and from Mosco to Narue and from thence backe againe to S. Nicholas by land in the yeeres 1574. and 1575. being then Agent in those countreis for the companie of English merchants for discoueries of new trades setting downe alwayes with great care and diligence true obseruations notes of al those countreys Islands coasts of the sea and other things requisite to the artes of Nauigation and Hydrographie and with like diligence gathering exact notes and descriptions of the wayes riuers cities townes c. as I passed by land I finde my selfe sufficiently furnished to giue report vnto your Maiesty and to make description of those North parts of the world in forme and maner of euery leagues distance that I haue passed seene in all those my trauels The places herein described which I haue not seene and tried my selfe I haue set downe by the best authorities that I could finde and therein may erre with the learned Gerardus Mercator Abraham Ortelius and the rest but for the maine part which is from Rochel in France hither to London and from hence Eastward to Narue by sea and from thence to Mosco and to S. Nicholas by land also from hence Northwards and Northeastwards by Sea to Saint Nicholas and to the straight of Vaigatz first crauing humbly your highnesse pardon I dare boldly affirme and that I trust without suspect of arrogancie since truely I may say it I haue here set it open to the view with such exactnesse and trueth and so placed euery thing aright in true latitude and longitude accompting the longitudes from the meridian of London which I place in 21. degrees as till this time no man hath done the like neither is any man able by learning onely except he trauaileth as I haue done For as it may be truely saide of nauigation and Hydrographie that no man can be cunning in the one which wanteâ—h conuenient knowledge in the other and as neither of them can be had without the helpes of Astronomie and Cosmographie much lesse without these two grounds of all arâ—â—s Arithmetike and Geometrie so none of the best learned in those sciences Mathematicall without conuenient practise at the sea can make iust proofe of the profite in them so necessarily dependeth art and reason vpon practise and experience Albeit there are diuers both learned and vnlearned litle or nothing experienced which in talke of nauigation will enter deeply and speake much of and against errours vsed therein when they cannot reforme them Such also haue written therof pretending singular great knowledge therein and would so be accompted of though in very deede not worthy the name of good and sufficient pilots To whom I thinke it shall not be amisse in defence of rules builded vpon reason and in practise allowed thus much to say for answere It is so that there are rules vsed in nauigation which are not perfectly true among which the streight lines in sea-cardes representing the 32. points of the compasse or windes are not holden to be the least but noted of such talkers for principall to condemne the occupiers thereof for ignorant yet hath the famous and learned Gerardus Mercator vsed them in his vniuersal mappe But such as condemne them for false and speake most against their vse cannot giue other that should serue for nauigation â—o better purpose and effect Experience one of the keyes of knowledge hath taught mee to say it Wherein with my abilitie together with some part of my studie I am the rather moued in this my plot to make some triall vnto you maiestie for that I perceiue that such attempts of newe discoueries whereunto this noble Island is most aptly situated are by your royall maintenance so willingly furthered beseeching your highnesse so to accept of these my trauailes as a pledge of my well willing to my countrey and of my loyall seruice to your maiestie whose healthfull happie life and reigne God continue which is Almightie Amen Your Maiesties most humble subiect William Burrough The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophi of Persia sent by Arthur Edwards William Turnbull Matthew Tailbois and Peter Gerard appointed Agents for the Moscouie companie in their sixt voyage to Persia begun in the yeere 1579. To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of Persia King of Shiruan Gilan Grosin Corassan and great Gouernour of the Indies ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defâ—nder of the faith c. To the most noble and inuincible Emperour of Persia King of Shiruan Gilan Grosin Corassan and great gouernour euen vnto the Indies sendeth greeting Most noble and inuincible Prince it is now tenne yeeres since or thereabouts wherein after the honourable ambassade of the noble man Anthony Ienkinson our welbeloued subiect to your most noble and inuincible father performed we laboured to bring to passe by Thomas Bannister and Gefferey Ducket merchants our subiects that
which falleth into the riuer Ob then doubtlesse hee would conceiue full hope that hee had passed the greatest difficulties for the people dwelling thereabout report which were three dayes sayling onely from that place beyond the riuer Ob whereby the bredth thereof may be gathered which is a rare matter there because that many rowing with their boates of leather one dayes iourney onely from the shore haue bene cast away in tempest hauing no skill to guide themselues neither by Sunne nor Starre that they haue seene great vessels laden with rich and precious merchandize brought downe that great riuer by blacke or swart people They call that riuer Ardoh which falleth into the lake of Kittay which they call Paraha whereupon bordereth that mightie and large nation which they call Carrah Colinak which is none other then the nation of Cathay There if neede require he may fitly Winter and refresh himselfe and his and seeke all things which he shall stand in need of which if it so fall out he doubteth not but in the meane while he shall be much furthered in searching and learning out many things in that place Howbeit he hopeth that hee shall reach to Cathaya that very Sommner vnlesse he be hindered by great abundance of Ice at the mouth of the riuer of Ob which is sometimes more and sometimes lesse If it so fall out hee then purposeth to returne to Pechora and there to Winter or if he cannot doe so neither then hee meaneth to returne to the riuer of Dwina whither he will reach in good time enough and so the next Spring following to proceed on his voyage One thing in due place I forgate before The people which dwell at that place called Yaks Olgush affirme that they haue heard their forefathers say that they haue heard most sweete harmonie of bels in the lake of Kitthay and that they haue seene therein stately and large buildings and when they make mention of the people named Carrah Colmak this countrey is Cathay they fetch deepe sighes and holding vp their hands they looke vp to heauen signifying as it were and declaring the notable glory and magnificence of that nation I would this Oliuer were better seene in Cosmographie it would greatly further his experience which doubtlesse is very great Most deare friend I omit many things and I wish you should heare the man himselfe which promised mee faithfully that he would visite you in his way at Duisburg for he desireth to conferre with you and doubtlesse you shall very much further the man He seemeth sufficiently furnished with money and friends wherein and in other offices of curtesie I offered him my furtherance if it had pleased him to haue vsed me The Lord prosper the mans desires and forwardnesse blesse his good beginnings further his proceedings and grant vnto him most happy issue Fare you well good sir and my singular friend From Arusburg vpon the riuer of Ossella the 20. of February 1581. Yours wholy at commandement Iohn Balak MAster Anthonie Ienkinson in a disputation before her Maiestie with sir Humfrey Gilbert for proofe of a passage by the Northeast to Cathaya among other things alleageth this videlicet that there came a continuall streame or currant through Mare glaciale of such swiftnesse as a Colmak told him that if you cast any thing therein it would presently be caried out of sight towards the West c. A testimonie of the Northeasterne Discouerie made by the English and of the profite that may arise by pursuing the same taken out of the second volume of Nauigations and Voyages fol. 17. of the notable Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptist a Ramusius Secretarie to the State of Venice Written in Italian in the yeere 1557 DAlla parte poi di sotte la nostra Tramontana che chiascune scrittore Cosmographo di questi de passari tempi fin'hora vi ha messo mette mare congelato che la terra corra continuamente fino a' 90. gradi verso il Polo sopra questo mappa-mondo all' incontro si vede che la terra và solamente vn poco sopra la Noruega Suetia voltando corre poi Greco Leuante nel paese della Moscouia Rossia và diritto al Cataio Et che cio sia la verità le nauigationi che hanno fatte gl' Inglesi con le loro naus volendo andare à scoprire al Cataio al tempo del Re Odoardo Sesto d' Inghilterra questi anni passati ne possono far vera testimonianza perche nel mezzo del loro viaggio capitate per fortuna a i liti di Moscouia doue trouarona all hora regnare Giouanni Vasiliuich Imperatore della Rossia gran Duca di Moscouia il quale con molto piacere marauiglia vedutogli fece grandissime carezze hanno trcuato quel mare essere nauigabile non agghiacciato La qual nauigatione ancor che con l'esito fin hora non sia stata bene intesa se col spesso frequentarla col lungo vso cognitione de que ' mari si continuerà è per fare grandissima mutatione riuolgimento nelle cose di questa nostra parte del mondo The same in English MOreouer hauing before spoken of diuers particularities in an excellent Map of Paulus Venetus on that part subiect to our North pole where euery writer and Cosmographer of these and of former times hitherto haue and doe place the frozen Sea and that the land stretcheth continually to 90. degrees towards the pole contrarywise in this mappe is to bee seene that the land extendeth onely a litle aboue Norway and Swethland and then turning it selfe trendeth afterwards towards the Southeast and by East vnto the countrey of Moscouie and Russia and stretcheth directly vnto Cathay And that this is true the nauigations which the English men haue of late made intending to discouer Cathay in the time of Edward the sixt king of England are very sufficient witnesses For in the mids of their voiage lighting by chance vpon the coast of Moscouie where they found then reigning Iohn Vasiliwich Emperor of Russia and great duke of Moscouia who after he had to his great delight and admiration seene the English men entertained them with exceeding great curtesies found this sea to be nauigable and not frozen Which nauigation to Cathay although it be not as yet throughly knowen yet if with often frequenting the same and by long vse and knowledge of those seas it bee continued it is like to make a wonderfull change and reuolution in the state of this our part of the world The testimonie of Gerardus Mercator in his last large Mappe of Europe touching the notable discoueries of the English made of Moscouie by the Northeast MAgnam occasionem certámque rationem emendandae Europae nobis attulit celeberrima Anglorum per Cronium mare nauigatio quae littora Septentrionalia Finlappiae Moscouiae que iuxta coeli situm mundique plagas
the imprisonment of M. Newbery and M. Fitch at Goa and of their escape from thence which happened while himselfe was in Goa 265 70 The money weights measures and customes vsed in Babylon Balsara Ormuz Goa Cochin and Malacca written from Alepo in Syria by M. William Barret Anno 1584. 271 71 The charge of a iourney by land and riuer from Alepo in Syria to Goa in the East India 276 72 A declaration of all the places from whence each particular commoditie of the East Indies commeth 277 73 The times or seasonable windes called Monsons wherein the ships depart from place to place in the East Indies 278 74 A description of the Isle of S. Helena frequented by the Portugales in their returne from the East India 280 75 A Priuiledge granted by Peter Prince of Moldauia to the English merchants Anno 1588. pag. 290 76 A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly payments answered quarterly in time of peace by the Grand Signor out of his treasury to the officers of his Seraglio or Court successiuely in degrees pag. 290 77 The chiefe officers of the great Turkes Empire the number of souldiers attending vpon each of his Beglerbegs the principal officers in his Seraglio or Court his yeerely reuenues and his allowances to forren Ambassadours 292,293,294 78 The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellor to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signor An. 1590 to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England signifying that vpon her request and for her sake especially he granted peace vnto the king of Poland 294 79 The second letters patents granted by the Queenes Maiestie to the right wor. company of the English merchants for the Leuant in the yere of our Lord 1592. 295 80 A letter written by the most high and mighty Empresse the wife of the Grand Signor Sultan Murad Can to her most sacred Maiesty of England Anno 1594. 311 A briefe Catalogue of the principall English Voyages made without the Straight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world contayned in the second part of this second volume immediatly following Wherein also mention is made of certaine Sea-fights and other memorable acts performed by the English Nation 1 THe voyage of Macham the first discouerer of the Isle of Madera in the yeere 1344. pag. 1 2 The first voyage to Barbary Anno 1551. pag. 7.8 3 The second voyage to Barbary Anno 1552. pag. 8.9 4 The voyage of M. Thomas Windam to Guinea and the kingdom of Benin Anno 1553. pag. 9 5 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Guinea Anno 1554. 14 6 The first voyage of Master William Towrson marchant of London to Guinea in the yeere of our Lord 1555. 23 7 The second voyage of M. William Towrson to Guinea and the castle of Mina An. 1556. 36 8 The third voyage of the sayd M. William Towrson to the coast of Guinea and the riuer of Seâ—tos Anno 1557. 44 9 A voyage made to Guinea at the charges of Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester c. Anno 1562. 54 10 The successe of another voyage made to Guinea at the direction of the said Sir William Gerard and others Anno 1564. 56 11 The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinea and to the Isles of Capo Verde An. 1566. 57 12 The voyage and ambassage of Master Edmund Hogan to the Emperour of Marocco Anno 1577. 64 13 The voyage of Thomas Stukeley into Barbary 1578. 67 14 The voyage of Thomas Steuens about the Cape of Buona Esperanza vnto Goa in the East India Anno 1579. 99 15 The memorable voyage of M. Iames Lancaster about the Cape of Buona Esperanza along the Easterne coast of Africa beyond Cape Comori as far as the maine land of Malacca and from thence home againe begun in the yeere 1591. 102 16 The voyage and ambassage of Master Henry Roberts to Mully Hamet Emperour of Marocco Anno 1585. 117 17 The voyage made by two of sir Walter Raleghs Pinasses called The Serpent and The Mary Spark of Plimouth to the Azores which tooke the gouernour of the Isle of S. Michael and Pedro Sarmiento gouernour of the Streights of Magellan in the yere 1586. 120 18 The voyage of Sir Francis Drake to Cadiz and the memorable exploits and seruices performed by him as well there as at diuerse other places vpon the coast of Spaine and Portugale and his taking of the great East Indian Carak called The Sant Philip neere the Isle of S. Michael Anno 1587. 121 19 A voyage to Benin beyond the countrey of Guinea made by Master Iames Welsh who set foorth in the yeere 1588. 126 20 The second voyage made by M. Iames Welsh to Benin in Africa An. 1590. 130 21 The voyage to Spaine and Portugale written as it is thought by Colonell Anthonie Wingfield An. 1589. 134 22 The voyage of the Right honourable the Earle of Cumberland to the Azores in the yeere 1589. 155 23 A fight performed by ten marchants ships of London against 12 Spanish gallies in the Streit of Gibraltar An. 1590. 166 24 The valiant fight performed in the Streit of Gibraltar by the Centurion of London against fiue Spanish gallies An. 1591. 168 25 A true report of the fight about the Isles of the Azores betweene the Reuenge one of her Maiesties ships vnder the conduct of Sir Richard Grinuile and an Armada of the king of Spaine An. 1591. 169 26 A voyage of certaine ships of London to the coast of Spaine and the Azores Anno. 1591 Reported by M. Robert Flick 176 27 The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassell to the riuers of Senega and Gambra neere the coast of Guinea Anno 1591. 188 28 The taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer and with the Popes Bulles bound for the west Indies by M. Thomas White in the Amitie of London An. 1592. 193 29 The taking of the mightie and rich Carak called The Madre de Dios and of the Santa Clara a Biskaine of 600 tunnes as likewise the firing of another great Carak called The Santa Cruz Anno 1592. 194 30 The firing and sinking of the stout and warlike Carak called The Cinquo Chaguas or The fiue woundes by three ships of the R. H. the Earle of Cumberland Anno 1594. 199 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses and other necessary matters of circumstance appertaining to the voyages in the second part of this second volume next ensuing 1 A Note concerning the ayde and assistance giuen to king Iohn the first of Portugale by certaine English merchants for the winning of Ceut in Barbary Anno 1415. pag. 1 2 2 The Ambassage of Iohn the second king of Portugale to Edward the 4. king of England to stay Iohn Tintam and William Fabian Englishmen preparing for a voyage to Guinea Anno 1481. pag. 2. 3 A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of English marchants to the Canarie Isles Anno 1526. 3 4 A description of the Canarie Islands with their strange fruits and
French armie as afterwards it appeared ¶ The Voyage of Prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Asia in the yeere 1270. ABout the yeere of our Lord 1267. Octobonus the Popes Legate being in England prince Edward the sonne of king Henry and diuers other Noble men of England tooke vpon them the crosse vpon S. Iohn Baptists day by the sayd Legates hands at Northhampton to the reliefe of the Holy land and the subuersion of the enemies of the crosse of Christ. For which purpose and for the better furnishing of the prince towards the iourney there was granted him a subsidie throughout all the realme and in the moneth of May in the yeere of our Lord 1270. he began to set forward At Michaelmas following he with his company came to Eguemortes which is from Marsilia eight leagues Westward and there taking ship againe hauing a mery and prosperous wind within ten dayes arriued at Tunez where he was with great ioy welcommed and entertained of the Christian princes that there were to this purpose assembleâ— as of Philip the French King whose father Lodouicus died a litle before of Carolus the king of Sicilia and the two kings of Nauarre and Arragon and as this lord Edward came thither for his father the king of England thâ—ther came also Henry the sonne of the king of Almaine for his father who at his returne from the voyage was slaine in a chappell at Viterbium When prince Edward demanded of these kings and princes what was to be done they answered him againe and sayd the prince of this citie and the prouince adioyning to the same hath bene accustomed to pay tribute vnto the king of Sicily euery yere and now for that the same hath bene for the space of seuen yeeres vnpaied and more therefore we thought good to make inuasion vpon him But the king knowing the same tribute to be but iustly demaunded hath now according â—o our owne desire satisfied for the time past and also paied his tribute before hand Then sayd â—e My Lords what is this to the purpose are we not here all assâ—mbled haue taken vpon vs the Lords Character to fight against the infidels enemies of Christ What meane you then to conclude a peace with them God forbid we should do so for now the land is plaine and hard so that we may approch to y e holy city IerusaleÌ„ Then said they now haue we made a league with them neither is it lawful for vs to breake the same But let vs returne againe to Sicilia and when the winter is past we may well take shipping to Acra But this counsel nothing at all liked him neither did he shew himselfe wel pleased there with but after hee had made them a princely banket he went into his closet or priuy chamber from amongst them neither would be partaker of any of that wicked money which they had taken They notwithstanding continuing their purpose at the next mery wind tooke shipping and for want of ships left 200. of their men a shore crying out and pitioufly lamenting for the peril and hazard of death that they were in wherewith prince Edward being somewhat mooued to compassion came backe againe to the land and receiued and stowed them in his owne ships being the last that went aboord Within seuen dayes after they arriued in the kingdom of Sicilia ouer agaynst the Citie Trapes casting their ankers a league from thence within the sea for that their shippes were of great burden and throughly fraught and from the hauen of the citie they sent out barges and boates to receiue and bring such of the Nobilitie to land as would but their horses for the most part and all their armour they kept still within boord At length towards the euening the sea began to be rough increased to a great tempest and a mightie insomuch that their ships were beaten one against anothers sides and drowned there was of them at that tempest lying at anker more then 120. with all their armour and munition with innumerable soules besides and that wicked money also which they had taken before likewise perished and was lost But the tempest hurt not so much as one ship of prince Edwards who had in number 13. nor yet had one man lost thereby for that as it may be presupposed he consented not to the wicked counsell of the rest When in the morning the princes and kings came to the sea side and saw all their ships drowned and saw their men and horses in great number cast vpon the land drowned they had full heauie hearts as well they might for of all their ships and mariners which were in number 1500. besides the common souldiers there was no more saued then the mariners of one onely ship and they in this wise There was in that ship a good wise Matrone a Countesse or an Erles wife who perceiuing the tempest to grow fearing her selfe called to her the M. of the ship asked him whether in attempting to the shoare it were not possible to saue theÌ„selues he answered that to saue the ship it was impossible howbeit the men that were therein by Gods helpe he doubted not Then sayd the countesse for the ship force no whit saue the soules therein and haue to thee double the value of the shippe who immediatly hoising the sailes with all force ran the shippe aground so nere the shore as was possible so that with the vehemency of the weather force he came withall he brast the ship and saued all that was within the same as he had shewed and sayd before Then the kings and princes altering their purpose after this so great a shipwracke returned home againe euery one vnto their owne lands onely Edward the sonne of the king of England remained behinde with his men and ships which the Lord had saued and preserued Then prince Edward renouating his purpose tooke shipping againe and within fifâ—eene daies after Easter arriued he at Acra and went aland taking with him a thousand of the best souldiers and most expert and taried there a whole moneth refreshing both his men and horses and that in this space he might learne and know the secrets of the land After this he tooke with him sixe or seuen thousand souldiers and marched forward twenty miles from Acra and tooke Nazareth and those that he found there he slew and afterward returned againe to Acra But their enemies following after them thinking to haue set vpon them at some streit or other aduantage were espied by the prince and returning againe vpon them gaue a charge and slew many of them and the rest they put â—o flight After this about Midsummer when the prince had vnderstanding that the Saracens began to gather at Cakow which was forty miles from Acra he marching thither set vpon them very earely in the morning and slew of them more then a thousand the rest he put to flight and tooke rich spoiles
marching forward till they came to a castle named Castrum peregrinorum situate vpon the sea coast and taried there that night and the next day they returned againe toward Acra In the meane season the king of Ierusalem sent vnto the noble men of Cyprus desiring them to come with speed to ayd the Christians but they would not come saying they would keepe their owne land and go no further Then prince Edward sent vnto them desiring that at hiâ—â—equest they would come and ioyne in ayd with him who immediatly thereupon came vnto him with great preparation furniture for the warres saying that at his commandement they were bound to do no lesse for that his predecessors were sometimes the gouernors of that their land and that they ought alwayes to shew their fidelity to the kings of England Then the Christians being herewith animated made a third voyage or roadâ— and came as farre as the fort called Vincula sancti Petri and to S. Georgius and when they had slain certaine there not finding any to make resistance against them they reâ—ired againe from whence they came when thus the fame of prince Edward grew amongst his enemies and that they began to stand in doubt of him they deuised among themselues how by some pollicy they might circumuent him and betray him Whereupon the prince and admirall of Ioppa sent vnto him faining himselfe vnder great deceit willing to become a Christian and that he would draw with him a great number besides so that they might be honorably entertained and vsed of the Christians This talke pleased the prince well and perswaded him to finish the thing he had so well begun by writing againe who also by the same messenger sent and wrote backe vnto him diuers times about the sâ—me matter whereby no mistrust should spring This messenger sayth mine author was one ex caute nutritis one of the stony hearted that neither feared God nor dreaded death The fift time when this messenger came and was of the princes sâ—ruants searched according to the maner and custome what weapon and armour he had about him as also his purse that not so much as a knife could be seene about him he was had vp into the princes chamber and after his reuerence done he pulled out certaine letters which he deliuered the prince from his lord as he had done others before This was about eight dayes after Whitsuntide vpon a Tuesday somewhat before night at which time the prince was layed vpon his bed bare headed in his ierkin for the great heat and intemperature of the weather When the prince had read the letters it appeared by them that vpon the Saturday next following his lord would be there ready to accomplish all that he had written and promised The report of these newes by the prince to the standers by liked them well who drew somewhat backe to consult thereof amongst themselues In the meane time the mâ—ssenger kneeling and making his obeisance to the prince questioning further with him put his hand to his belt as though he would haue pulled out sâ—me secret letters and suddenly he pulled out an inuenomed knife thinking to haue stroken the prince into the belly therewith as he lay but the price lifting vp his hand to defend the blow was striken a great wound into the arme and being abouâ— to fetch another stroke at him the prince againe with his foot tooke him such a blow that he feld him to the ground with that the prince gate him by the hand and with such violence wrasted the knife from him that he hurt himselfe therewith on the forehead and immediatly thrust the same into the belly of the messenger and striker and slew him The princes seruants being in the next chamber not farre off hearing the bussing came with great haste running in and finding the messenger lying dead in the floore one of them tooke vp a stoole and beat out his braines whereat the prince was wroth for that he stroke a dead man and one that was killed before But the rumour of this accident as it was strange so it went soone thorowout all the Court and from thence among the common people for which they were very heauy and greatly discouraged To him came also the Captaine of the Temple and brought him a costly and precious drinke against poison least the venime of the knife should penetrate the liuely blood and in blaming wise sayd vnto him did I not tell your Grace before of the deceit and subtilty of this people Notwithstanding sayd he let your Grace take a good heart you shall not die of this wound my life for yours But straight way the Surgions and Physicians were sent for and the prince was dressed and within few dayes after the wound began to putrifie and the flesh to looke dead and blacke whereupon they that were about the prince began to mutter among themselues and were very sad and heauy Which thing he himself perceiuing said vnto them why mutter you thus among your selues what see you in me can I not be healed tell me the trueth be ye not afrayd Whereupon one sayd vnto him and it like your Grace you may be healed we mistrust not but yet it will be very painfull for you to suffer May suffering sayd he againe restore health yea sayth the other on paine of losing my head Then sayd the prince I commit my selfe vnto you doe with me what you thinke good Then sayd one of the Physicians is there any of your Nobles in whom your Grace reposeth special trust to whom the prince answered Yea naming certeine of the Noble men that stood about him Then sayd the Physician to the two whom the prince first named the Lord Edmund and the lord Iohn Voisie And doe you also faithfully loue your Lord and Prince Who answered both Yea vndoubtedly Then sayth he take you away this gentlewoman and lady meaning his wife and let her not see her lord and husband till such time as I will you thereunto Whereupon they tooke her from the princes presence crying out and wringing her hands Then sayd they vnto her Be you contented good Lady Madame it is better that one woman should weepe a little while then that all the realme of England should weepe a great season Then on the morrow they cut out all the dead and inuenimed flesh out of the princes arme and threw it from them and sayd vnto him how cheereth your Grace we promise you within these fifteene dayes you shall shew your selfe abroad if God permit vpon your horsebacke whole and well as euer you were And according to the promise he made the prince it came to passe to the no little comfort and admiration of all his subiects When the great Souldan heard hereof and that the prince was yet aliue he could scarsely beleeue the same and sending vnto him three of his Nobles and Princes excused himselfe by them calling his god to witnesse
that the same was done neither by him nor his consent Which princes and messengers standing aloofe off from the kings sonne worshipping him fell flat vpon the ground you sayd the prince do reuerence me but yet you loue me not But they vnderstood him not because he spake in English vnto them speaking by an Interpreter neuerthelesse he honourably entertained them and sent them away in peace Thus when prince Edward had beene eighteene moneths in Acra he tooke shipping about the Assumption of our Lady as we call it returning homeward and after seuen weekes he arriued in Sicilia at Trapes and from thence trauailed thorow the middes of Apulia till he came to Rome where he was of the Pope honorably entertained From thence he came into France whose fame and noble prowesse was there much bruted among the common people and enuied of the Nobility especially of the earle of Chalons who thought to haue intrapped him and his company as may appeare in the story but Prince Edward continued foorth his iourney to Paris and was there of the French king honourably entertained and after certaine dayes he went thence into Gascoine where he taried till that he heard of the death of the king his father at which time he came home and was crowned king of England in the yere of our Lord 1274. The trauaile of Robert Turneham RObertus Turneham Franciscanus Theologiae professor insignis Lynnae celebri Irenorum ad ripas Isidis emporio collegio suorum fratrum magnificè praefuit Edwardus Princeps cognomento Longus Henrici textij filius bellicam expeditionem contra Saracenos Assyriam incolentes anno Dom. 1268. parabat Ad quam profectionem quaesitus quoque Orator vehemens qui plebis in causa religionis animos excitaret Turnehamus principi visus vel dignissimus est qui munus hoc obiret Sic tanquam signifer constitutus Assyrios vnà cum Anglico exercitu peâ—ijt ac suum non sine laude praestitit officium Claruit anno salutiferi partus 1280 varia componens sub eodem Edwardo eius nominis primo post Conquestum The fame in English RObert Turneham Franciscan a notable professour of Diuinity was with great dignity Prior of the Colledge of his Order in the famous Mart towne of Linne situate vpon the riuer of Isis in Norfolke Prince Edward surnamed the Long the sonne of Henry the third prepared his warlike voyage against the Saracens dwelling in Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1268. For the which expedition some earnest preacher was sought to stir vp the peoples minds in the cause of religion And this Turneham seemed to the Prince most worthy to performe that office so that he being appointed as it were a standerd bearer went into Syria with the English army and performed his duety with good commendation He flourished in the yeere of Christ 1280 setting foorth diuers works vnder the same king Edward the first of that name after the Conquest Anthony Beck bishop of Durisme was elected Patriarch of Hierusalem and confirmed by Clement the fift bishop of Rome in the 34 yere of Edward the first Lelandus ANtonius Beckus episcopus Dunelmensis fult regnante Edwardo eius appellationis ab aduentu Gulielmi magni in Angliam primo Electus est in patriarcham Hierosolomitanum anno Christi 1305 a Clemente quinto Rom. pontifice confirmatus Splendidus erat supra quâm decebat episcopum Construxit castrum Achelandae quatuor passuum millibus a Dunelmo in ripa Vnduglessi fluuioli Elte shamum etiam vicinum Grencuico ac Somaridunum castellum Lindianae prouinciae ae dificijs illustria reddidit Deinde palatium Londini erexit quod nunc Edwardi principis est Tandem ex splendore nimio potentia conflauit sibi apud nobilitatem ingentem inuidiam quam viuens nunquam extinguere potuit Sed de Antonio eius scriptis fusiùs in opere cuius titulus de pontificibus Britannicis dicemus Obijt Antonius anno a nato in salutem nostram Christo 1310 Edwardo secundo regnante The same in English ANthony Beck was bishop of Durisine in the time of the reigne of Edward the first of that name after the inuasion of William the great into England This Anthony was elected patriarch of Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord God 1305 and was confirmed by Clement the fift pope of Rome He was of greater magnificence then for the calling of a bishop He founded also the castle of Acheland foure miles from Durisme on the shore of a prety riuer called Vnduglesme He much beautified with new buildings Eltham mannor being nere vnto Greenwich and the castle Somaridune in the county of Lindsey And lastly he built new out of the ground the palace of London which now is in the possession of prince Edward Insomuch that at length through his ouer great magnificence and power he procured to himselfe great enuy among the nobility which he could not asswage during the rest of his life But of this Anthony of his writings we will speake more at large in our booke intitled of the Britain bishops This Anthony finished his life in the yere of our Lord God 1310 and in the reigne of king Edward the second Incipit Itinerarium fratris Odorici fratrum minorum de mirabilibus Orientalium Tartarorum LIcet multa varia de ritibus conditionibus huius mundi enarrentur a multis ego tamen frater Odoricus de foro Iulij de portu Vahonis volens ad partes infidelium transfretare magna mira vidi audiui quae possum veracitèr enarrare Primò transiens Mare Maius me de Pera iuxta CoÌ„stantinopolim transtuli Trapesundam quae antiquitus Pontus vocabatur Haec terra benè situata est sicut scala quaedam Perfarum Medorum eorum qui sunt vltra mare In hac terra vidi mirabile quod mihi placuit scilicèt hominem ducentem secum plusquam 4000 perdicum Homo autem per terram gradiebatur perdices vero volabant per aëra quas ipse ad quoddam castrum dictum Zauena duxit distans à Trapesunda per tres dieras Hae perdices illius conditionis erant cùm homo ille quiescere voluit omnes se aptabant circa ipsum more pullorum gallinarum per illum modum duxit eas vfque ad Trapesundam vsque ad palatium imperatoris qui de illis sumpsit quot voluit residuas vir ille ad locum vnde venerat adduxit In hac ciuitate requiescit corpus Athanasij supra portam ciuitatis Vltra transiui vsque in Armeniam maiorem ad quandam ciuitatem quae vocatur Azaron quae erat multùm opulenta antiquitùs sed Tartari eam pro magna parte destruxerunt In ea erat abundantia pani carnium aliorum omniuÌ„ victualium preterquam vini fructuum Haec ciuitas est multuÌ„ frigida de illa dicitur quòd altius situatur quà m aliqua alia in hoc
pidimos a Dios omnipotente prospere y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra De la ciudad de Londres a los veynte dias de Iulio del mil y quinientos y ochenta y quatro annos Al seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en nombre de todos les tratantes en Turquia Io el Mayor de Londres Edward Osborne The same in English RIght high and mightie king May it please your highnesse to vnderstand that the most high and most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor hath confirmed certaine articles of priuileges with the most excellent maiestie of our Queene of England that her subiects may freely go and come and traffike by sea and land in the dominions of his most mighty maiesty as appeareth more at large by y e said articles whereof we haue sent the copy vnto M. Ioh. Tipton our Commissarie to shew the same vnto your highnes Against the tenor of which articles one of our ships which came from Patras which is in Morea laden with corants and other merchandizes which were bought in those parts was sunke by 2. gallies of your citie of Alger and the greatest number of the men thereof were slain and drowned in the sea the residue being detained as slaues An acte very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and priuileges which is the occasiō that by these presents we beseech your highnesse very humbly that since it hath pleased the most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor to fauour vs with the sayd priuileges it would please your Highnesse in like maner to assist vs in the same graunting vs by your authoritie your ayde and fauour according as our hope is that these poore men so detained in captiuitie as is aforesaid may be set at libertie returne into their countrey And likewise that your highnesse would send to giue order to the captaines masters and people of your gallies that from hencefoorth they would suffer vs to vse our traffique with sixe ships yerely into Turkie vnto the dominions of the Grand Signor in peace and safetie that they do not withstand those our said priuileges euery one of our foresaid ships carying with them a passeport of his most high and most mightie maiestie to be knowen by And for that your so singular fauour and curtesie which in so doing we shall receiue we on our part with all bounden duetie vnto your highnesse will seeke to honour you in that behalfe according as the sayd master Iohn Tipton to whom wee referre our selues touching all other circumstances shall more at large enforme your highnesse whose most excellent person and estate we pray and beseech almightie God to prosper and increase with all felicitie and honour From the Citie of London the 20. of Iuly 1584. At the seruice of your highnesse for and in the name of our whole company trading into Turkie I Maior of London Edward Osburne Notes concerning the trade of Alger THe money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano Doublaes and two Doublaes make an Asiano but the Doubla is most vsed for all things be sold by Doublaes which Doubla is fiftie of their Aspers there The Asper there is not so good by halfe more as that in Constantinople for the Chekin of gold of the Turkes made at Constantinople is at Alger worth an 150. Aspers and at Constantinople it is but 66. Aspers The pistolet and roials of plate are most currant there The said pistolet goeth for 130. Aspers there the piece of 4. roials goeth for 40. Aspers but oftentimes is sold for more as men need them to cary vp into Turkie Their Asianos and Doublaes are pieces of course gold worth here but 40. s. the ounce so the same is currant in no place of Turkie out of the kingdom of Alger neither the Aspers for that they be lesse then others be for they coine them in Alger The custome to the king is inward 10. per centum to the Turke to be paid of the commoditie it selfe or as it shall be rated There is another custome to the Ermine of one an halfe per centum which is to the Iustice of the Christians the goods for this custome are rated as they are for the kings custome Hauing paid custome inwards you pay none outwards for any commoditie that you doe lade more then a reward to the gate keepers The waight there is called a Cantare for fine wares as mettals refined and spices c. which is here 120. li. subtil Mettall not refined as lead iron and such grosse wares are sold by a great Cantare which is halfe as big againe so it is 180. li. subtil of ours here The measure of corne is by a measure called a Curtia which is about 4. bushels of our measure and corne is plentiful there and good cheape except when there hapneth a very dry yeere The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a Iewes house for if he haue any hurt the Iew and his goods shall make it good so the Iew taketh great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house for feare of punishment An Englishman called Thomas Williams which is M. Iohn Tiptons man lieth about trade of merchandize in the streete called The Soca of the Iewes Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria ALexandria in Egypt is a free port and when a man commeth within the castles presently the Ermyn sends aboord to haue one come and speake with him to know what goods are aboord and then hee will set guards aboord the ship to see all the goods discharged And then from the Ermin you goe to the Bye onely for that he will inquire newes of you and so from thence to the Consuls house where you lie The Uenetians haue a Consul themselues But all other nations goe to the French nations Consul who will giue you a chamber for your selues apart if you will so haue it The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred the custome is paid in wares also that you buy for the same wares in barter you pay also ten in the hundred at the lading of the wares But if you sell for mony you pay no more custome but the ten aforesaid and one and a half in the hundred which is for the custome of the goods you lade for the sayd mony for more custome you pay not But for all the money you bring thither you pay nothing for the custome of the same And if you sell your wares for mony and with the same money buy wares you pay but two in the hundred for the custome thereof And if you steale any custome if it be taken you pay double custome for that you steale The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine which is a kintal in that place which maketh at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils waight at 15 ounces the pound which is
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
aforesaid The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him grand Pilot of England EDwardus sextus Dei gratia Angliae Franciae Hiberniae rex omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesentes hae literae nostrae peruenerint salutem Sciatis quod nos in consideratione boni acceptabilis seruitij nobis per dilectum seruientem nostrum Sebastianum Caboâ—am impensi atque impendendi de gratia nostra speciali ac ex certa scientia mero motu nostro nec non de aduisamento consensu preclarissimi auunculi nostri Edwardi Ducis Somerseti personae nostre Gubernatoris ac Regnorum dominiorum sub ditorúm que nostrorum protectoris caeterorum consiliarioruÌ„ nostrorum dedimus concessimus ac per praesentes damus concedimus eidem Sebastiano Cabotae quandam annuitatem siue annualem reditum centum sexaginta sex librarum tresdecim solidorum quatuor denariorum sterlingorum habendam gaudendam annuatim percipiendam pâ—aedictam annuitatem siue annalem reditum eidem Sebastiano Cabote durante viâ—a sua naturali de thesauro nostro ad receptum scacarij nostri Westmonasterij per manus the sauiariorum Camerariorum nostrorum ibidem pro tempore existentium ad festa annuntiationis beatae Mariae Virginis natiuitatis sancti Ioannis Baptistae Sancti Michaelis Archangeli Natalis Domini per aequales portiones soluendam Et vlteriùs devberiori gratia nostra ac de aduisamento consensu praedictis damus per presentes concedimus prefato Sebastiano Cabotae tot tantas Denariorum summas ad quot quantas dicta annuitas siue annalis reditus centum sexaginta sex libraruÌ„ tresdecim solidorum quatuor denarioruÌ„ à festo sancti Michaelis Archangeli vltimò praeterito huc vsque se extendit attingit habendas recipiendas prefato Sebastiano Cabotae assignatis â—uis de thesauro nostro praedicto per manus predictorum Thesaurariorum Camerariorum nostrorum de dono nostro absque computo seu aliquo alio nobis haere dibus vel successoribus nostris proinde reddendo soluendo vel faciendo eo quòd expressa mentio c. In cuius rei testimonium c. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium 6. die Ianuarij Anno 2. Regis Edwardi sexti The same in English EDward the sixt by the grace of God King of England France and Ireland defender of the faith to all Christian people to whom these presents shall come sendeth greeting Know yee that we in consideration of the good and acceptable seruice done and to be done vnto vs by our beloued seruant Sebastian Cabota of our speciall grace certaine knowledge meere motion and by the aduise and counsel of our most honourable vncle Edward duke of Somerset gouernour of our person and Protector of our kingdomes dominions and subiects and of the rest of our Counsaile haue giuen granted and by these presents do giue and graunt to the said Sebastian Cabota a certaine annuitie or yerely reuenue of one hundreth threescore sixe pounds thirteene shillings foure pence sterling to haue enioy and yerely receiue the foresaid annuitie or yerely reuenue to the foresaid Sebastian Cabota during his natural life out of our Treasurie at the receit of our Exchequer at Westminster at the hands of our Treasurers paymasters there remayning for the time being at the feasts of the Annuntiation of the blessed Uirgin Mary the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist S. Michael y e Archangel the Natiuitie of our Lord to be paid by equal portions And further of our more speciall grace and by the aduise and consent aforesaide wee doe giue and by these presents doe graunt vnto the aforesaide Sebastian Cabota so many and so great summes of money as the saide annuitie or yeerely reuenue of an hundreth threescore and sixt pounds thirteene shillings 4. pence doeth amount and rise vnto from the feast of S. Michael the Archangel last past vnto this present time to be had and receiued by the aforesaid Sebastian Cabota and his assignes out of our aforesaid Treasurie at the handes of our aforesaide Treasurers and officers of our Exchequer of our free gift without accompt or any thing else therefore to be yeelded payed or made to vs our heires or successours forasmuch as herein expresse mention is made to the contrary In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made patents Witnesse the King at Westminster the sixt day of Ianuarie in the second yeere of his raigne The yeere of our Lord 1548. A discourse written by Sir Humfrey Gilbert Knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cathaia and the East Indies The Table of the matters in euery Chapter of this discourse Capitulo I. TO proue by authoritie a passage to be on the North side of America to goe to Cataia China and to the East India Capitulo 2. To proue by reason a passage to be on the North side of America to go to Cataia Moluccae c. Capitulo 3. To proue by experience of sundry mens trauailes the opening of this Northwest passage whereby good hope remaineth of the rest Capitulo 4. To proue by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath bene sailed throughout Capitulo 5. To prooue that such Indians as haue bene driuen vpon the coastes of Germanie came not thither by the Southeast and Southwest nor from any part of Afrike or America Capitulo 6. To prooue that the â—ndians aforenamed came not by the Northeast and that there is no thorow passage nauigable that way Capitulo 7. To proue that these Indians came by the Northwest which induceth a certaintie of this passage by experience Capitulo 8. What seueral reasons were alleaged before the Queenes Maiestie and certaine Lords of her Highnesse priuie Council by M. Anth. Ienkinson a Gentleman of great trauaile and experience to proue this passage by the Northeast with my seuerall answeres then alleaged to the same Capitulo 9. How that this passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffike then the other by the Northeast if there were any such Capitulo 10. What commodities would ensue this passage being once discouered To proue by authoritie a passage to be on the Northside of America to goe to Cathaia and the East India Chapter I. WHen I gaue my selfe to the studie of Geographie after I had perused and diligently scanned the descriptions of Europe Asia Afrike and conferred them with the Mappes and Globes both Antique and Moderne I came in fine to the fourth part of the world commonly called America which by all descriptions I found to bee an Iland enuironed round about with Sea hauing on the Southside of it the frete or straight of Magellan on the West side Mar del Sur which Sea runneth towards the North separating it from the East parts of Asia where the Dominions of the Cathaians are On the East part our West Ocean and on
great fight before Greueling the 29 of Iuly Three Spanish shippes sucke in the fight Two galeons taken and caried into Zeland A small shippe cast away about Blankenberg The dishonourable flight of the Spanish nauy and the prudent aduice of the L. Admirall The English returne home from the pursute of y e Spaniards the 4. of August The Spaniards consult to saile round about Scotland and Ireland and so to returne home The shippewracke of the Spaniardes vpon the Irish coast Of 134 ships of the Spanish fleet there returned home but 53. New coines stamped for the memory of the Spaniards ouerthrow The people of England and of the vnited prouinces piaâ— fast and giue thanks vnto God 1. King cap 5. 2. Chron. cap. 2. Triadum liber A.D. 1058. A.D. 1064. A.D. 1051. A.D. 1064 According to Florentius Wigorniensis A.D. 1051. A.D. 1102. When the author was writing of this history Hic etiam Gullielmus Tyrensis claruit sub Henrico primo Claruit sub Stephano 1147. Tempore regis Stephâ—â—i 1173. 1177. The citie of Iconium intended to haue bene besieged Certaine noble men of the king of England were with the Emperor in his battell against the Soldan of Iconium ¶ The oth of fidelitie betwixt King Richard and the French kingâ— The discipline and orders of the king Messana won by the English The Nauie of king Richard The Lord Chamberlaine of King Richard left gouernour of Cyprus A great ship of Saracens taken by king Richard King Richard arriued at Achon The forme of peace concluded betweene the Kings and the Princes of Achon The French kings shamefull returne home The captiues of the Saracens slaine by King Richard A notable victorie against the Saladine King Richard in possession of Syria 1193. King Richard returneth from Palaestina The iust iudgment of God vpon the Duke of Austria Ciuitas Ioppe 1240. ‖ Or Long-sword A foâ—â— woâ— by the Eâ—glishmeâ— A rich bootie also gotten by the Englishmen The iniurie of the Frenchmen to our English Will. Longspee iâ—â—tly â—oâ—saketh y e French king The worthy answere of William Longspe â—o Earle Robert The â—owardly flight of Earle Robert The valiant ende of William Longespe The arriuall of prince Edward at Acra Nazareth taken by the prince A â—ictoâ—iâ— agaâ—nâ—â— the Saracâ—nsâ— whâ—rein 1000 oâ—â—heÌ„ were slâ—iâ—e The princes of Cyprus acknowledge obedâ—â—â—ce to the kings of England Prince â—dwâ—â—d â—raâ—â—â—oâ—sly wouâ—ded This lord Edmund was the prince his brother 1305. Armenia maior Tauris ciuitas Persiâ— Suleania Vel Casâ—ibin Gest. Como Ormus Thana Malabaâ— Polumbrum ciâ—itas Adoratio bouis Combastio mortuotum Mobat regnum vel Maliapor Crudelissima Sutanae tyrannis caâ—nificina Platonica xâ—â—oriae Simolâ—ra vel Samoâ—ra Iâ—uâ— Vel Malasmi Mare quod semper currit versus meridiem Vela ex â—â—ndinibus facta Campa Testudines magnae Moâ—moran Ceilan inâ—ula Bodin Insula Vel Ceâ—scala Hi sunt alcatraâ—â—i vel onocratoli Vel Zaâ—â—on Vel Foquien Magnum flumen Alias Cansai vel Quiâ—â—ai Pythagorica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chilenâ—o Thalay Kakam Montu Caramoran Cambaleâ— Mandeuil cap. 33. Casan Tibec regio aliaÌ„â— Tebet Guillielmo de Rubricis Eadem historia de codem populo apud GuiltelmuÌ„ de Rubricis Mulierum parâ—i pedes Milestorite Pera. Trapesunda The citie of Azaron in Armenia maior Sobissacalo Tauris a citie of Persia. Or Sultania The Caspian sea Or Cassibin Geste Como The tower of Babel Ormus Thana whereof Frederick Câ—sar maketh mâ—ntion Malabar Or Alandrina Polumbrum The burning of their dead Mobar or Maliapor Perhaps he meaneth Comori Sumatra Iaua A sea running still Southward Sayles made of reedes Campa Tortoises Moumoran Or Dadin Or China Or Ceuskalâ— He meaneth Pellicans which the Spaniards cal Alcatâ—tarzi Or Zâ—iton A great riuer Foules catching fish Or Cansai or Qâ—inzai The Italian copy in Ramusius hath 11000. bridges Chilenfo Thalay Cakam Ianzu Karamoroâ— Sumacoto A lambe in a gourd His retuâ—ne Westward Casan ‖ Or Thebet The same story concerning the very same people is in William de Râ—brâ—cis Long nailes Melistorte In the reigne of Edward the third The Chronicles of Genoa 1394. Froyslare Thomas Walsingham Order taken for building of ships and gallies The taking of Belgrade Forren physicians become spies oftentimes A Portingale traitor Philip de Villiers great master Sir Ioh. Bourgh the English Turcoplier Harnest in April and May. A thousand more Turkes slaine before the English bulwarke Sir Will. Weston captaine of the English posterne hurt 64000. Turkâ— slaine at the siege of Rhodes He meaneth the Emperor the French king The Holy Crosse and the Mathew Gonson depart for Turkie The Mathew Gonson goeth into Turkie The Barke Aucher goeth for Leuant Mallorca Messina The Turke prepareth an army to besâ—ege Malta The Barke Aucher at Micone The towne of Chio is bound in 12000 ducats for the fafegard of the Barke Aucher The companie doe murmure against their Captaine The Turkes Gallies come to seeke the Barke Aâ—cher Fiue thousand banished men in Candia Master Richard Chancellour Master Mathew Baker The ship Fila Cauena departeth for Ierusalem Rouignio a port in Istria Sancta Eufemia Monte de Ancona Il pomo Sant Andrea Lissa an Iland Lezina Iland Catza Pelagosa Augusta Meleda Monte Sant Angelo Ragusa paâ—eth 14000. Sechinos to the Turke yerely Il Cromo Zupanna Isola de Mezo Sant Andrea Castle nouo Boca de Cataro The towne Cataro Budoa Antiueri Marcheuetti The end of Sclauonia and the beginning of Albania Puglia Cape Chimera Cape Otranto Il fano Corfu Palomide Cephalonia Morea Zante Iohn Locke and fiue Hollanders goe on land Santa Maria de la Croce The tombe of M. T. Cicero * Oi Aue. The descriptioÌ„ of the tombe Sant Elia bist one Frier The descriptioÌ„ of the Castle of Zante The Turke hath attempted the Iland of Zante The Castle of Torneste Twelue turks gallies at Modon and Coron and Candia Modon Coron Cauo Mattapan Candia Gozi Candia Cape Spada C. Salomon Ponta Malota Baffo Cauo Bianco Cauo de la garte Limisso Caualette in a certaine vernime in the Island of Cyprus The pilgrimes going to the Greeke churches A great currant A Cat fallen into the sea and recouâ—red They met with two Moores on land The two towers of Iaffa Scolio di Santo Petro. A messenger departeth for Ierusalem Mahomet is clothed in greene The Guardian of Ierusalem commeth to Iaffa with the Cady and Subassi A cloud called of the Italians Cion most dangerous A coniuration The pilgrimes returne from Ierusalem Mount Carmel Pesce columbini Cauo de la Griega Salini Arnacho di Salini Casalia Sixe horsemen to watch the salt pit Faâ—agusta Mozenigo Solde of Venice Castellani Saint Katherenâ— Chappel â—â— old Famagusta Diuers coines vnder ground Cornari a familie of Venice maried to king Iaques No vitalles must be sold our of the city of Famagusta Great ruines in Cyprus Cyprus 36. yeres disinhabited for lacke of water Cypr. ruinated by Rich. the 1. Nicosia A fountaine
created knight In y e yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedicated by Richard bishop of Soder In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland and without atchieuing ought turning his course towards the Orcades he there deceased at Kirwas and was buried at Bergen In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin and was buried at the Church of S. Mary at Russin In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated vnto Alexander king of Scots That which followeth was written in a new character or letter and of a diuers kinde from the former IN the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete of Alexander king of Scots arriued at Roghalwath and the next day before the Sunne rising there was a battell fought betweene the Mannians and the Scots in the which conflict there were slaine 535. Mannians whereupon a certaine versifier writeth to this effect Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine against ill haps Yee Mannians arme your selues for feare of afterclaps In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of Russin which Dingawy Dowil held against him howbeit at the last the king tooke the castle In the yeere 1316. vpon the feast of Ascension Richard le Mandeuile and his brethren with diuers great personages of Irland arriued at Ramaldwath demaunding to haue victuals and money ministred vnto them because they had bene spoyled by their enemies which made continuall warre vpon them But when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would giue nothing they proceeded against them in warlike maner with two bands till they were come vnder the side of the hill called Warthsel in the fielde where Iohn Mandeuile remained and there hauing fought a battell the Irish ouercame the people of Man and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russin also and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island lading their ships they returned home The mariage of the daughter of Harald slaine by VVilliam the Conquerour vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish historie written by Saxo Grammaticus An. D. 1067. HAraldo caefo filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cum sorore migrarunt Quos Sweno paterni illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more accepit puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro qui ipse Iarislaus a suis est appellatus nuptum dedit Eidem postmodùm nostri temporis dux v◠sanguinis ita nominis haeres ex filia nepos obuenit Itaque hinc Britannicus indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem stirpem duarum gentium ornamentum effecit The same in English HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped themselues immediatly into Denmarke Whom Sweno forgetting their fathers deserts receiued in most kinde and friendly maner and bestowed the yong damosell in mariag◠vpon Waldemarus king of Russia who was also called by his subiects Iarislaus Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew being duke at this present who succeeded his predecessour both in line al descent and in name also Wherefore the English blood on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to the ioyfull birth of our prince caused that mutual kinred to be an ornament vnto both nations The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour and so downe to Edward the first faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent out of the most ancient Records of England I Finde in the booke of the generall suruey of the Realme which William the Conquerour caused to bee made in the fourth yeere of his reigne and to be called Domesday because as Matthew Parise saith it spared no man but iudged all men indifferently as the Lord in that great day wil do that Douer Sandwich and Rumney were in the time of K. Edward the Confessour discharged almost of all maner of impositions and burdens which other townes did beare in consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea as in their special titles shall hereafter appeare Whereupon although I might ground reasonable coniecture that the immunitie of the hauen Townes which we nowe call by a certaine number the Cinque Ports might take their beginning from the same Edward yet for as much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest which is reported in our booke of Entries A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the Fiue Ports the same reaching no higher then to William the Conquerour I will leaue my coniecture and leane to his Chartre contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour the thankes of other mens benefits seeing those which were benefited were wisely contented as the case then stood to like better of his confirmation or second gift then of K. Edwards first graunt and endowment And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array I will first shewe which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Ports and what others be now reputed in the same number secondly what seruice they ought and did in times passed and lastly what priuiledges they haue therefore and by what persons they haue bene gouerned If I should iudge by the common and rude verse Douer Sandwicus Ry Rum Frigmare ventus I must say that Douer Sandwich Rie Rumney and Winchelsey for that is Frigmare ventus be the Fiue Ports Againe if I should be ruled by the Rolle which reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament I must then adde to these Hastings and Hyde for they also haue their Barons as well as the other and so should I not onely not shew which were the first Fiue but also by addition of two others increase both the number and doubtfulnesse Leauing the verse therefore for ignorance of the authour and suspition of his authoritie and forsaking the Rolle as not assured of the antiquitie I will flee to Henry Bracton a man both ancient learned and credible which liued vnder K. Henry the thirde and wrote aboue three hundreth yeeres since learnedly of the lawes of this Realme He I say in the third booke of his worke and treatise of the Crowne taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the Iustice in Eire or Itinerent as we called them because they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme for administration of iustice setteth forth a special fourme of writs to be directed seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings Hithe Rumney Douer and Sandwich commanding them that they should cause twentie foure of their Barons for so their Burgesses or townesmen and the citizens of London likewise were wont to be termed to appeare before the Kings Iustices at Shipwey in
Cuius si quantitatem requitis non nisi machinis instrumentorum genere adminiculo leuari poterat si qualitatem nec maâ—eria nec opere ipsum putem aliquando ab aliquo huiusce apparatu superatum iri Literas quoque mellito sermone plenas pariter direxerat quarum hic tenor fuit Praecordiali amico suo Frederico Dei gratia Romanorum imperatori inuictissimo Henricus Rex Angliae dux Normanniae Aquitaniae Comes Andegauensis salutem verae dilectionis concordiam Excellentiae vestrae quantas possumus referimus grates dominantium optime quod nos nuncijs vestris visitare salutare literis muneribus praeuenire quod his charius amplectimur pacis amoris inuicem dignatus estis foedera inchoare Exultauimus quodammodo animum nobis crescere in maius sensimus euehi dum vestra promissio in qua nobis spem dedistis in disponendis Regni nostri negocijs alacriores nos reddidit promptiores Exultauimus in quam tota mente magnificentiae vestrae assurreximus id vobis in sincero cordis affectu respondentes quod quicquid ad honorem vestrum spectare nouerimus pro posse nostro effectui mancipare parati sumus Regnum nostrum quicquid vbique nostrae subijcitur ditioni vobis exponimus vestre committimus potestari vt ad vestrum nutum omnia disponantur in omnibus vestri fiat voluntas imperij Sit igitur inter nos populos nostros dilectionis pacis vnitas indiuisa commercia tuta Ita tamen vt vobis qui dignitate praeminetis imperandi cedat authoritas nobis non deerit voluntas obsequendi Et sicut vestrae Serenitatis memoriam vestrorum excitat in nobis munerum largitio sic vos nostri quoque reminisci praeoptamus mittentes quae pulchriora penes nos erant vobis magis placitura Attendite itaque dantis affectum non data eo animo quo dantur accipite De manu beati Iacobi super qua nobis scripsistis in ore magistri Hereberti Guilielmi Clerici nostri verbuÌ„ posuimus Teste Thoma Cancellario apud Northanton The same in English THere were present also the same time the messengers of Henry king of England presenting diuers rich and precious gifts and that with great learning eloquence of speech Amongst the which we saw a pauilion most large in quantity most excellent in quality For if you desire to know the quantitie therof it could not be erected without engines and a kinde of instruments and maine force if the qualitie I thinke there was neuer any furniture of the same kinde that surpassed the same either in stuffe or workemanship The said king directed his letters also full of sugred speeches the tenour whereof was this that followeth To his entirely beloued friend Frederick by the grace of God Emperour of the Romanes most inuincible Henry king of England duke of Normandie and Aquitaine Earle of Anjou wisheth health and concord of sincere amitie We doe render vnto your highnes most renowmed and peerelesse Prince exceeding great thanks for that you haue so graciously vouchsafed by your messengers to visite vs in your letters to salute vs with your gifts to preuent vs and which wee doe more highly esteeme of then all the rest to beginne a league of peace and friendship betweene vs. We reioyced and in a maner sensibly felt our selues to bee greatly emboldened and our courage to encrease whilest your promise whereby you put vs in good comfort did make vs more cheerefull and resolute in managing the affaires of our kingdome We reioyced I say in our secret cogitations did humble obeisance vnto your Maiestie giuing you at this time to vnderstand froÌ„ the sincere vnfained affection of our heart that whatsoeuer we shal know to tend vnto your honour we are to our power most ready to put in practise Our kingdome and whatsoeuer is vnder our iurisdiction we doe offer vnto you and commit the same vnto your highnesse that all matters may be disposed according to your direction and that your pleasure may in all things be fulfilled Let there be therefore betweene our selues and our subiects an indiuisible vnitie of friendship and peace and safe trade of Marchandize yet so as that vnto you who excell in dignitie authoritie in commanding may bee ascribed and diligence in obeying shall not want in vs. And as the liberalitie of your rewards doeth often put vs in remembrance of your Maiestie euen so in like maner sending vnto your Highnesse the most rare things in our custodâ—e and which we thought should be most acceptable vnto you wee doe most heartily with that your selfe also would not altogether bee vnmindefull of vs. Haue respect therefore not vnto the gifts but vnto the affection of the giuer and accept of them with that minde wherewith they are offered vnto you Concerning the hand of S. Iames about which you wrote vnto vs we haue sent you word by M. Herbert and by William the Clerke Witnes Thomas our Chancelour at Northanton A generall safe conduct graunted to all forreine Marchants by king Iohn in the first yeere of his reigne as appeareth in the Records of the Tower Anno 1. Regis Ioannis IOannes Dei gratia c. Maiori Communitati Londinensi salutem Sciatis voluntatem esse nostram quod omnes Mercatores de quacunque fuerint terra saluum habeant conductum ire redire cum mercibus suis in Angliam Volumus etiam quod ean dem habeant pacem in Anglia quam Mercatores de Anglia habent in terris illis vnde fuerunt egressi Et ideo vobis praecipimus quod hoc faciatis denunciati in Balliua vestra firmiter teneri permittentes eos ire redire sine impedimento per debitas rectas solitas consuetudines in Balliua vestra Teste Galfredo silio Perri comite Essexiae apud Kinefard 5. die Aprilis In eadem forma scribitur vicecomiti Sudsex Maiori communitati Ciuitatis Winton Balliuo de Southampton Balliuo de Lenne Balliuo Kent Vicecomiti Norffolciae Suffolciae Vicecomiti dorset Sommerset Baronibus de quinque portubus Vicecomiti de Southampton sire Vicecomiti de Herteford Essex Vicecomiti Cornubiae Deuon The same in English IOhn by the grace of God c. to the Maior and communaltie of London greeting You are to vnderstand that it is our pleasure that all Marchants of what nation soeuer shall haue safe conduct to passe and repasse with their Marchandize into England It is our will also that they be vouchsafed the same fauour in England which is granted vnto the English Marchants in those places from whence they come And therefore we giue you in charge that you cause this to be published and proclaimed in your bailiwicke firmely to be obserued permitting them to goe come without impediment according to the due right and ancient customes vsed
forsooth in deed Out of Bristowe and costes many one Men haue practised by nedle and by stone Thider wardes within a litle while Within twelue yere and without perill Gon and come as men were wont of old Oâ— Scarborough vnto the costes cold And nowe so fele shippes this yeere there ware That moch losse for vnfreyght they bare Island might not make hem to bee fraught Unto the Hawys thus much harme they caught Then here I ende of the commoditees For which neede is well to kepe the seas Este and Weste South and North they bee And chiefly kepe the sharpe narrow see Betweene Douer and Caleis and as thus that foes passe none without good will of vs And they abide our danger in the length What for our costis and Caleis in our strength An exhortation for the sure keeping of Caleis ANd for the loue of God and of his blisse Cherish yee Caleis better then it is See well thereto and heare the grete complaint That true men tellen that woll no lies paint And as yee know that wriâ—ing commeth from thence Doe nâ—t to England for slought so great offence But that redressed it bee for any thing Leste a song of sorrow that wee sing For litle weaâ—th the foole who so might these What harme it were good Caleis for to lese What wo it were for all this English ground Which wel câ—nceiued the Emperour Sigismound Thaâ— of all â—oyes made it one of the moste That Caleis was subiect vnto English coste Hun thought it was a iewel most of all Aâ—d so the same in Latine did it call And if yee wol more of Caleis heare and knowe I cast to write within a litle scrowe Like as I haue done before by and by In other parteis of our policie Loke how hard it was at the first to get And by my counsell lightly doe not it let For if wee lese it with shame of face Wilfully it is for lacke of grace Howe was Harflew tried vpon and Rone That they were likely for shought to be gone Howe was it warned and cried on in England I make record with this pen in my hand It was warened plainely in Normandie And in England and I thereon did crie The world was defrauded it betyde right so Farewell Harflew Iewdly it was a go Nowe ware Caleis I can say no better My soule discharge I by this present letter After the Chapitles of commodities of diuers lands sheweth the conclusion of keeping of the sea enuiron by a storie of King Edgar and two incidentâ— of King Edward the third and King Henrie the fifth Chap. 11. NOwe see we well then that this round see To our Noble by pariformitee Under the ship shewed there the sayle And our king with royal apparayle With swerd drawen bright and extent For to chastise enimies violent Should be lord of the sea about To keepe enimies from within and without To behold through Christianitee Mastâ—r and lord enuiron of the see All liuing men such a prince to dreed Of such a a râ—gne to bee aferd indeed Thus prâ—ue I well that it was thus of old Which by a Chronicle anon shal be told Right curious but I will interprete It into English as I did it gete Of king Edgar O most marueilous Prince liuing wittie and cheualerous So good that none of his predecessours Was to him liche in prudence and honours Hee was fortunate and more gracâ—ous Then other before and more glorious He was beneth no man in holines Hee passed all in vertuous sweetnes Of English kings was none so commendable To English men no lesse memorable Then Cyrus was to Perse by puissance And as great Charles was to them of France And as to the Romanes was great Romulus So was to England this worthy Edgarus I may not write more of his worthines For lacke of time ne of his holines But to my matter I him exemplifie Of conditions tweyne and of his policie Within his land was one this is no doubt And another in the see without That in time of Winter and of werre When boystrous windes put see men into fere Within his land about by all prouinces Hee passed through perceiuing his princes Lords aud others of the commontee Who was oppressour and who to pouertee Was drawen and brought and who was clene in life And was by mischiefe and by strife With ouer leding and extortion And good and badde of eche condition Hee aspied and his ministers al 's Who did trought and which of hem was fals Howe the right and lawes of the land Were execute and who durst take in hand To disobey his statutes and decrees If they were well kept in all countrees Of these he made subtile inuestigation Of his owne espie and other mens relation Among other was his great busines Well to ben ware that great men of riches And men of might in citie nor in towne Should to the poore doe non oppression Thus was hee wont in this Winter tide On such enforchise busily to abide This was his labour for the publike thing Thus was hee occupied a passing holy King Nowe to purpose in the Soonner faire Of lusty season whan clered was the aire He had redie shippes made before Great and huge not fewe but many a store Full three thousand and sixe hundred also Stately inough on our sea to goe The Chronicles say these shippes were full boysteous Such things long to kings victorious In Sommer tide would hee haue in wonne And in custome to be ful redie soone With multitude of men of good array And instruments of werre of best assay Who could hem well in any wise descriue It were not light for eny man aliue Thus he and his would enter shippes great Habtliments hauing and the fleete Of See werres that ioy full was to see Such a nauie and Lord of Maiestee There present in person hem among To saile and rowe enuiron all along So regal liche about the English isle To all strangers terrours and perile Whose fame went about in all the world stout Unto great fere of all that be without And exercise to Knights and his meynee To him longing of his natall cuntree For courage of nede must haue exercise Thus occupied for esshewin of vice This knew the king that policie espied Winter and Somer he was thus occnpied Thus conclude I by authoritee Of Chronike that enuiron the see Should bene our subiects vnto the King And hee bee Lord thereof for eny thing For great worship and for prostie also To defend his land fro euery foo That worthy king I leue Edgar by name And all the Chronike of his worthy fame Saffe onely this I may not passe away A worde of mightie strength till that I say That graunted him God such worship here For his merites hee was without pere That sometime at his great festiuitee Kings and Erles of many a countree And princes fele were there present And many
to the said Agents that if they shall be certified credibly that any of our said first ships be arriued in any place whereunto passage is to be had by water or by land that theâ— certaine of the company at the discretion of the Agents shall bee appointed to be sent to them to learne their estate condition to visite refresh relieue and furnish them with all necessaries and requisites at the common charges of the companie and to imbrace accept and intreat them as our deare and welbeloued brethren of this our societie to their reioycing and comfort aduertising Syr Hugh Willoughbie and others of our carefulnes of them and their long absence with our desire to heare of them with all other things done in their absence for their commoditie no lesse then if they had bene present 17 Item it is decreed that when the ships shal arriue at this goiâ—g foorth at the Wardhouse that their Agents with master Chancelor grand pilot Iohn Brooke merchant deputed for the Wardhouse with Iohn Buckland master of the Edward Iohn Howlet master and Iohn Robins pilot of the Philip and Marie shall conferre and consult together what is most profitable to be done therfore for the benefit of the company to consider whether they may bargaine with the captaine of the castle and the inhabitants in that place or alongst the coall for a large quantity of fish drie or wet killed by the naturals or to be taken by our men at a price reasonable for trucke of cloth meale salt or beere and what traine oyle or other commodity is to be had there at this time or any other season of the yeere and whether there will be had or found sufficient lading for both the sayd shippes to be bought there and how they may conferre with the naturals for a continuance in hanting the place if profit wil so arise to the company and to consider whether the Edward in her returne may receiue at the Wardhouse any kind of lading homeward and what it may amount vnto and whether it shall be expedient for the Philip to abide at the Wardhouse the returne of the Edward out of Russia or getting that she may returne with the first good wind to England without abiding for the Edward and so to conclude accord certainely among themselues vpon their arriuall that the certaintie may vpon good deliberation be so ordered and determined betweene both ships that the one may be assured of the other and their determinations to be put in writing duplicate to remaine with ech ship according to such order as shall be taken betweene them 18 Item that Iohn Brooke our marchant for the Wardhouse take good aduise of the rest of our Agents how to vse himselfe in al affaires whiles the ship shal be at the Wardhouse he to see good order to be be kept make bargains aduisedly not crediting the people vntill their natures dispositions fidelities shal be well tried make no debts but to take ware for ware in hand and rather be trusted then to trust Note diligently what be the best wares for those parts and howe the fishe falleth on the coast and by what meane it is to bee bought at the most aduantage what kindes and diuersities of sortes in fishes be and whether it will keepe better in bulke piled or in caske 19 Item he to haue a diligent eye circumspection to the beere salt and other liquid wares and not to suffer any waste to be made by the companie and he in all contracts to require aduise counsel and consent of the master and pilot the marchant to be our houswife as our speciall trust is in him he to tender that no lawes nor customes of the countrey be broken by any of the company and to render to the prince and other officers all that which to them doth appertaine the company to be quiet voide of all quarrelling fighting or vexation absteine from all excesse of drinking as much as may bee and in all to vse and behaue themselues as to quiet marchants doeth and ought to apperteine 20 Item it is decreed by the companie that the Edward shall returne home this yeere with as much wares as may be conueniently profitably prouided bought and laden in Russia and the rest to be taken in at the Wardhouse as by the Agents shall be accorded But by all meanes it is to be foreseene and noted that the Edward returne home and not to winter in any forrein place but to come home and bring with her all the whole aduertisements of the marchants with such further aduise for the next yeeres prouision as they shall giue 21 Item it is further decreed and ordeined inuiolably to be obserued that when the good ships or either of them by Gods grace shall returne home to the coastes of England that neither of them shall stay or touch in any Hauen or Port of England otherwise then wind and weather shall serue but shall directly saile and come to the Port of the citie of London the place of their right discharge and that no bulke be broken hatches opened chest fardell trusse barrel fat or whatsoeuer thing it shall be be brought out of the shippe vntill the companie shall giue order for the same and appoint such persons of the companie as shall be thought meet for that purpose to take viewe and consider the shippe and her ladiâ—g and shall giue order for the breaking vp of the saide bulke or giue licence by discretion for things to be brought to land And that euery officer shall shewe the inuoise of his charge to him first committed and to examine the wastes and losses and to deliuer the râ—mainder to the vse and benefit of the company according to such order as shall be appointed in that behalfe 22 Item the company exhorteth willeth and requireth not onely all the said Agents pilots masters marchants clerkes boatswaines stewards skafâ—masters and all other officers and ministers of this present voyage being put in charge and trust dayly to peruse reade and studie such instructions as be made giuen deliuered to them for perfect knowledge of the people of Russia Moscouia Wardhouse and other places their dispositions maners customes vses tolles cariages comes weights numbers measures wares merchandises commodities and incommodities the one to be accepted and imbraced the other to be reiected and vtterly abandoned to the intent that euery man taking charge may be so well taught perfited and readily instructed in all the premisses that by ignorance no losse or preiudice may grow or chance to the company assuring themselues that forasmuch as the company hath trauelled and laboured so in these their instructions to them giuen that euery man may bee perfect and fully learned to eschew all losses hurts and damages that may insâ—e by pretense or colour of none knowledge the company entendeth not to allow or accept ignorance for any lawfull or iust cause of excuse in that which
other as vse to buy it thus hoping of that which is not like to be had hee hath driuen off the time not sending to any other places by means whereof the worshipfuls goods lie vnsold to this day to their great hinderance which I for my part am not a litle sory to see Babylon is from hence fifteene dayes iourney whereas by true report be great store of Dates and sold for a bisse the batman the commoditie fit for England and the place so neere vnto vs might easily haue bene knowen if hee whose deeds and sayings differ much had bene willing to the same Cassan also is but seuen dayes iourney from hâ—nce a place by report where most store of spices be at all times to be had ouer and aboue any place in this countrey it could not be granted by him to be seen and prooued at this time if this be losse to the worshipfull referre it to the want of one which can do that which he speaketh in words To trauell in this countrey is not onely miserable and vncomfortable for lacke of townes and villages to harbour in when night commâ—th and to refresh men with wholesome victuals in time of need but also such scarsitie of water that sometime in three dayes iourney together is not to be found any drop fit for man or beast to drinke besides the great danger we stand in for robbing by these infidels who doe account it remission of sinnes to wash their hands in the blood of one of vs. Better it is therefore in mine opinion to continue a beggar in England during life then to remaine a rich Merchant seuen yeeres in this Countrey as some shall well find at their comming hither By commandement of the Agent also I went to Gilan as well to see what harbor was there for your ship as also to vnderstand what commoditie is there best sold and for what quantitie I found the way from hence so dangerous and troublesome that with my pen I am not able to note it vnto you no man trauelleth from hence thither but such poore people as need constraineth to buy Rice for their reliefe to liue vpon and they lay not aboue twentie batmans vpon a catter and it lieth no lower then the skirts of the saddle and he escapeth very hardly that commeth there with the same The towne of Laighon which was the chiefest place in all that land haue I seen and Langro and Rosar also which be now ouerrun by the Shaugh and his power and be so spoiled the people so robbed that not one of them is able to buy one karsie The best commoditie there to bee bought is raw silke and is sold in the Summer time for 38. shaughs the Laighon batman which is litle aboue 40. li. waight and for ready money also there is to bee had what store of Alom you will and sold there for one bisse the Teueris batman In these partes be many Turkie merchants resident which giue an outward shew as though they were glad of our comming hither but secretly they be our mortall enemies searching by all meanes to hinder our sales because we should the sooner giuer ouer our trade thither which in processe of time I hope will growe to better perfection They wish vs to go to Hallape with the rest of our commodities vnsold where they say we shall haue good intertainment in spight of the great number of Uenetians which be there resident and the custome but two in the hundred and our karsies to be sold presently had we neuer so many for twelue duckets which maketh of this money 165. shaughs but by such as know the place market and custome it is reported to vs credibly to the contrary and that such karsies as ours be are not sold for aboue 8. duckets therâ—â— the custome thirtie in the hundred and more that no place in the world is so well furnished with good cloth and karsies and of so braue colour as that place is supposing it to bee craftily purposed of them to bring vs into trouble which God defend vs from The price of spices be these at this present enhansed by reason y e way is shut to Ormus which when God shal send open I purpose God willing to see and at my returne to aduertise the worshipful what benefit is there to be had in all points so neere as I can learne Pepper 25. shaughs the Teueris batman Cloues 50. shaughs Long pepper 25. shaughs Maces large 50. shaughs Ginger 24. shaughs ready money all or els looke not vpon them And the best sort of rawe silke is sold for 60. shaughs the Teueris batman Thus for want of surther matter to inlarge I ende for this time beseeching God to preserue you in continuall health By your obedient seruant Lawrence Chapman Notes concerning this fourth voyage into Persia begun in the moneth of Iuly 1568. gathered by M. Richard Willes from the mouth of Master Arthur Edwards which was Agent in the same WHen he came first to the Sophies presence at his court in Casbin bringing his interpreter with him and standing farre off the Sophie sitting in a seat roiall with a great number of his noble men about him bad him come neere and that thrise vntil he came so neere him that he might haue touched him with his haÌ„d Then the first demand that he asked him was from what countrey he came he answered that he came from England Then â—sked hee of his noble men who knew any such countrey But when Edwards saw that none of them had any intelligence of that name he named it Inghilterra as the Italians call England Then one of the noble meÌ„ said Londro meaning thereby LondoÌ„ which name is better knowen in far countries out of Christendom then is the name of England When Edwards heard him name Londro he said that that was the name of the chiefe câ—tie of England as was Teueris of the chiefe câ—ty of Persia. He asked him many things more as of the realme of England maruelling that it should be an Island of so great riches and power as Edwards declared vnto him of the riches abundance of our merchandize he further vndeâ—stood by our traffike in Moscouia and other countreis He demanded also many things of the Queenes maiestie and of the customes and lawes of the realme saying oftentimes in his owne language Bara colla that is to say Well sayd He asked also many things of king Philip of his wars against the Turke at Malta Then he demanded of him what was the chiefe cause of his resort into his realme And being certified that it was for the trade of merchandize he asked what kind of merchandize he could bring thither Such sayd hee as the Venetian merchants do which dwelling in our country in the city of Londro send to Uenice from thence into Turkie by Halepo Tripoli in Syria from whence as by the second and third hands with
great charges of many customs and other things thereunto pertaining they are at the length brought into your countrey and cities of Persia. What merchandize are those sayd the Sophie Edwards answered that they were great abundance of fine karsies of broad clothes of all sorts câ—lours as skarlets violets and other of the finest cloth of all the world Also that the Venetians brought out of England not onely such clothes ready made but furthermore great plenty of fine wooll to mingle with their wools of which they could not otherwise make fine cloth affirming that there went out of England yeerly that waies aboue two hundred thousand karsies and as many broad clothes beside fine wooll other merchandize beside also the great abundance of like clothes the which were caried into Spaine Barbarie diuers other countries The Sophie then asked him by what means such merchandize might be brought into Persia. Right wel sir said he by the way of Moscouia with more safety and in much shorter time then the Venetians can bring them first from England to Genice and from thence into Persia by the way of Turkie And therefore if it shal please your maiestie to grant vs free passage into all your dominions with such priuileges as may appertaine to the safegard of our liues goods and merchandize we will furnish your countries with all such merchandize and other commodities in shorter time and better cheape then you may haue the same at the Turks hands This talke and much more was between the Sophie and Edwards for the space of two houres all which things liked him so well that shortly after he granted to the sayd Arthur Edwards other priuileges for the trade of merchandize into Persia all written in Azure and gold letters and deliuered vnto the lord keeper of the Sophie his great seale The lord keeper was named Coche Califay who sayd that when the Shaugh that is the king or prince did sit to seale any letters that last priuiledge should be sealed deliuered to Laurence Chapman In this priuiledge is one principall article for seruants or merchants That if the Agent do perceiue that vpon their naughtie doings they would become Busormen that then the Agent wheresoeuer he shall find any such seruant or seruants to take them and put them in prison and no person to keepe them or maintaine them This article was granted in respect of a custome among the Persians being Mahumetans whose maner is friendly to receiue and wel entertaine both with gifts and liuing all such Christians as forsaking their religion wil become of the religion of the Persians Insomuch that before this priuiledge was granted there was great occasion of naughty seruants to deceiue and rob their masters that vnder the colour of professing that religion they might liue among them in such safetie that you might haue no lawe agaynst them either to punish them or to recouer your goods at their hands or elsewhere For before the Sophie whom they say to be a maruelous wise and gracious prince seemed to fauour our nation and to grant them such priuiledges the people abused them very much and so hated them that they would not touch them but reuiled them calling them Cafars and Gawars which is infidels or misbeleeuers But after they saw how greatly the prince fauoured them they had them afterward in great reuerence and would kisse their hands and vse them very friendly For before they tooke it for no wrong to rob them defraud them beare false witnesse against them and such merchandizes as they had bought or sold make them take it againe and change it as often as them listed And if any stranger by chance had killed one of them they would haue the life of two for one slaine and for the debts of any straÌ„ger would take the goods of any other of the same nation with many other such like abuses in maner vnknowen to the prince before the complaints of our men made vnto him for reformation of such abuses which were the cause that no merchant strangers of contrary religioÌ„ durst come into his dominions with their commodities which might be greatly to the profite of him and his subiects The Articles of the second priuiledge deliuered to Laurence Chapman which are to be annexed vnto the former priuiledge 10 Item that the merchants haue free libertie as in their first priuiledge to goe vnto Gilan and all other places of his dominions now or hereafter when occasion shall be giuen 11 Item if by misfortune any of their ships should breake or fall vpon any part of his dominions on the sea coast his subiects to helpe with all speed to saue the goods and to be deliuered to any of the sayd merchants that liueth or otherwise to be kept in safetie vntil any of them come to demaund them 12 Item if any of the said merchants depart this life in any citie or towne or on the high way his gouernours there to see their goods safely kept and to be deliuered to any other of them that shall demand them 13 Item the said merchants to take such camel-men as they themselues wil being countrey people and that no Kissell Bash do let or hinder them And the said owners of the camels to bee bound to answere them such goods as they shal receiue at their hands and the camel-men to stand to the losses of their camels or horses 14 Item more that the sayd Catiers do demaund no more of them then their agreement was to pay them 15 Item more if they be at a price with any Cariers haue giuen earnest the camel-men to see they keepe their promise 16 Item if any of the said merchants be in feare to trauel to giue theÌ„ one or more to go with them and see them in safetie with their goods to the place they will goe vnto 17 Item in all places to say in all cities townes or villages on the high way his subiects to giue them honest roume and victuals for their money 18 Item the sayd merchants may in any place where they shall thinke best build or buy any house or houses to their owne vses And no person to molest or trouble them and to stand in any Carauan where they will or shal thinke good THe commodities which the merchants may haue by this trade into Persia are thought to bee great and may in time perhaps be greater then the Portugals trade into y e East Indies forasmuch as by the way of Persia into England the returne may be made euery yeere once whereas the Portugals make the returne from Calecut but once in two yeeres by a long and dangerous voiage all by sea for where as the citie and Island of Ormus lying in the gulfe of Persia is the most famous Mart towne of all East India whither al y e merchandises of India are brought the same may in shorter time and more safely be brought by land and riuers through Persia euen vnto the
they thought it best to leaue them vnto those boisterous and vncouth Northren seas and not there to hunt after them The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted foure or fiue thousand of their people and hauing diuers maimed and sicke persons and likewise hauing lost 10 or 12 of their principall ships they consulted among themselues what they were best to doe being now escaped out of the hands of the English because their victuals failed them in like sort and they began also to want cables cordage ankers masts sailes and other naual furniture and vtterly despaired of the Duke of Parma his assistance who verily hoping and vndoubtedly expecting the returne of the Spanish Fleet was continually occupied about his great preparation commanding abundance of ankers to be made other necessary furniture for a Nauy to be prouided they thought it good at length so soone as the winde should serue them to fetch a compasse about Scotland and Ireland and so to returne for Spaine For they well vnderstood that commandement was giuen thorowout all Scotland that they should not haue any succour or assistance there Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants Wherefore hauing taken certaine Scotish and other fisherboats they brought the men on boord their owne ships to the end they might be their guides and Pilots Fearing also least their fresh water should faile them they cast all their horses and mules ouer-boord and so touching no where vpon the coast of Scotland but being carried with a fresh gale betweene the Orcades and Faar-Isles they proceeded farre North euen vnto 61 degrees of latitude being distant from any land at the least 40 leagues Heere the Duke of Medina generall of the Fleet commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay and he himselfe with twenty or fiue and twenty of his ships which were best prouided of fresh water and other necessaries holding on his course ouer the maine Ocean returned safely home The residue of his ships being about forty in number and committed vnto his Uice-admirall fell neerer with the coast of Ireland intending their course for Cape Clare because they hoped there to get fresh water and to refresh themselues on land But after they were driuen with many contrary windes at length vpon the second of September they were cast by a tempest arising from the Southwest vpon diuers parts of Ireland where many of their ships perished And amongst others the shippe of Michael de Oquendo which was one of the great Galliasses and two great ships of Venice also namely la Ratta and Belanzara with other 36 or 38 ships more which perished in sundry tempests together with most of the persons contained in them Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West winde into the chanell of England where of some were taken by the English vpon their coast and others by the men of Rochel vpon the coast of France Moreouer there arriued at Newhauen in Normandy being by tempest inforced so to doe one of the foure great Galliasses where they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed the Fleet at their setting forth Two ships also were cast away vpon the coast of Norway one of them being of a great burthen howbeit all the persons in the sayd great ship were saued insomuch that of 134 ships which set saile out of Portugall there returned home 53 onely small and great namely of the foure galliasses but one and but one of the foure gallies Of the 91 great galleons and hulks there were missing 58 and 33 returned of the pataches and zabraes 17 were missing and 18 returned home In briefe there were missing 81 ships in which number were galliasses gallies galeons and other vessels both great and small And amongst the 53 ships remaining those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English chanell Two galeons of those which were returned were by misfortune burnt as they rode in the hauen and such like mishaps did many others vndergo Of 30000 persons which went in this expedition there perished according to the number and proportion of the ships the greater and better part and many of them which came home by reason of the toiles and inconueniences which they sustained in this voyage died not long after their arriuall The Duke of Medina immediatly vpon his returne was deposed from his authority commanded to his priuate house and forbidden to repaire vnto the Court where he could hardly satisfie or yeeld a reason vnto his malicious enemies and backbiters Many honourable personages and men of great renowme deceased soone after their returne as namely Iohn Martines de Ricalde with diuers others A great part also of the Spanish Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight diseases or drowning before their arriual among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman being earle of Cantebroi and sonne vnto Cardinall Granduell his brother Upon the coast of Zeland Don Diego de Pimentell brother vnto the Marques de Tamnares and kinseman vnto the earle of Beneuentum Calua and Colonell ouer 32 bands with many other in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zeland Into England as we sayd before Don Pedro de Valdez a man of singular experience and greatly honoured in his countrey was led captiue being accompanied with Don Vasquez de Siluaâ— Don Alonzo de Sayas and others Likewise vpon the Scotish Westerne Isles of Lewis and Ila and about Cape Cantyre vpon the maine land there were cast away certaine Spanish shippes out of which were saued diuers Captaines and Gentlemen and almost foure hundred souldiers who for the most part after their shipwracke were brought vnto Edenborough in Scotland and being miserably needy and naked were there clothed at the liberality of the King and the Marchants and afterward were secretly shipped for Spaine but the Scotish fleet wherein they passed touching at Yarmouth on the coast of Norfolke were there stayed for a time vntill the Councels pleasure was knowen who in regard of their manifolde miseries though they were enemies wincked at their passage Upon the Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned and diuers slaine by the barbarous and wilde Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland Don Alonzo de Luçon Colonell of two and thirtie bandes commonly called a terza of Naples together with Rodorigo de Lasso and two others of the family of Cordoua who were committed vnto the custodie of Sir Horatio Palauicini that Monsieur de Teligny the sonne of Monsiâ—ur de la Noüe who being taken in sight neere Antwerpe was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney might be raunsomed for them by way of exchange To conclude there was no famous nor woorthy family in all Spaine which in this expedition lost not a sonne a brother or a kinseman For the perpetuall memorie of this matter the Zelanders caused newe
be examined according to iustice and if the partie shal be found to be English and shall receiue the holy religion then let him freely be discharged but if he wil still remaine a Christian let him then be restored to the Englishmen and the buyers shall demaund their money againe of them who solde the man 19 Item if the ships of warre of our Imperiall highnesse shal at any time goe forth to Sea and shall finde any English ships laden with marchandise no man shall hinder thâ—m but rather shall vse them friendly and doe them no wrong euen as wee haue giuen and granted articles and priuâ—leges to the French Venetians and other Kings and princes our confederats so also wee haue giuen the like to the English and contrary to this our diuine lawe and priuilege let no man presume to doe any thing 20 Item if either their great or small ships shall in the course of their voyage or in any place to which they come bee stayed or arrested let no man continue the same arrest but rather helpe and assist them 21 Item if any theeues and robbers shall by force take away any of their ships and marchandise let the same theeues and robbers be sought and searched for with all diligence and let them be punished most seuerely 22 Last of all the Beglerbegs and Zanziacbegs our Captaines our slaues and seruants of Captaines vsing the sea and our Iudges customers and gouernours of ships called Reiz and free Reâ—z all these according to the tenor of this priuilege and articles shal be bound to doe accordingly and as long as the Queene of England on her part shall duely keepe and obserue this league and holy peace expressed in this priuilege we also for our Imperial part do charge and commaund the same so long to be straightly kept and obserued Giuen at Constantinople in the 988. yeere of our most holy prophet in the beginning of the moneth of Iune And in the yeere of IESVS 1580. Her Maiesties letter to the Turke or Grand Signior 1581. promising redresse of the disorders of Peter Baker of Ratcliffe committed in the Leuant ELizabeth by the diuine grace of the eternall God of England France and Ireland most sacred Queene and of the most Christian faith against all the prophaners of his most holy Name the zealous and mightie defâ—ndourâ— c. To the most renowned and Emperious Caesar Sultan Murad Can Emperour of all the dominions of Turkie and of all the East Monarchie châ—efe aboue all others whosoeuer most fortunate yeeres with the suâ—cesse of al â—rue happinesse As with very great desire we wish and embrace the loue and amitie of forreine Princes and in the same by al good dueties and meanes we seâ—ke to be confirmed so to vs there may bee nothing more grieuous and disliking then that any thing should happen through the default of our Subiects which any way might bring our faith and fidelitie into suspition Although wee are not ignorant how many good princes by the like misaduenture be abused where the doings of the Subiects are imputed to the want of good gouernment But such matters of importance and so well approued we may not omit such is to vs the sacred estimation of our honour and of our Christian profession as we would the same should appeare aswell in the concluding of our promises and agreements as in the faithfull performing of the same The matter which by these our letters wee specially beholde is a most iniurious and grieuous wrong which of late came vnto our vnderstanding that should be done vnto certaine of your subiects by certaine of our Subiects as yet not apprehended but with all seueritie vpon their apprehension they are to be awarded for the same And as the deede in it selfe is most wicked so is it much more intollerable by how much it doeth infringe the credit of our faith violate the force of our authoritie and impeach the estimation of our word faithfully giuen vnto your Imperiall dignitie In which so great a disorder if wee should not manifest our hatred towardes so wicked and euil disposed persons we might not onely most iustly be reproued in the iudgement of all such as truely fauour Iustice but also of all Princes the patrones of right and equitie might no lesse be condemned That therefore considered which of our parts is ordained in this cause which may be to the good liking of your highnesse we are most especially to request of your Imperiall Maiestie that through the default and disorder of a sort of euill and wicked disposed persons you wil not withdraw your gratious fauour from vs neither to hinder the trafique of our Subiects which by vertue of your highnesse sufferance and power of your licence are permitted to trade into your dominions countreys or that either in their persons or goods they be preiudiced in their traueyling by land or by water promising vnto your greatnesse most faithfully that the goods whereof your subiects by great wrong and violence haue bene spoyled shall wholy againe be restored if either by the liues or possessions of the robbers it may any way be brought to passe And that hereafter as now being taught by this euill example wee will haue speciall care that none vnder the title of our authoritie shall be suffered to commit any the like wrongs or iniuries Neither they which haue committed these euil parts had any power vnder your highnesse safe-conduct graunted vnto our subiects but from some other safeconduct whether it were true or fained we knowe not or whether they bought it of any person within tâ—e gouernment of Marseils but vnder the colour thereof they haue done that which the trueth of our dealing doeth vtterly abhorre Notwithstanding howsoeuer it be wee will surely measure their euill proceedings with most sharpe and iust correction and that it shall repent them of the impeachment of our honours as also it shal be an example of our indignation that others may dread at all times to commit the like offence Wherefore that our amitie might be continued as if this vnfortunate hap had neuer chanced and that the singuler affection of our Subiects towardes your Imperiall Maiesâ—ie vowed and dayly more and more desired might be conserued and defended we thereunto do make our humble suite vnto your greatnesse And for so great goodnesse towardes vs and our people granted doe most humbly pray vnto the Almightie creatour of heauen and earth euer to maintaine and keepe your most renowmed Maiestie in all happinesse and prosperitie Dated at our palace of Greenewich the 26. of Iune Anno 1581. The letters patents or priuileges graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Edward Osborne Master Richard Staper and certaine other Marchants of London for their trade into the dominions of the great Turke in the yeere 1581. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To all our Officers ministers and Subiects and to all
time without the consent of the Gouernour for the time being and the more part of the said Company And further wee of our more ample and abundant grace meere motion and certaine knowledge haue graunted and by these patenâ—s for vs our heires and successors doe graunt to the saide Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors and administrators that they the saide Edward Thomas Richard and Willam their executors and administrators and the said person and persons by them the said Edward and Richard to be nominated or appointed as afore is said together with such two other persons as wee our heires or successors from time to time during the sayd terme shall nominate shall haue the whole trade and trafique and the whole entire onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing and vsing feate of marchandise into and from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior and euery of them And when there shall be no such persons so nominated or appointed by vs our heires or successors that then the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators and such persons by them so to be appointed shall haue the saide whole trade and trafique and the whole entire and onely libertie vse and priuilege of trading and trafiquing aforesaid And that they the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executors administrators and also al such as shal so be nominated or appointed to be partners or aduenturers in the said trade according to such agreement as is abouesaid and euery of them their seruants factors and deputies shal haue ful and free authoritie libertie facultie licence and power to trade and trafique into and from all and euery the saide dominions of the saide Grand Signior and into and from all places where by occasion of the said trade they shall happen to arriue or come whether they be Christians Turkes Gentiles or other and into and from all Seas riuers ports regions territories dominions coastes and places with their ships barks pinâ—esses and other vessels and with such mariners and men as they will lead with them or send for the said trade as they shall thinke good at their owne proper cost and expenses any law statute vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary notwithstanding And that it shal be lawful for the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and to the persons aforesaid and to and for the mariners and seamen to bee vsed and employed in the said trade and voyage to set and place in the tops of their ships and others vessels the armes of England with the red crosse ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed the red crosse any matter or thing to the contrary notwithstanding And we of our further royal fauor and of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt to the said Edward Osbâ—rne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators by these presents that the said lands territories and dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them shall not be visited frequented nor haunted by way of marchandise by any other our subiects during the said terme contrary to the true meaning of these patents And by vertue of our high prerogatiue royall which wee will not haue argued or brought in question we straightly charge and commaund and prohibite for vs our heires and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they be that none of them directly or indirectlâ— do visite haunt frequent or trade trafique or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the Dominions of the sayde Grand Signior or other places abouesayde by water or by lande other then the said Edward Thomas Richard and William their executours or administrators or such as shal be admitted and nominated as is aforesaide without expresse licence agreement and consent of the said Gouernour and company or the more part of them whereof the said Gouernour alwayes to be one vpon paine of our high indignation and of forfeiâ—nre and losse as well of the ship and shippes with the furniture thereof as also of the goods marchandizes and things whatsoeuer they be of those our Subiects which shall attempt or presume to saile trafique or aduenture to or from any the dominions or places abouesaid contrary to the prohibition aforesaid the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs our heires successors and the other halfe to the vse of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William and the said companie and further to suffer imprisonment during our pleasure and such other punishment as to vs for so high contempt shal seeme meete and conuenient And further of our grace speciall certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue condescended and graunted and by these patents for vs our heires and successors doe condescend and grant to the said Edward Thomas Richard William their executors and administrators that we our heires successors during the said terme will not grant liberty licence or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer contrary to the tenor of these our letters patents to saile passe trade or trafique into or from the said dominions of the said Grand Signior or any of them without the coÌ„sent of the said Edward Thomas Richard William and such as shal be named or appointed as afore is said or the most of them And that if at any time hereafter during the said terme y e said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them shal admit or nominate any of our subiects to be partners aduenturers in the said trade to the number of 12. or vnder as afore is said that then we our heires and successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuors of them in our Chauncerie to be made and vpon the sight of these presents will grant and make to the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or to the suruiuors of them and to such persons as so shall be nominated or appointed by their speciall names surnames additions as is aforesaid new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of law with like agreement clauses prohibitions prouisoes and articles mutatis mutandis as in these our letters patents are conteined for and during the residue of the said terme of seuen yeres then remaining vnexpired And that the sight of these presents shal be sufficient warrant to the Lord Chancellour or Lord keeper of the great seale for the time being for the making sealing and passing of such new letters patents without further writ or warrant for the same to be required had or obtained And the said Edward Osburne Thomas Smith and Richard Staper and William Garret and such others as shal be so nominated and appointed as is aforesaid to be of their trade or companie shall yeerely during 6. of the last yeres of
the said 7. yeres lade out of this our Realme and bring home yâ—erely for and in the feare and trade of marchandizing aforesaid so much goods and marchandizes as the custome and subsidie inwards and outwards shall amount in the whole to the summe of 500. li. yeerely So that the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and the said persons so to be nominated as is aforesaid or any of them or their ship or shippes be not barred slayed restrained or let by any reasonable occasion from the sayde trade or trafique and so that the said ship or ships do not perish by any misfortune or bee spoyled by the way in their voyage And further the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and such others as shall be appointed as aforesaide to be of their saide trade or Company shall giue notice vnto the Lord Admirall of England or to some of the principall officers of the Admiraltie for the time being of such ship or shippes as they shall set foorth in the same voyage and of the number of Mariners appointed to goe in the same ship or shippes by the space of fifteene dayes before the setting or going foorth of the same ship or shippes And also the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret and such other as shall be by them the saide Edward and Richard nominated to be of the said trade shall and will at the setting foorth of their ship or shippes for the same voyage permit and suffer the Master of the Ordinance of vs our heires and successors or some others our or their principall officers of the Ordinance to take a view of the number and quantitie of such Ordinance powder and munition as shall be caried in the said ship or shippes and shall also at the returne of the same ship or shippes suffer a view to be taken and vpon request made make an accompt to the saide officers of our Ordinance of the expenses and wastes of the said Ordinance powder and munition so to bee caried in the same ship or shippes Prouided alwayes that if any of the said trade or Company or their seruants factors or sailers in any ship by them laden shall commit any piracie or outrage vpon the seas and that if the said Company or societie shall not or do not within reasonable time after complaint made or notice giuen to the said Company or to any of them either satisfie or recompense the parties that so shall fortune to be robbed or spoiled by any of the said Company or sailers in the said ships or els shall not do their endeuour to the vttermost of their reasonable power to haue the parties so offending punished for the same their offences that then and from thencefoorth these present letters patents shall be vtterly voyd cease and determine Prouided likewise that if it shall hereafter appeare vnto vs our heires or successors that this grant or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof shall not be profitable to vs our heires our successors or to this our Realme that then and fromthencefoorth vpon and after one full yeeres warning to be giuen vnto the said Company or to the Gouernour thereof by vs our heires or successors this present grant shall cease be voyd and determine to all intents constructions and purposes Prouided also that we our heires and successors from time to time during the said 7. yeeres may lawfully nominate appoint and authorise two persons being fit men to be of the saide company and for want or lacke of them two others to be aduenturers in the said trade for such stocke and summe of money as they shall put in so that the said persons to bee nominated or authorised shall be contributorie to all charges of the said trade aduenture indifferently according to their stockes and as other aduenturers of the said trade shall doe for their stockes and so that likewise they doe obserue the orders of the said Company allowable by this our graunt and that such persons so to be appointed by vs our heires or successors shall and may with the saide Company and fellowship vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesaide and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted according to the meaning of these our letters patents any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding And further of our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion we haue condescended and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe condescend and grant to the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret their executors and administrators that if at the ende of the said terme of seuen yeeres it shall seeme meete and conuenient vnto the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret or the suruiuer of them that this present grant shall be continued and if that also it shall appeare vnto vs our heires or successors that the continuance thereof shall not be preiudiciall or hurtfull to this our Realme that then we our heires or successors at the instance and petition of the said Edward Osborne Thomas Smith Richard Staper and William Garret or the suruiuer of them to be made to vs our heires or successors wil grant and make to the said Edward Thomas Richard and William or the suruiuer of them and to such other persons as so shal be by the said Edward and Richard nominated and appointed new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of lawe with like couenants grants clauses and articles as in these presents are contained or with addiâ—ion of other necessary articles or change of these in some part for and during the full terme of seuen yeeres then next following Willing and sâ—raightly commanding and charging all and singuler our Admirals Uiceadmirals Iustices Maiors Sheriffes Escheaters Constables Bailiffes and all and singuler our other officers ministers liege men and subiects whatsoeuer to be aiding fauouring helping and assisâ—ing vnto the said Gouernour and company and their successors and to their Deputies officers seruants assignes and ministers and euery of them in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on sea from time to time and at all times when you or any of you shall be thereunto required any statute act ordinance prouiso proclamation or restraint heretofore had made set forth ordained or prouided or any other matter cause or thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 1â— day of September in the 23. yeere of our raigne The first voyage or iourney made by Master Laurence Aldersey Marchant of London to the Cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis c. In the yeere 1581. Penned and set downe by himselfe I Departed from London the first day of April in the yeere of our Lord 1581
the better be preuented and the voyage acomplished with greater securitie to the men and shippes For which cause fiue tall and stoute shippes appertaining to London and intending onely a Marchants voyage were prouided and furnished with all things belonging to the Seas The names whereof were these 1. The Marchant Royall a very braue and good shippe and of great reporâ—â— 2. The Tobie 3. The Edward Bonauenture 4. The William and Iohn 5. The Susan These fiue departing from the coast of England in the moneth of Nouember 1585. kept together as one fleete til they came as high as the Isle of Sicile within the Leuant And there according to the order and direction of the voyage each shippe began to take leaue of the rest and to separate himselfe setting his course for the particular port whereunto hee was bounde one for Tripolie in Syria another for Constantinople the chiefe Citie of the Turkes Empire situated vpon the coast of Romania called of olde Thracia and the rest to those places whereunto they were priuatly appointed But before they deuided themselues they altogether consulted of and about a certaine and speciall place for their meeting againe after the lading of their goods at their seuerall portes And in conclusion the generall agreement was to meete at Zante an Island neere to the maine continent of the West part of Morea well knowen of all the Pilots thought to be the fittest place of their Rendeuous Concerning which meeting it was also couenanted on eche side and promised that whatsoeuer ship of these 5. should first arriue at Zante should there stay and expect the comming of the rest of the fleete for the space of twentie dayes This being done ech man made his best hast according as winde and wether woulde serue him to fulfill his course and to dispatch his businesse and no neede was there to admonish or incourage any man seeing no time was ill spent nor opportunitie omitted on any side in the performance of ech mans duetie according to his place It fell out that the Tobie which was bound for Constantinople had made such good speede and gotten such good weather that she first of al the rest came back to the appointed place of Zante and not forgetting the former conclusion did there cast ancre attending the arriuall of the rest of the fleete which accordingly their businâ—s first performed failed not to keepe promise The first next after the Tobie was the Royal Marchant which togeâ—her with the William and Iohn came from Tripolie in Syria and arriued at Zante within the compasse of the foresaide time limitted These ships in token of the ioy on all parts conceiued for their happy meâ—ting spared not the discharging of their Ordinance the sounding of drums trumpets the spreading of Ensignes with other warlike and ioyfull bâ—hauiours expressing by these ouâ—ward signes the inward gladnesse of their mindes being all as ready to ioyne together in mutuall consent to resist the cruel enemie as now in sporting maner they made myrth and pastime among themselues These three had not bene long in the hauen but the Edward Bonauenture also together with the Susan her consort were come from Venice with their lading the sight of whom increased the ioy of the rest and they no lesse glad of the presence of the others saluted them in most friendly and kinde sort according to the maner of the Seas and whereas some of these ships sloode at that instant in some want of victuals they were all content to stay in the port till the necessities of ech shippe were supplied and nothing wanted to set out for their returne In this port of Zante the newes was fresh and currant of seuerall armies and fleetes prouided by the king of Spaine and lying in waite to intercept them the one consisting of 30. strong Gallies so well appointed in all respects for the warre that no necessary thing wanted and this fleete houered about the Streights of Gibraltar The other armie had in it 20. Gallies whereof some were of Sicilie and some of the Island of Malta vnder the charge and gouernment of Iohn Andrea Dorea a Captaine of name seruing the king of Spaine These two diuers and strong fleetes waited and attended in the Seas for none but the English shippes and no doubt made their accompt and sure reckoning that not a shippe should escape their furie And the opinion also of the inhabitants of the Isle of Zante was that in respect of the number of Gallies in both these armies hauing receiued such streight commandement from the king our ships and men being but few and little in comparison of them it was a thing in humane reason impossible that wee should passe either without spoiling if we resisted or without composition at the least and acknowledgement of duetie to the Spanish king But it was neither the report of the attendance of these armies nor the opinions of the people nor any thing else that could daunt or dismay the courages of our men who grounding themselues vpon the goodnesse of their cause and the promise of God to bee deliuered from such as without reason sought their destruction caried resolute mindes notwithstanding all impediments to aduenture through the Seas and to finish their Nauigation maugre the beards of the Spanish souldiers But least they should seeme too carelesse and too secure of their estate and by laying the whole and entire burden of their safetie vpon Gods prouidence should foolishly presume altogether of his helpe and neglect the meanes which was put into their handes they failed not to enter into counsell among themselues and to deliberate aduisedly for their best defence And in the end with generall consent the Marchant Royall was appointed Admirall of the fleete and the Tobie Uiceadmiral by whose orders the rest promised to be directed and ech shippe vowed not to breake from another whatsoeuer extremitie should fall out but to stand to it to the death for the honour of their Countrey and the frustrating of the hope of the ambitious and proud enemie Thus in good order they left Zante and the Castle of Graecia and commiâ—ted themselues againe to the Seas and proceeded in their course and voyage in quietnes without sight of any enemie till they came neere to Pantalarea an Island so called betwiâ—t Sicilie and the coast of Africke into sight whereof they came the 13. day of Iuly 1586. And the same day in the morning about 7. of the clocke they descried 13. sailes in number which were of the Gallies lying in waite of purpose for them in and about that place As soone as the English ships had spied them they by and by according to a common order made themselues ready for a fight layed out their Ordinance scoured charged and primed them displayed their ensignes and left nothing vndone to arme themselues throughly In the meane time the Gallies more and more approched the ships and in their banners there appeared the armes
at the ende of this discourse hereunto annexed which letter and present with one from the grand Signor was sent by M. Edward Bushell and M. William Aldridge ouer-land the 20 of March who passed through Vâ—lachia and Moldauia so through Poland where Michael prince of Valachia and Aron Voiuoda prince of Moldauia receiuing letters from the ambassador entertained theÌ„ with al curtesie through whose meanes by the great fauour which his lordship had with the grand Signior they had not long before both of them bene aduanced to their princely â—ignities Hee likewise presented Sigala the Admirall of the Seas with Abâ—im Bassa who maried the great Turkes daughter and all the other Uizirs with diuers pieces of plate fine English cloth other costly things the particulars whereof to auoid tediousnesse I omit All the presents thus ended the ship shooting ten pieces of ordinance at the Seraglio point as a last farewell departed on her iourney for England the first of Nouember my selfe continuing in Constantinople vntill the last of Iuly after This yere in the spring there was great preparation for the Hungarian wars and the great Turke threatened to goe himselfe in person but like Hellogabalus his affections being more seruiceable to Venus then to Mars he stayed at home Yet a great army was dispatched this yere who as they came out of Asia to goe for Hungary did so pester the streets of Constantinople for the space of two moneths in the spring time as scarse either Christian or Iew could without danger of losing his money passe vp and downe the city What insolencies murders and robberies were committed not onely vpon Christians but also vpon Turks I omit to write and I pray God in England the like may neuer be seene and yet I could wish that such amongst vs as haue inioyed the Gospel with such great and admirable peace and prosperity vnder her Maiesties gouernment this forty yeeres and haue not all this time brought forth better fruits of obedience to God and thankfulnesse to her Maiesty were there but a short time to beholde the miserable condition both of Christians and othere liuing vnder such an infidell prince who not onely are wrapped in most palpable grosse ignorance of mind but are cleane without the meanes of the true knowledge of God I doubt not but the sight hereof if they be not cleane void of grace would stirre them vp to more thankefulnesse to God that euer they were borne in so happy a time and vnder so wise and godly a prince professing the true religion of Christ. The number of souldiours which went to the warres of Hungary this yere were 470000 as by the particulars giuen by the Admirall to the Ambassadour hereunder do appeare Although all these were appointed and supposed to goe yet the victories which the Christians in the spring had against the Turks strooke such a terrour in many of the Turkish souldiours as by report diuers vpon the way thither left their Captaines and stole away The number of Turkish souldiers which were appointed to goe into Hungary against the Christian Emperour May 1594. SInan Bassa generall with the Saniacke masould that is out of office with the other Saniackâ— in office or of degree 40000. Achmigi that is Aduenturers 50000. The Agha or Captaine with his Ianisaries and his Giebegies 20000. The Beglerbeg of Graecia with all his Saniacks 40000. The company of Spaheis or horsemen 10000â— The company of Silitari 6000. The company of Sagbulue and of Solbulue both together 8000. The Bassa of Belgrad 80000. The Bassa of Temiswâ—r 80000. The Bassa of Bosna 80000. The Bassa of Buda 80000. The Saniack of Gersech 80000. Out of Asia The Bassa of Caramania 120000. The Bassa of Laras 120000. The Bassa of Damasco 120000. The Bassa of Suas 120000. The Bassa of Van or Nan. 120000. The Bassa of Vsdrum 120000. Of Tartars there be about 100000. Thus you may see that the great Turke maketh warre with no small numbers And in anno 1597 when Sultan Mahâ—met himselfe went in person into Hungary if a man may beleeue reports he had an army of .600000 For the city of Constantinople you shall vnderstand that it is matchable with any city in Europe aswell in bignesse as for the pleasant situation thereof and commodious traffike and bringing of all maner of necessary prouision of victuals and whatsoeuer els mans life for the sustentation thereof shall require being seated vpon a promontory looking toward Pontus Euxinus vpon the Northeast and to Proponâ—s on the Southwest by which two seas by shipping is brought great store of all maner of victuals The city it selfe in forme representeth a triangular figure the sea washing the walles vpon two sides thereof the other side faceth the continent of Thracia the grand Signiors seraglio standeth vpon that point which looketh into the sea being cut off from the city by a wall so that y e wall of his pallace conteineth in circuit about two English miles the seuen towers spoken of before stand at another corner Constantines olde pallace to the North at the third corner The city hath a threefolde wall about it the innermost very high the next lower then that and the third a countermure and is in circuit about ten English miles it hath foure and twenty gates and when the empire was remooued out of the West into the East it was inriched with many spoiles of olde Rome by Vespasian and other emperours hauing many monuments and pillars in it worthy the obseruation amongst the rest in the midst of Constantinople standeth one of white marble called Vespasians pillar of 38 or 40 yards high which hath from the base to the top proportions of men in armour fighting on horsebacke it is likewise adorned with diuers goodly buildings stately Mesquitas whereof the biggest is Sultan Solimans a great warriour which liued in the time of Charles the fifth but the fairest is Santa Sophia which in the time of the Christian emperours was the chiefe cathedrall church and is still in greatest account with the great Turke it is built round like other Greekish churches the pauements and walles be all of marble it hath beneath 44 pillars of diuers coloured marble of admirable heigth and bignesse which stand vpon great round feet of brasse much greater then the pillars and of a great heigth some ten yards distant from the wall from which vnto these pillars is a great gallery built which goeth round about the church and vpon the outside of the gallery stand 66 marble pillars which beare vp the round roofe being the top of the church it hath three pulpits or preaching places and about 2000 lampes brought in by the Turke Likewise vpon one side in the top is the picture of Christ with the 12 Apostles but their faces are defaced with two or three ancient tombs of Christians to the West sticketh an arrow in the toppe of the church which as the
done with them William Cretton and Edward Selman were of the opinion that it should be good either to carry them into Spaine and there to make sale of the goods or els into Ireland or to returne backe againe into England with them if the winde would permit it But I waying what charge we had of our Masters first by mouth and afterwards by writing that for no such matter we should in any case prolong the time for feare of losing the voyage and considering that the time of the yeere was very farre spent and the money that we should make of the wines not very much in respect of the commodity which we hoped for by the voyage perswaded them that to goe into Ireland the winde being Easterly as it was might be an occasion that we should be locked in there with that winde and so lose our voyage and to cary them into Spaine seeing they sailed so ill that hauing all their sailes abroad we kept them company onely with our foresailes and without any toppe sailes abroad so that in euery two dayes sailing they would haue hindered vs more then one and besides that the winde being Easterly we should not be able to seaze the coast with them besides all this the losse of time when we came thither was to be considered whereupon I thought it not good to carry them any further And as for carying them into England although the winde had bene good as it was not considering what charge we had of our Masters to shift vs out of the way for feare of a stay by reason of the warres I held it not in any wise conuenient But notwithstanding all this certeine of our company not being herewith satisfied went to our Master to know his opinion therein who made them a plaine answere that to cary them into any place it was not the best way nor the profit of their Masters And he tolde them further that if the time were prolonged one moneth longer before they passed the Cape but a few men would go the voyage All these things considered we all paused and determined at the last that euery man should take out of the hulks so much as he could well bestow for necessaries and the next morning to conclude what should be further done with them So we tooke out of them for vs foureteene tâ—â—nes and a halfe of wine and one tunne we put into the pinnesse More we tooke out one hogshead of Aquauitae Sixe takes of rozzen A small halser for ties and certeine chesnuts The Christopher tooke out Ten tunnes of wine and one hogshead A quantity of Aquauitae Shall-lines Chesnuts Sixe double bases with their chambers And their men broke vp the hulks chests and tooke out their compasses and running glasses the sounding leade and line and candles and cast some of their beefe ouer boord and spoiled them so much that of very pity we gaue them a compasse a running glasse a lead and a line certaine bread and candles and what apparell of theirs we could finde in their ship we gaue them againe and some money also of that which William Crompton tooke for the ransome of a poore Frenchman who being their Pilot downe the Riuer of Bordeux they were not able to set him a shore againe by reason of the foule weather The Tyger also tooke out of the smaller hulke sixe or seuen tunnes of wine one hogshead of Aquauitae and certeine rozzen and two bases he tooke out of the great hulke The first day of February in the morning we all came together againe sauing W. Crompton who sent vs word that he was contented to agree to that order which we should take Now Edward Selman was of this opinion that it was not best to let the ships depart but put men into them to cary them into England which thing neither we nor our Master would agree vnto because we thought it not good to vnman our ships going ouâ—ward considering how dangerous the time was so that in fine we agreed to let them depart and giue them the rest of the wine which they had in their ships of the Frenchmens for the fraight of that which we had taken and for their ordinance rozzen aquauitae chesnuts and other things which the company had taken from them So we receiued a bill of their handes that they confessed how much Frenchmens goods they had and then we let them depart The 10 day we reckoned our selues to be 25 leagues from the Grand Canarie and this day about nine of the clocke our pinnesse brake her rudder so that we were forced to towe her at the sterne of the Minion which we were able to doe and yet kept company with the rest of our ships About eleuen of the clocke this day we had sight of the Grand Canarie The 11 day when we came to the Iland we perceiued that it was the I le of Tenerif then in deed wee had sight of the Grand Canarie which lieth 12 leagues to the Eastwards of Tenerif and because the road of Tenerif is foule ground and nothing was there to be gotten for the helping of our pinnesse hauing the winde large we agreed to go with the Grand Canarie The 12 day we came into the roade of the towne of Canarie which lieth one league from the same towne And after we had shot off diuers pieces of ordinance to saluâ—e the towne and the castle the gouernour and captaines of the Iland sent to vs which were the captaines of the ships requiring vs to come a shore And when we came to them they receiued vs very frendly offering vs their owne Iennets to ride to the towne and what other friendship they could shew vs and we went to the towne with two English Marchants which lay there and remained in their house that day The second day following we came aboord to deliuer our marchandise and to get our pinnesse mended The 14 day came into the road the Spanish fleet which was bound to the Emperours Indies which were in number nineteene saile whereof sixe were ships of foure hundred and fiue hâ—ndrâ—d a piece the rest were of two hundred an hundred and fifty and of an hundred When they were come to an ancre they saluted vs with ordinance and so we did them in like case And afterwards the Admirall who was a knight sent his pinnesse to desire me to come to him and when I came to him he receiued me friendly and was desirous to heare somewhat of the state of England and Flanders And after he had made me a banquet I departed and I being gone vnto the boat hee caused one of his gentlemen to desire Francisco the Portugall which was my interpreter to require me to furle my flagge declaring that hee was Generall of the Emperours fleet Which thing being come aboord Francisco shewed me and because I refused to furle it and kept it foorth still certaine of the souldiers in the ships shot diuers harquebush
articles which I haue receiued but also will giue some particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue committed vnto mee with the best helpe and counsell I can Thus the liuing God keepe your worships all Bristoll this 11 of December 1561. Your worships to comand to his power Iohn Lok The relation of one VVilliam Rutter to M. Antony Hickman his master touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562 by Sir William Gerard Sir William Chester M. Thomas Lodge the sayd Antony Hickman and Edward Castelin which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker WOrshipfull sir my duty remembred this shal be to declare vnto you the discourse of this our voyage since our departure out of England from Dartmouth at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure which was the 25 of February 1562. Thâ—n hauing a prosperous winde we departed from thence and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the 20 of March making no abode there but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de sestos at which port we arriued the third of Aprill in the morning hauing the sight of a Frenchman who assoone as he perceiued vs set saile and made to the sea in the meane time we came to an anker in the rode and after that he had espied our flag perceiuing vs to be Englishmen he bare with the shore hailed our ships with his ordinance at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the riuer in traffike and had vnderstanding of the Negros that he had bene there three dayes before our comming so we concluded together that if he sent his pinnesse to traffike we would not suffer him vntill we had taken further order with their captaine marchants In the afternoone the pinnesse came into the riuer whose men we willed to make no traffike vntill we had talked further with their captaine whom we willed that night to come aboord our admirall which was done At which sayd time M. Button and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were there concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes and suffer vs quietly to traffike wherewith they were not well pleased Wherevpon the next morning they departed from vs sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis which he did to hinder our traffike that way wherefore the marchants of the Minion we concluded forasmuch as at that present we vnderstood that there were no sailes past alongst that we should go before to the end we might not be hindred of our traffike by the Frenchmen which thing we did and at our comming thither we found the Frenchman in traffike to the West of Potis by whom we passed arriued at Rio de Potis the 12 of April where we remained in traffike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre where we appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion and the 17 at night we came to the riuer of S. Andre in which very day the Minion came vnto vs telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of the king of Portugals bound to the Mina who gaue chase vnto them and shot freely at them and the Minion in her defence returned her the like but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time In the end we concluded to hasten towards cauo de tres puntas to haue put them from the castle if by any meanes wee might and when wee were come to the Cape we lay a hull one night and two dayes and doubting they had bene past the Minion went neere the shore and sent her merchants to a place called Anta where before-tune we had traffâ—ke and the next morning very early being the 21 of the sayd moneth we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile and bare with the formost of them hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them but we came short of our purpose which was no small griefe vnto vs all and when they had gotten the castle to friend they shot at vs freely and we at them and the castle at vs but we profited litle In the afternoone we set saile came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi where the 22 in the morning we went a shore to traffike but the Negros would not vntill they had newes from Don Luis for at that time Don Iuan was dead and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs at which said day came two galies rowing along the shore from the castle minding to keepe vs from our traffike The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe The Negros being glad of that required vs to goe to Mowre which is some 3 leagues behind and thither would they come for that they stood in feare of the Portugals and there we remained for the marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold but Anthonio don Luis his sonne and Pacheco were aboord the Minion And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs the weather being very calme they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times and shortly after the wind came from the shore at which instant we discried the ship the carauell comming towards vs then we weighed and set saile and bare as neere vnto them as we could but it was night or euer wee met with them and the night being very darke we lost them The next day plying to the shore at night we agreed to go with Cormantin but the next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship and the 2 galies hauing no wind at all and the carauell hard aboord the shore Then being calme came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the Minion and fought with her the most part of the forenoone and in the fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder that tooke fire where with were hurt the master gunner the steward and most part of the gunners which the galies perceiuing began to be more fierce vpon them and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile and presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies who suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went aboord the Minion to counsell what were best to be done at which time they were sore discomftted Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done and because wee knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on the coast it was therefore agreed that
granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouery of new and vnknowen lands Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot pag. 5â— 6 A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him Grand pilote of England Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya and the East Indies pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable and thereby to â—onfute the position of the fiue Zones pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage pag. 75 A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people which are founde in Meta incognita pag. 93 The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China pag. 96 A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his second voyage p. 108 A letter of M. Iohn Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his 3. voyage p. 114 A trauerse-booke of M. Iohn Dauis contayning all the principall notes and obseruations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest pag. 115 A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas M. Antonio Zeni p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec THe voyage of two ships whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 of May 1527 for the discouery of the North parts pag. 129 The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discouery of the isle of Ramea made by for Monsieur de la court pre Rauillon grandpre with the ship called The Bonauenture to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses with great teeth Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigolde of M. Hill of Redriffe vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and a halfe Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the isle of Ramea in the yere 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristoll vp into the gulfe of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea 1597. pag. 195 The patents discourses letters aduertisements and other obseruations incident to the voyages vnto Newfoundland next before rehearsed An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Newfoundland and Iseland made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple contayning a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Antony Parkhurt 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poeme written in Latine Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfound-landâ— for the planting of an English colonie there containing also a briefe remembrance of certaine of our principal English captâ—ines by sea pag. 138 Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert pag. 147 A briefe relation of Newfound-land and the commodities thereof pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Masters mate of the Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilbert in their course from cape Rase to cape Briton and to the Isle of Sablon pag. 155 The maner how the sayd Admirall was lost pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages pag. 161. 16â— A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight which went as Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilberts fleete for the discouerie of Norumbega 1583 written in excuse of the casting away the sayd ship and the men imputed to his ouersight pag. 163 A discourse of the necessitie and commoditie of planting English colonies vpon the North paâ—tes of America pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christ-church in Oxford incouraging him in the studie of Cosmography and furthering of new discoueries 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth marchant and at that time Mayor of the citie of Bristol concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth marchant and mayor of the citie of Bristol to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham concerning a voyage intended for the discouerie of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A briefe and summarie discourse vpon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America written by master Christopher Carlile 1583. pag. 182 Articles set downe by the committies appointed on the behalfe of the company of the Moscouian marchants to conferre with master Carlile vpon his intended discouery of the hithermost partes of America pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. from master Thomas Iames of Bristol concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19â— A briefe note of the Morse and of the vse thereof pag. 191 Certaine obseruations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfound-land and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places THe first voyage of Iaques Cartier of Saint Malo to Newfound-land the gulfe of Saint Laurence and the Grand Bay Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of Iaques Cartier by the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Anno 1535. pag. 212
The 2 of May our Admirall and our Pinnesse departed from Dominica leauing the Iohn our Viceadmirall playing off and on about Dominica hoping to take some Spaniard outwardes bound to the Indies the same night we had sight of three smal Ilands called Los Santos leauing Guadalupe and them on our starboord The 3 we had sight of S. Christophers Iland bearing Northeast and by East off vs. On the 4 we sayled by the Virgines which are many broken Ilands lying at the East ende of S. Iohns Iland and the same day towards euening we landed vpon one of them called Blanca where we killed an incredible number of foules here we stayed but three houres from thence stood into the shore Northwest and hauing brought this Iland Southeast off vs we put towards night thorow an opening or swatch called The passage lying betwene the Virgines and the East end of S. Iohn here the Pinnesse left vs and sayled on the South side of S. Iohn The 5 and 6 the Admirall sayled along the Northside of S. Iohn so neere the shore that the Spaniards discerned vs to be men of warre and therefore made fires along the coast as we sailed by for so their custome is when they see any men of warre on their coasts The 7 we landed on the Northwest end of S. Iohn where we watered in a good riuer called Yaguana and the same night following we tooke a Frigate of tenne Tunne comming from Gwathanelo laden with hides and ginger In this place Pedro a Mollato who knewe all our state ranne from vs to the Spaniards On the 9 we departed from Yaguana The 13 we landed on an Iland called Mona whereon were 10 or 12 houses inhabited of the Spaniards these we burned tooke from them a Pinnesse which they had drawen a ground and sunke and carried all her sayles mastes and rudders into the woods because we should not take him away we also chased the Spaniards ouer all the Iland but they hid them in caues hollow rockes and bushes so that we could not find them On the 14 we departed from Mona and the next day after wee came to an Iland called Saona about 5 leagues distant from Mona lying on the Southside of Hispaniola neere the East end betweene these two Ilands we lay off and on 4 or 5 dayes hoping to take some of the Domingo fleete doubling this Iland as a neerer way to Spaine then by Cape Tyburon or by Cape S. Anthony On Thursday being the 19 our Viceadmirall from whom we departed at Dominica â—ame to vs at Saona with whom we left a Spanish Frigate and appointed him to lie off and on other fiue daies betweene Saona and Mona to the ende aforesaid then we departed from them at Saona for Cape Tyburon Here I was enformed that our men of the Viceadmirall at their departure from Dominica brought away two young Saluages which were the thiefe Casiques sonnes of that Countrey and part of Dominica but they shortly after ran away from them at Santa Cruz Iland where the Viceadmirall landed to take in ballâ—â— On the â—1 the Admirall came to the Cape Tyburon where we found the Iohn Euangelist our Pinnesse staying for vs here we tooke in two Spaniards almost starued on the shoreâ— who made a fire to our ships as we passed by Those places for an 100 miles in length are nothing els but a desolate and meere wildernesse without any habitation of people and full of wilde Bulles and Bores and great Serpents The 22 our Pinnesse came also to an anker in Aligato Bay at cape Tyburon Here we vnderstood of M. Lane Captaine of the Pinnesse how he was set vpon with one of the kings Gallies belonging to Santo Domingo which was manned with 400 men who after he had fought with him 3 or 4 houres gaue-ouer the fight forsooke him without any great hurt done on eyther part The 26 The Iohn our Uizadmirall came to vs to cape Tyburon and the Frigat which we left with him at Saona This was the appointed place where we should attend for the meeting with the Santo Domingo Fleete On Whitsunday Euen at Cape Tyburon one of our boyes ranne away from vs and at ten dayes end returned to our ships almost starued for want of food In sundry places about this part of Cape Tyburon we found the bones and carkases of diuers men who had perished as wee thought by famine in those woods being either stragled from their company or landed there by some men of warre Iune ON the 14 of Iune we tooke a smal Spanish frigat which fell amongst vs so suddenly as he doubled the point at the Bay of Cape Tyburon where we road so that he could not escape vs. This Frigat came from Santo Domingo and had but 3 men in her the one was an expert Pilot the other a Mountainer and the third a Uintener who escaped all out of prison at Santo Domingo purposing to fly to Yaguana which is a towne in the West parts of Hispaniola where many fugitiue Spaniards are gathered together The 17 being Wednesday Captaine Lane was sent to Yaguana with his Pinnesse and a Frigat to take a shippe which was there taking in fraight as we vnderstood by the old Pylot whom we had taken three dayes before The 24 the Frigat returned from Captaine Lane at Yaguana and brought vs word to cape Tyburon that Captaine Lane had taken the shippe with many passengers and Negrees in the same which proued not so rich a prize as we hoped for for that a Frenchman of warre had taken and spoyled her before we came Neuerthelesse her loading was thought worth 1000 or 1300 pounds being hides ginger Cannafistula Copper-pannes and Casaui Iuly THe second of Iuly Edward Spicer whom we left in England came to vs at Cape Tyburon accompanied with a small Pinnesse whereof one M. Haâ—ps was Captaine And the same day we had sight of a fleete of 14 saile all of Santo Domingo to whom we presently gaue chase but they vpon the first sight of vs fled and separating themselues scattered here and there Wherefore we were forced to diuide our selues and so made after them vntill 12 of the clocke at night But then by reason of the darkenesse we lost sight of each other yet in the end the Admirall and the Moonelight happened to be together the same night at the fetching vp of the Uizadmirall of the Spanish fleete against whom the next morning we fought and tooke him with losse of one of our men and two hurt and of theirs 4 slaine and 6 hurt But what was become of our Uiceadmirall our Pinnesse and Prize and two Frigates in all this time we were ignorant The 3 of Iuly we spent about rifling romaging and fitting the Prize to be sailed with vs. The 6 of Iuly we saw Iamayca the which we left on our larboord keeping Cuba in sight on our starboord Upon the 8 of Iuly we saw the Iland
which is to the Northward of Cape Tiburon that then he would helpe vs with fresh victuals enough Whereupon I returned aboord our ship and certified our captaine of all who made it knowen vnto the company which no sooner heard of it but they would all go in So here we staied with the aforesaid Frenchman 15 dayes but small refreshing we could get because the Spaniards stood in some feare of the Frenchman of war supposing our ship to be a Portugal and that we were his prize neuerthelesse hee certified them to the contrary And in staying so long with him and hauing little refreshing our company began to be in a mutiny and made report that the captaine I went aboord the Frenchman but to make good cheere and had not any care of them but I protest before God that our care was to get victuals wherby we might haue bene gone from him But in the meane time a great part of our company had conspired to take away the Frenchmans pinnesse and with her to boord the man of warre While these things were in complotting one of their consorts went aboord the Frenchman and certified him of all the conspiracy Wherevpon the captaine of the French ship sent for our captaine and me to come aboord to dinner and we stayed with him all the afternoone being inuited vnto supper and being at supper he himselfe would not a great while come to vs but at length hee came At his comming we asked of him what newes Who answered vs that either we must depart from him or els he must goe seeke some other harborow Whereupon I tolde captaine Lancaster who prayed me to tell him that rather then we would be any hindrance vnto him we would be gone But in the mean time while we were thus talking together the Frenchman weyed set saile which we perceiued and asked him what he meant by it He replied to the captaine me that he kept vs for his security and that our men had purposed as is aforesayd When he came thwart our shippe it blew a prety gaile of winde the boat being asterne of them hauing in her two Moores two men of Pegu which we had giuen them brake away Then was the Frenchman worse then before did threaten vs very sore that we should pay his voyage In the meane time the Edward seeing vs past weyed and set saile to go for England and they did share among them all the captaines victuals mine when they saw the Frenchman keepe vs as prisoners So the next morning we went to seeke out the Frenchmans pinnesse which being at Laguna we shot off a piece so she came to vs hauing in her three more of our company Edmund Barker our lieutenant and one Iohn West and Richard Lucland one of the mutinous crew The which I told the Frenchman of he could not deny but that there was such a thing pretended Then I was put into the French pinnesse to seeke their boat and in the meane time they would go to see if they could ouertake our shippe And the next day we should meet againe at Cape S. Nicolas so the next morning we met together all three of vs but heard no newes of his boat So he hauing Spanyards and Negros aboord of vs requested to haue them Our captaine desired him to send his boat aboord our shippe and he should haue them with all his heart So with much adoe he sent his boat and had them Then he demanded of them if his boat were not aboord the ship They answered no. So that then Monsieur dela Barbotiere was satisfied and then we were great friends againe to all our â—oyes The 12 of August 1593 our captaine was sent aboord our ship but before his departure he requested the captaine of the French ship that he would giue mee passage home with him to certifie the owners what had passed in all the voyage as also of the vnrulinesse of the company And this day we tooke our leaues the one of the other the Edward for England and we bare in for Gonnauy where afterwards we found the Frenchmans boat The last of Nouember 1593 Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from a port called Laguna in Hispaniola The 17 of December next insuing it was his fortune to haue his ship cast away vpon the Northwest part of the isle of Bermuda about midnight the pilots making themselues at noone to be to the Southward of the island twelue leagues certified the captaine that they were out of all danger So they demanded of him their wine of heigth the which they had And being as it should seeme after they had their wine carelesse of their charge which they tooke in hand being as it were drunken through their negligence a number of good men were cast away and I being but a stranger among 50 and odde Frenchmen others it pleased God to appoint me to be one of them that were saued I hope to his seruice glory We made account at the first that we were cast away hard by the shore being hie clifs but we found our selues seuen leagues off but with our boat and a raft which we had made towed at our boats sterne we were saued some 26 of vs among whom were no more English but my selfe Now being among so many strangers seeing not roome for the one halfe I durst neither presse into the boat nor vpon the raft for feare lest they should haue cast me ouerboord or els haue killed me so I stayed in the ship which was almost full of water vntill the captaine being entred the boat called me vnto him being at hand for that it stood vpon life or death and so I presently entred leauing the better halfe of our company to the mercy of the sea After this we rowed all the day vntil an houre or two before night yet we could come on land towing the raft with the boat When we came on shore being all the day without drinke euery man tooke his way to see if he could finde any but it was long before any was found At length one of the pilots digging among a company of weeds found fresh water to all our great comforts being only raine water and this was all the fresh water that we found on shore But there are in this Island many fine bayes wherin if a man did dig I thinke there might be fouÌ„d store of fresh water This Island is diuided all into broken Islands and the greatest part I was vpon which might be some 4 or 5 miles long and 2 miles a halfe ouer being all woods as Cedar other timber but Cedar is the chiefest Now it pleased God before our ship did split that we saued our carpenters tooles or els I thinke we had bene there to this day and hauing recouered the aforesaid tooles we went roundly about the cutting downe of trees in the end built a small barke of some
letters This was the fleete wherein Cabot discouered the riuer of Plate 1526 Note The Newe found Islands discouered by the English A Mappe of the world To know the latitudes To know the longitudes Now called the straight of Magelane Note Doctor Leys demand The Pope reprehended The longitudes hard to be found out New found land discouered by the Englishmen Note To saile by the Pole Or the straites of Magelane Note Benefite to England Obiection Answere A true opinioÌ„ A voyage of discouery by the Pole M. Therne and M. Eliot discouerers of New found land The cause why the West Indies were not ours which also Sebastian Gabot writeth in an Epistle to Baptista Ramusius Russia became ciuill in y e yere of our Lord 572. Kiow 1237. These ambassadours were Iohan de â— lano Carpini Frier Benedict of Polonian The citie of Mosco first made the seaâ—e of the great Duke Iuan Vasilowich The name of the Moscouites first aduanced The yoke of the Tartars shaken off Basilius â—â—an Vasilowich Theodore The commodities of traâ—â—ike and of nauigation A minister in the voyage King Edwardâ— corporation Reason voide of experience Iiar I would reade Mair that is in the Sarasen language mirt of Turkish and Aegyptian Februarie interpreted by them the moneth to see ships to the sea The first ship The second ship Iohn Stafford Minister M. William Burrough nowe comptroller of her Maiesties nauie The third ship May. Iune Iuly In this land dwellt Octher as it seemeth Rost Islands Stanfew harbor Lofootâ— August Seyman in 70 degrees Willoughbiâ— his land iâ— 72 degrees September In this hauen they died ‖ Or Ellons Here endeth Sir Hugh Willoughbie his note which was written with his owne hand ‖ Duyna Note Upon what occasions and by whom this voyage was set out and of the discouerie of Moscouie by the North. 3. Ships furnished for the discouerie Prouision of victuaâ—s for 18. moneths Choise of Captaines and Pilots Sir Hugh Willoughbie Master Henry Sidney his Oration They departed from Raâ—eliffe the 20. of May 1553. They returne the next yeere not knowing what was become of the other 2. ships They arriue in the Bay of Saint Nicholas The discouerie of Russia The Emperours courteous letters to M. Chanceler The mightie lake of Bealozera The sharpnes of the winter in Moscouie Their manner of building King Edwards letters deliuered The maners of the Flemmings against our men ‖ Dr Dwina Note Aurea vetulâ— oâ— â—â—loâ—ibaba Iuan Vasiliuich that is to say Iohn the forme of Basilius ‖ That is come into our presence No coinâ—s of gold in Russia but all of siluer The weights in Russia The weight of Wardhouse The Russia measures The measure of Wardhouse in cloth is the measure of Danske The Turkes and Armenians pay custome The Emperors beame The Dutch nation lost their priuilâ—dges renued them with a great summe The commodities of Russia Vologda and the state thereof The Emperor of Moscouie is a marchant himselfe Two sorts of â—â—axe Note Inquiâ—ie for the way to Catbaya The Philip and Maâ—y Note Note Note Queene Maries letters to the Emperour of Russia The Italians counsell to our people The diuersitie of weights meaâ—ures in Russiâ— Colmogro Vologda Nouogrode The Russian secretary his name The discouerie principally intended for Gods glory Sebastian Cabota first gouernour of the Moscouie companie Sir George Barnes William Garret Anthony Husie Ioh. Suâ—hcot the first 4. Consulâ— K. Philip and Queene Mary hereby â—o disanull Pope Alexanders diuision Conquest permitted ‖ Anno 1554. The Moscotutes priuiledges vnto the English The largâ—nes of the priuiledge of the Moscouite companie Anno 1555. April 23. Note May 15. Kedelwike chappell The North cape so named by Steuen Burrowe The latitude of Cola. â— Russe Lodia Lodias hauing 24 men a pâ—â—ce From Cola to Pechora is but 7 or 8 dayes sayling The â—â—â—â—esse of one Gabriel A good necessarie note Twentie eight Lodias belonging to Cola. The latitude of Cape S. Iohn 66 degrees 50 minutes Earth swimming aboue water like wood The latitude 68 degrees and a halfe Morgiouets an harbour Drift wood A Samoed Dolgoieue an Island Pechora The variation of the Compas Ice The lat 70 degrees 11 min. S Iames Island The variation of the Compas 7 degrees and a halfe The relation of Loshak The way to the riuer of Ob. A mighty hill in Noua Zembla Loshak The Islands of Uagaits Samoeds The maners of the Samoeds The Samoeds of the Ob very hurtfull and shrewd people Naramzay The latitude The variation of the compas They land vpon Vaigats The vncerâ—entie of â—â—bing flowing They were within 15 leagues of Pechora They returne the 22 of August 1556 Norway Roste Lofoot Finmarke Wardhouse Lappia The Scricfinnes The Lappians Corelia Nouogardia The Russes Tartaria Lampas a mart or faire of the Russes Tartars and Samoeds The Samoeds countrey Or. Pechoraâ— Vaegatz Noua Zembla Store of foule White Foxes White beares The maner of the Samoeds sacrifices about the riuer of Pechere Foure ships The Edward Bonauenture arriued in Scotlandâ— in the Bay of Pettislego Nouemb 7. 1556. Rich. Chancelor drowned His departure from Scotland towards England 1557. Febr. 27. His honourable receiuing into the citie of London A league and articles of amitte concluded and confirmed vnder the great seale of England Foure goodly ships of the merchants prouided for Russia 1557. The King and Queens secoÌ„d letters to the Emperour of Russia Coia Reca Coscaynos Dogs nose The variation of the Compasse 4. degrees Foxe nose Poynt Pentecost Crosse Island Cape good fortune Cape grace Cape Race Frost in Iune Tri Ostroue Ice The variation Corpus Christi poynt Cape Gallant Iuana Creos S. Georges Islands Cape comfort S. Peters Islands S. Pauls Islands Cape Sower beere Kildina Cape Bonauenture â—egor Domshaff Wardhouse ‖ Which were the Bona Esperanza the Bona confidentia and the Philip and Marie Whereof the two first were lost ‖ Or â—rondon The Philip and Marie The bona Confidentia cast away A gainefull trade of fishing at Kegor Commodities fit for Kegor 1557. Wares sent into Russia out of England The Arshinâ— is a Russie measure 7. Ropemakers sent into Russia Cables and Ropes a principall commoditie Danske the old chiefe place for Cables Commodities not bearing the charges of long fraight Furres most vendible Steele Copper Wollen cloth of Rie and Reuel of Poland and Lettowe Russian lether Things goodâ— to die withall Ten yong men sent into Russia Henry Lane Agent The fourth voyage The olde traffike of Russia to Rei Reuel and Poland turned to Saint Nicholâ—â— The articles of their first Commission giuen 1555. Leonard Brian sent to search out Yewe in the North parts of Russia 2. Coopers sent into Russia The marchaÌ„ts letters ouer land written in cyphers The voyag of Steuen Burrowe for the discouerie of the riuer of Ob. M. Anthonie Ienkinson his first trauaile inteÌ„ded for Cathay by the Caspian sea and Boghar Good caske made in Russia 1557 Iohn