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A67926 Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.; Actes and monuments Foxe, John, 1516-1587. 1583 (1583) STC 11225; ESTC S122167 3,159,793 882

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against me maister Ridley and maister Latimer in three matters concerning the Sacrament First of the reall presence secondly of Transubstātiation thirdly of the sacrifice of the Masse vpon Monday against me vpon Tuesday against Doctour Ridley and vppon Wednesday against maister Latimer Howe the other two were ordered I knowe not for we were seperated so that none of vs knoweth what the other sayd nor how they were ordered But as concerning my selfe I can report Doctour Chadsey was appoynted to dispute against me but the disputation was so confused that I neuer knewe the like euery man bringing foorth what him liked without order and such hast was made The Archb. not suffered to aunswere fully to any argument that no aunsweare coulde be suffered to be taken fully to any argument before an other brought a newe argument and in suche waightie matters the disputation must needes be ended in one day which can scantly well be ended in three moneths And when we had answeared them they woulde not appoynte vs one day to bring foorth our proofes that they might answeare vs being required by me thereunto whereas I my selfe haue more to say then can be well discussed as I suppose in twentie dayes The meanes to resolue the truth had bene to haue suffered vs to aunsweare fully to all that they coulde say and then they again to answeare vs fully to all that we can say But why they woulde not answeare vs what other cause can there be but that either they feared their matter that they were not able to answere vs or else for some consideration they made such hast not to seke the truth but to condemne vs that it must be done in poast haste before the matters coulde be throughly heard for in all haste we were all 3. condemned of heresie Thus much I thought good to signifie vnto your Lordshippes that you may knowe the indifferent handlinge of matters leauing the iudgement thereof vnto your wisedomes Hast made in condemning the Archb. and hys fellowes And I beseeche your Lordships to remember me a poore prisonner vnto the Queenes Maiestie and I shall pray as I doe daily vnto God for the long preseruation of your good Lordshippes in all godlinesse and felicitie April 23. Doctour Ridley to the Archbishop of Caunterburie I Wishe ye might haue seene these mine answeares before I had deliuered them y t yee myght haue corrected them B. Ridley writeth to the archbishop But I truste in the substaunce of the matter wee doe agree fully both led by one spirite of truth and both walking after one rule of Gods woorde It is reported that Sergeant Morgane This Iustice Morgan gaue sentence against Lady Iane. the chiefe Iustice of the Common place is gone madde It is sayde also that Iustice Hales hath recanted peruerted by D. Moreman Item that M. Rogers D. Crome and M. Bradforde shall be had to Cambridge and there be disputed with as we were here and that the Doctours of Oxforde shall goe likewise thither Disputation in Cambridge intended as Cambridge men came hither When ye haue red mine answeares sende thē againe to Austen except ye wil put any thing to them I trust the day of oure deliuerie out of all miseries and of our entrance into perpetuall rest and vnto perpetuall ioye and felicitie draweth me the Lorde strengthe vs wyth hys mighty spirite of grace If you haue not to wryte with you must make your man your frende And this bearer deserueth to be rewarded so he may and will doe you pleasure My man is trustie but it greeueth both him and mee that when I sende hym with any thing to you your man will not let him come vp to see you as he maye to M. Latimer and yours to me I haue a promise to see how my answers were wrytten in the schooles but as yet I cannot come by it Praye for me I pray for you and so shall I for you The Lord haue mercy of his church and lighten the eyes of the magistrates that Gods extreme plagues light not on this realme of England Turne or burne These disputations being thus discoursed and ended which were at Oxforde in the moneth of April as is aforesayd nowe let vs returne againe to the prosecuting of our story touching other things likewise y t happened in other parties of the realme in this tumultuous time of Queene Marie And because thinges that happened in that time were so many and diuers that it is hard to keepe a perfecte order in reciting them all to the entent therefore to inserte things leaft out before or els to prosecute the same more at full we haue thought heere a litle to interrupt the order of time albeit not muche returning againe to the moneth of Iulie the yeare before videlicet 1553. In the which moneth of Iuly I shewed before howe the Duke of Northumberland was apprehended by the Gard and brought to London by the Earle of Arundell and other Lordes and Gentlemen appoynted for that purpose on S. Iames day being the 25. day of Iuly and so to the tower where they remained These be the names of them which were committed to the Tower with the Duke First the Earle of Warwike the Earle of Huntington Lord Ambrose The names of them that were committed to the Tower with the Duke of Northumberland and Lord Henry Dudley Lord Hastings who was deliuered againe y e same night sir Iohn Gates sir Henry Gates sir Andrew Dudley sir Thom. Palmer and D. Sandes Chancelour of Cambridge The 26. day the Lorde Marques of Northampton the B. of London Lord Robert Dudly and sir Richard Corbet were brought and committed to the Tower The 27. day the Lorde chiefe Iustice of Englande and the Lord Mountacute chiefe Iustice of the common place were committed to the Tower Uppon the Friday being the 28. of Iulye the Duke of Suffolke and Sir Iohn Cheeke were committed to the Tower The 30. of Iulye the Lorde Russell was committed to the Sheriffe of Londons custodie The 31. day the Earle of Rutlande was committed to the Fleete The Duke of Suffolke deliuered out of the Tower Uppon the monday the last of Iuly the Duke of Suffolke was deliuered out of the Tower againe Upon thursday the 3. of August the Queene entred into the citie of London at Algate so to the Tower where shee remained seuen daies and then remooued to Richmond Uppon friday the fourth day doct Day was deliuered out of the Fleete Upon saterday the 5. day the Lorde Feries was committed to the tower and the same daye D. Boner was deliuered out of the Marshalsey The same day at nyght D. Co●kes was committed to the Marshalsey and one M. Edward Underhill to Newgate Also the same day doctor Tons●●● and Ste. Gardiner were deliuered out of the Tower and Gardiner receiued into the Quenes priuie counsaile and made Lord Chancelor Uppon Sunday the 7. day Henry Dudley captaine of the Garde at
maruelled at it said plainly that y e Scripture knew no such terme of transubstantiation Damlip threatned by the Byshops Then begā the other Bishops to threaten him shortly to cōfute him with their accustomed argument I meane fire and fagot if hee should still stand to y e defence of that he had spoken Wherunto he constantly answered that he would the nexte day deliuer vnto them fully so much in writing as he had said whereto also he would stand and so was dismissed The next day at the houre appointed to appeare when they looked surely to haue apprehended hym in the meane season he had secrete intimation from the Bishop of Canterbury Damlip secretly warned to voide that if he did any more personally appeare he should be committed vnto Warde not like to escape cruell death Wherupon he plaieng in deede then somewhat old Adams part for such is man left in his owne handes had him commended vnto them and sent them four sheetes of paper learnedly written in the Latin toung cōteining his faith with his argumentes conferences of the Scriptures and allegations of the Doctours by a messenger or frend of his Whiche done he hauyng a little money giuen him in his purse by his frends stepped aside and went to the West countrey and there kept all the time whyle great trouble kindled against Gods people in Calice vpon the same as ye shall heare the Lord permitting After his departure the Kings Maiestie was aduertised that there was great dissention diuersitie of pernitious opinions in his sayd towne of Calice greatly tending to the daunger of the same Wherupō during yet the daies of the Lord Cromwell D. Champiō and M. Garret sent to preach at Calyce were sent ouer Doct. Champion Doctour of Diuinitie M. Garret who after was burned two godly and learned men to preach and instruct the people and to cōfute all pernitious errours who in effect preached and mainteined the same true doctrine which Adam Damlip had before set foorth and by reason thereof they left the Towne at their departure very quiet and greatly purged of the sclaunder that had runne on it After the departure of the sayd Champion and Garret one Sir William Smith Curate of our Lady Parishe in Calice a man very zelous though but meanely learned did begin to preach and earnestly to inuey against Papistrie and wilfull ignoraunce exhorting men obediently to receaue the word and no longer to contemne the same Syr W. Smith Curate and a zealous preacher at Calyce least Gods heauie plagues and wrath should fall vpon them which alwayes foloweth the contempt of his holy word Which sir William Smith for that sometime he would be very feruent zelous sharply inueying against the despisers of the word was moued by some of y e Counsell there who woulde seeme to fauour Gods word that he should not be so earnest against them that yet could not away with the same willing him to beare with suche for by bearing with them they might hap to be wonne Well well said the same Smith openly in the Pulpit one day as he preached some men say I am too earnest and will me to beare with such as continue open enemies against Christes holy Gospell and refuse nay forbid that any should reade the Bible or holy scripture within their house but let all such take heede for before God I feare that God for their contemning of his word will not long beare with them but make them in suche case as some of them shall not haue a head left them vpon their shoulders to beare vp their cap withal which also after came to pas This Smyth continued in the diligente bestowing of his talent there till shortly after the deuill got such hold in the harts of a number of Gods enemies that he with diuers other godly men were called ouer into Englande and charged with erroneous opinions worthy of great punishment as hereafter more at large shall appeare First the Lord Lislie the Kings deputy there whome we shewed to be the maintainer of Damlip albeit he were himselfe of a most gentle nature of a right noble bloud The Lord Lisli● base sonne to K. Edward the 4. the base sonne of that noble Prince King Edwarde the fourth being fiercely set on and incessauntly entised by the wicked Lady Honor his wife who was an vtter enemie to Gods honour and in Idolatry hypocrisie pride incomparably euill she beeing dayly and hourely thereunto incited and prouoked by Sir Thomas Palmer Knight Iohn Rookewood Esquire two enemies to Gods word Syr Thomas Palmer M. Rookewood The Councell of Calice letters against the Protestantes beginning now to flourish at Calice these I say with certayne other of the Counsell of the sayd Towne of Calice to the number of vij mo besides themselues seeking occasion or rather a quarell where no iust cause was geuē begā to write very heinous letters and greuous complaints vnto the Lordes of the priuie Counsell agaynst dyuers of the Towne of Calice affirming that they were horribly infected with heresies and pernitious opinions As first the foresaid Adam Damlip who though he were for a time escaped their hands yet stacke still in their remembraunce from time to time vntill at last the innocent man was cruelly put to death as a traitor as hereafter shal appeare Also besides this Damlip they complained of Thomas Broke Rafe Hare likewise of Sir Iohn Butler then Commissarie and Sir W. Smith Iames Cocke aliàs Coppen de Hane Iames Barber other and the names of them all sente ouer Of the wich persons first the sayde Thomas Broke and Rafe Hare Coppen de Hane and Iames Barber were apprehended and sent ouer and cōmitted to prison in Westminster gate and then commanded to appeare before the Archbishop of Canterbury the Bish. of Winchester the Bishop of Chichester and ten other appointed by the Kings maiesties commission for the examination of them And their accusers also were sent ouer with letters from the Counsell there vnto his priuie Councell here in the furtheraunce of their malicious sutes against those honest men with certaine speciall letters directed vnto the Lord Fitzwilliams then Earle of South-hampton great Admirall of Englād to the L. Sandes Lord Chamberlayne of the Houshold likewise also to sir William Kingstone Knight Comptroller of y e houshold and to D. Sampson then B. of Chichester and other tending all to one effect that is to say to the vtter destruction of these godly men if God after his wonted manner had not mightely preserued them and as it were ouershadowed them with the wings of his mercy That the same may the better appeare you shall vnderstand that first Rafe Hare a man rude and so vnlearned that scarce he could reade yet through Gods grace The trouble o● Rafe hare souldiour of Calice was very zelous and therwith lead so godly temperate a life as not one of his enemies
brought out of the Tower and committed to the custody of Syr Iohn Williams after Lord Williams of Tame of whom her highnes was gently and curteously entreated who afterward was had to Woodstocke and there committed to the keeping of Sir Henry Benifield Knight of Oxeborough in Northfolke Sir Henry Benefield who on the other side both forgetting her estate and his owne duty as it is reported shewed hymselfe more hard straight vnto her then either cause was geuen of her part or reason of his owne part would haue led him Iuly 20. K. Phillip arriueth at Southampton if either grace or wisedome in him might haue sene before what daunger afterward might haue ensued thereof Whereof we haue to entreate more at large the Lorde willing hereafter in the story life of Queene Elizabeth Upon the Friday following being the xx of Iuly and S. Margarets day the prince of Spaine lāded at South-hampton The Prince him selfe was the first that landed who immediately as he set foote vppon the land drew out his sword and caried it naked in his hād a good prety way King Phillip caryeth his sword naked comming into England The keyes of Southampton deliuered to K. Phillip Then met him without the Towne a little the Maior of Southampton with certayne Commoners who deliuered the keyes of the Towne vnto the Prince who remoued his sword naked as it was out of his right hand into his left hand and so receiued the keyes of the Maior without any word speaking or countenaunce of thankefulnes and after a while deliuered the keyes to the Maior againe At the Towne gate met hym the Earle of Arundell and Lord Williams and so he was brought to his lodging Upon the Wednesday following being S. Iames day Iuly 25. Mariage be●tweene K. Phillip an● Q. Mary and the xxv of Iuly Philip Prince of Spayne Mary Queene of England were maryed together solemnely in the Cathedrall Church at Winchester by the Byshop of Winchester in the presence of a great number of noble men of both the Realmes At the time of this mariage the Emperours Embassadour being present opēly pronounced y t in cōsideration of that Mariage the Emperour had graūted giuen vnto his sonne the Kingdome of Naples c. Whereupon the first daye of August following there was a Proclamation that from that tyme foorth the style of all maner of writings should be altered August 1. and this following should be vsed ☞ Philip and Mary by the grace of God Kyng and Queene of England Fraunce Naples Ierusalem and Ireland defenders of the Fayth Princes of Spayne and Cicill Archdukes of Austrich Dukes of Millaine Burgundie and Brabant Counties of Haspurge Flaunders and Tyroll Of this Mariage as the Papistes chiefly seemed to be very glad so diuers of them after diuers studyes to shew forth their inward affections some made Interludes and Pagentes some drewe foorth Genealogies deriuing his petigrue from Edwarde the third and Iohn of Gaunte some made Uerses Amongst all other Mayster Whyte then Byshop of Lincolne his Poeticall vayne beeyng drunken with ioye of the Mariage spued out certayne Uerses the copy whereof we haue heere inserted ¶ Philippi Mariae Genealogia qua ambo Principes ex Iohanne de Gandauo Edwardi tertij Angliae Franciaeque Regis filio descendisse ostenduntur Whito Lincolniense Authore I Lle parens regum Gandaua ex vrbe Iohannes Somersetensem comitem profert Iohannem Somersetensis venit hoc patre dux Iohannes Qui Margaretam Richemundi habuit Comitissam Haec dedit Henricum qui regni septimus huius Henrico octauo solium regale reliquit Hoc patre propitio fausto quasi sydere nata Iure tenes sacram teneasque Maria coronam ¶ Verses of M. White Byshop of Lincolne concerning the Marriage of Philip and Mary NVbat vt angla anglo regina Maria Philippo Inque suum fontem regia stirps redeat Noluit humani generis daemon vetus hostis Sed Deus Anglorum prouida spes voluit Nollet Scotus inops timidusque ad praelia Gallus Caesar Italia Flandria tota volet Noluit Haereticus stirps Caiphae pontificum grex Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit Octo vxorati Patres in daemone nollent Quinque Cathenati pro pietate volent Noluit Iohannes D●dley Northumbrius vrsus Sed fidum regni Consilium voluit Noluit aetatis nostrae Catelina Viatus Sed proceres plebs pia turba volet Nollet Graius dux Cantia terra rebellans Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit volumus Clarior effectus repetat sua limina sanguis Cum sit Philippo iuncta Maria viro ¶ Aunswere by the reuerend Byshop of Norwich to the Byshop of Lyncolne EXterno nubat Maria vt regina Philippo Vt sint pulsa suis sceptra Britanna locis Vult Daemon generis nostri antiquissimus hostis Anglorum non vult anchora sola Deus Nolunt hoc Galli nolunt Scoti armipotentes Vult Caesar Flandrus vult Italus Golias Vult grex Pontificum stirps Caypha turba bicornis Ann. ●●54 〈◊〉 Non vult sanctorum sed pia turba patrum Nolunt octo quibus sunt vincla iugalia curae Quinque cathenati Daemonis arte volunt Hoc neque tu prorsus Dudlaee animose volebas Inuitum regni Consilium voluit Dedecus hoc non vult fortissimus ille Viatus Inuitus populus sic proceresque volent Vos vultis quoniam semper mala cuncta voletis Non vul● Graius Dux nec pia turba volet Quot tulit Hispanus rex ergò commoda secum Reginae socias cum dedit ille manus ¶ Another aunswere by the sayd Author HIspano nubat Maria vt regina Philippo Extirpetur stirps vt quoque Nobilium Vult pater id vester disturbans omnia Daemon Non vult Anglorum sed pater Altitonans Non vult bellipotens Gallus non vult Scotus acer Vult Caesar Flandrus Papicolaeque volunt Grex mitratorum vult Cayphae ipsa propago Non vult sanctorum sed pius ordo patrum Nolunt octo pios qui iure colunt hymenaeos Quinque cathenati pro impietate volunt Dudlaeus minimè voluit Northumbrius Heros Cui sua perchara est patria nemo volet Libertatis amans non vult bonus ille Viatus Non proceres non plebs nec pia turba volet Vos vultis pietas qui vultis vt exulet omnis Non Graius sed nec Cantia turba volet Ergò magis clarus quî fit rogo sanguis auitus Quando iugalis sit iunctus vterque thoro ¶ Other Verses aunswering to Byshop White made by I. C. QVamlibet Anglorum stirps ementita Philippo Et Maria Hispana de genetrice fuit Vt tamen Hispano confusi sanguinis Angla Nuberet in gentis dedecus atque patris Noluit Anglorum priscae virtutis amator Sed Deus in nostram perniciem voluit Noluit in nostram nisi conspirata salutem Turba quid ad nos
present onely but on thinges to come and so haue they as present to fayth the iudgemente and glorious comming of Christ like as the wicked haue now theyr worldly wealth wherein they wallow and will wallowe till they tumble headlong into Hell where are tormentes too terrible and endlesse The ende of prosperitye Nowe they followe the Feende as the Beare doth the trayne of Honye and the Sowe the swillinges till they be brought into the slaughter house and then they know that theyr prosperitye hath brought them to perdition Then crye they woe woe We went the wrong way Sap●ence 5. wee counted these men I meane such as you bee that suffer for Goddes sake losse of goodes frendes and life whome they shall see endued with riche robes of righteousnesse crownes of most pure precious golde and Palmes of conquest in the goodly glorious palace of the Lambe where is eternall ioy felicity c. Wee counted will they then say these men but fooles and mad men we tooke theyr conditions to be but curiosity c. But then will it be to late then the time will be turned laughing shal be turned into weeping and weeping into reioysing Read Sapien. 2.3.4.5 Therefore as before I haue sayd great cause haue I to thanke God whiche hath vouched you worthy of thys most bountifull blessing Few noble men called to Christes kingdome muche more then you haue cause my good Lord so to be I meane thankefull For looke vpon your vocation I pray you and tell me how many noble menne Earles sonnes Lordes Knightes and menne of estimation hath God in this Realme of England dealt thus withall I dare say you thinke not that you haue deserued this Only Gods mercy in his christ hath wrought this on you as he did in Ieremyes tyme on Abimelech in Achabs time on Abdias in Christes tyme on Ioseph of Arimathia in the Apostles tyme on Sergius Paulus and the Queene of Candaces Chamberlayne Onely now be thankefull and continue continue continue my good Lorde continue to confesse Christ. Bee not ashamed of hym before men for then will not he bee ashamed of you Nowe will he trye you sticke fast vnto him and he wyll sticke fast by you he will be with you in trouble and deliuer you But then must you cry vnto him for so it proceedeth Psalme 91. He cried vnto me and I heard him I was with him in trouble c. Remember Lottes wyfe whiche looked backe Remēber Fraunces Spira Remember that none is crowned but he that striueth lawfully Remēber that all you haue is at Christes commaundement Remember he lost more for you then you canne lose for him Remember you lose not that which is lost for his sake Godly remembrances for you shall finde much more here and elsewhere Remember you shall dye and when where and howe ye can not tell Remember the death of sinners is most terrible Remember the death of Gods Sayntes is precious in his sight Remember the multitude goeth the wide waye whiche windeth to woe Remember that the straight gate which leadeth to glorye hath but few trauellers Remember Christ biddeth you striue to enter in thereat Remember he that trusteth in the Lord shall receiue strength to stand agaynst all the assaultes of his enemies Be certayn all the hearers of your head are numbred Be certayne your good Father hath poynted boundes ouer the which the deuill dare not look Commit your selfe to him he is hath bene and will bee your Keeper Cast your care on hym and he will care for you Let Christ be your scope and marke to pricke at let hym be your patron to worke by let him be your ensample to folow geue him as your hart so your hand Christ 〈◊〉 must 〈◊〉 both 〈◊〉 and hand● as your minde so your toung as your fayth so your feete and let his word be your candle to go before you in all matters of Religion Blessed is he that walketh not to these Popish prayers nor standeth at them nor sitteth at them glorifye God in both soule and body Psalme ● 2 Cor. 6. He that gathereth not wyth Christ scattereth abroad Use prayer looke for Gods help which is at hand to them that aske and hope thereafter assuredly In which prayer I hartely desire your Lordshyp to remember vs who as we are goyng with you ryght gladly God therefore be praysed so we looke to go before you hoping that you will folow if God so will according to your dayly prayer Thy will be done on earth c. The good spirite of God alwayes guide your Lordshippe vnto the end Amen Your Lordships owne for euer Iohn Bradford * To M. Warcup and his Wyfe Maistres Wilkenson and others of his godly frendes with theyr familyes THe same peace our Sauiour Christ left with his people A pithy 〈◊〉 effectuall letter of 〈◊〉 Bradford M. War●●● and 〈◊〉 Wilkins● which is not without warre with the world almighty God woorke plentifully in your hartes now and for euer Amen The tyme I perceiue is come wherein the Lordes grounde will be knowne I meane it will now shortly appeare who haue receiued Goddes Gospell into theyr hartes in deede to the taking of good roote therein for such will not for a litle heate or sunburning wither but stiffely will stand and grow on maugre the malice of all burning showers and tempestes And for as much as my beloued in the Lorde I am perswaded of you that ye be in deede the children of GOD Gods good ground whiche groweth and will grow on by Goddes grace bringyng foorth fruite to Goddes glory after your vocations as occasion shall bee offered burne the Sunne neuer so hoate therefore I can not but so signify vnto you and hartely pray you and euery one of you accordinglye to goe on forwardes after your Mayster Christ not sticking at the foule waye and stormye weather whiche you are come into and are like so to doe of this beyng most certayne that the ende of your iourney shall be pleasaunt and ioy full in suche a perpetuall rest and blissefulnesse as can not but swallow vppe the showers that ye nowe feele and are soussed in if ye often sette it before your eyes after Paules counsell in the latter ende of the 4. and beginning of the 5. chapter of the second Epistle to the Corinthians Read it I pray you and remember it often as a Restoratiue to refreshe you leaste ye faynt in the way And besides this set before you also that though the weather be foule and stormes grow apace yet go not ye alone but other your brothers and sisters pad the same path as Saynt Peter telleth vs and therefore company shoulde cause you to be the more couragious and chearefull But if ye had no company at all to go presently with you I pray you tell me if euen from the beginning the best of Goddes frendes haue founde any fayrer weather and way to the place whether
therefore it is easie to iudge to how fauourable and vprightfull hartes they tooke vppon them to be his aduocates and defenders The Chauncellour likewise charged him vpon the same xxiij daye y t since his last imprisonment he had said vnto Robert Cluny the Bishops Sumner and his keeper that as far foorth as he could see or perceiue for his parte in this his matter the lawes of the Church were grounded vpon Pilate Cayphas The lawes of the church of Rome groūded vpon Pilate and Cayphas Which obiection he graunting to be true the Chaūcellour did for that time dismisse the Courte vntill the first daye of Marche nexte following Uppon whiche daye minding to make quicke dispatche he in fewe wordes asked Man what matter he had to alledge for himselfe why he shoulde not then considering the premisses bee pronounced a relapsed heretique and receiue suche punishement by the seculare power as to suche was due by order of lawe But he hauing no other allegations then before whiche might take place with them was finally condemned as an heretique And notwithstanding that as the register noteth but howe truely God onely knoweth he did agayne forsake his former renewed profession of Christes Gospell and yelded himselfe vnto the Bish. of Rome requiring to be absolued from his curse of excommunication and contented to doe such penaunce as they should enioyne him he was yet the xxix day of Marche deliuered by Doctour Hed vnto the Sheriffe of London The popish chauncelour would not seeme to cōsent to his death but yet could send him to the Shambles to be kilde to be then presently burned with this protestation made before that he might not consent to the death of any and therefore he desired the Sheriffe that he woulde receiue this person as relapsed and condemned and yet to punishe him otherwise then by rigorous rigour The wordes to be marked in their sentence be these Rogamus attentè in visceribus Iesu Christi vt huiusmodi dignae seueritatis vltio executio de te contra te in hac parte fienda taliter moderetur vt non sit rigor rigidus neque mansuetudo dissoluta sed as salutē sanitatem animae tuae c. That is We desire in the bowels of our lord Iesus Christ that the punishment and execution of due seueritie of thee against thee in this part may so be moderate that there be no rigorous rigour nor yet no dissolute mansuetude but to the health and wealth of thy soule c. Wherein these Catholique Churchmen doe well declare accordyng to the wordes of Thomas Man before expressed that the lawes of their church be grounded vpō Pilate Caiphas For like as Caiphas with his court of Phariseis cried against Christ vnto Pilate It is not lawfull for vs to put anye man to death But if thou let hym go thou art not Caesars friend Euen so they first condemning the saints of God to death and then deliuering them vnto the secular Magistrate to be thereupon executed woulde yet couer their malignant hartes with the cloke of hipocriticall holines and vnwillingnes to shedde bloude But God be thanked whiche bringeth all thinges to light in his due time vncouereth her hipocrisie at last that she may be seene and knowne in right colours * The burning of Thomas Man Thus Thomas man the manly martyr of Iesu christ being condemned by the vniust sentence of Hed the Chaūcellour was deliuered to the Sheriffe of London sitting on horsebacke in Pater noster rowe before the Byshops doore an 1518. protesting to the sayde Sheriffe that he had no power to put him to deathe and therefore desired the Sheriffe to take him as a relapse and cōdemned to see him punished Et tamen citra Mortem that is without death as the wordes stand in the Register The Sheriffe receiuing neither articles to be read at his burning nor any Indentures of that his deliuerye Thomas Man burned of the Sheriffe without any warrāt An. 1518. Mens Mart. 29. Ex Regist. immediately caryed him to Smithfielde and there in the same day in the foorenoone caused him to be put into Gods Aungell according to the wordes of the sayd Thomas Man before saying that if he were taken againe of the pilled knaue priestes as he called them he wist well he should goe to the holy Aungell and then be an angell in heauen In the deposition of one Thomas Risby weauer of Stratford Langthorn against y e forenamed Martyr Tho. Man it appeareth by the Registers that he had bene in diuers places and countryes in England and had instructed very many as at Amersham at London at Billerica Chemsford at Stratford Langford at Oxbrige at Burnham at Henley vpon Thamis in Suffolke and Northfolke at Newbery and diuers places moe where he himselfe testifieth that as he went Westward he found a great company of well disposed persons being of the same iudgement touching the sacrament of the Lordes supper that he was of and especially at Newbery where was as he confessed a glorious and sweete societie of faythfull fauourers who had continued the space of xv yeares together Ex Regist. Rich. Fitziames Pag. 798. Vj. score abiured and 3. or 4. burnt about Newbery 60. yeares agoe till at last by a certaine lewd person whome they trusted and made of their counsell they were bewrayed and then many of them to the number of sixe or seuen score were abiured and three or foure of them burnt From thence he came then as he confessed to the forest of Windsore where he hearing of the brethren which were at Hamersham remoued thither where he found a godly and a great company which had continued in that doctrine and teaching 23. yeares whiche was from this present time 70. yeares agone Abiuratio magna Knowen men or Iust fast men of Amersham W. Tilseley or rather Tylseworth martyr Vid. supra Pag. 774. And this congregation of Buckingham shyre men remayned till the time of Iohn Longham Bishop of Lincolne whereof we shal Christ willing heare more anone Against these faythfull Christiās of Amersham was great troble and persecution in the time of W. Smyth Byshop of Lincolne about the yeare of our Lord 1057. at whiche time diuers and many were abiured and it was called Abiuratio Magna the great abiuration and they whiche were noted of that doctrine and profession were called by the name of knowne men or iust fast men c. In this congregatiō of the faithful brethren were 4. principall readers or instructers Wherof one was Tilesworth called thē D. Tilesworth who was burnt at Amersham mentioned in our history before by the name of William Tilseley whō I suppose rather to be called Tilseworth pag. 774. An other was Thomas Chase Thomas Chase Martyr Vide. supra pag. 774. called amongst them Doctour Chase whom we declared before to be murdered and hanged in the Bishop of Lincolnes prison at Woborne called Little ease pag.
reproue any thing in them for feare to be called hereticke and then they would make him smoke or beare a Fagot And the Cardinall himselfe was so elated that he thought himselfe equall with the King and when he had sayd Masse he made Dukes Earles to serue him of wine with a say taken and to hold the bason at the Lauatories Furthermore as he was Ambassadour sent to the Emperour at Bruxels he had ouer with him the great Seale of England and was serued with his seruitours kneeling on their knees and many noble men of England wayting vpon him to the great admiration of all the Germaines that beheld it such was his monstrous pompe and pride Ex Par●lip Abb. Vrspur This glorious Cardinall in his tragicall doyngs dyd exceede so farre all measure of a good subiect that he became more like a Prince then a Priest for although y e King bare the sword yet he bare the stroke makyng in a maner the whole Realme to bend at his becke to daunce after hys pipe Such practises and fetches he had that when he had well stored his own cofers first he fetched the greatest part of the Kings treasure out of the realme in xij great barels ful of gold siluer to serue the Popes warres And as his auaritious mind was neuer satisfied in getting so his restles head was so busie ruffling in publicke matters that he neuer ceassed before he had let both England Fraunce Flaunders Spayne and Italy together by the cares Thus this Legate well following the steppes of hys maister the Pope and both of them well declaring the nature of their religion vnder the pretence of y e Church practised great hipocrisie and vnder the authoritie of y e King he vsed great extortion with excessiue taxes and lones and valuation of euery mans substance The pilling 〈…〉 Cardinall so pilling the commōs and Marchaunts that euery man complayned but no redresse was had Neither yet were the Churchmen altogether free from the pillax and pollax from the pilling polling I meane of this Cardinall who vnder his power Legantine gaue by preuētions all benefices belonging to spirituall persons by which hard it is to say whether he purchased to himselfe more riches then hatred of the spiritualty So farre his licence stretched that he had power to suppresse diuers Abbeyes Priories and Monasteries and so did taking from them all their goodes moueables and not moueables except it were a little pension left onely to the heads of certayne houses By the saide power Legantine he kept also generall visitations through y e Realme sending Doctor Iohn Alein his Chaplein riding in hys gowne of veluet The Fryers obseruaunts 〈◊〉 of the Cardi●●ll with a great traine to visit all religious houses whereat the Friers obseruants much grudged would in no wise cōdescend thereunto wherfore they were openly accursed at Paules crosse by frier Forest one of the same order so that the Cardinall at length preuayled both against them Of Fryer 〈◊〉 Vid. 〈…〉 Reg. Henri● 8. and all other Against whom great disdayne arose among the people perceauing how he by visitatiōs making of Abbots probates of testamentes graunting of faculties licences and other pollings in his courtes Legantine had made his treasure equall with the Kings and yet euery yeare he sent great summes to Rome And thys was their dayly talke against the Cardinall Beside many other matters and greeuances which stirred the harts of the commons against the Cardinall thys was one which much pinched them for that the sayd Cardinall had sent out certain strait commissions in the Kings name that euery man should pay the vj. part of his goods Wherupon there folowed great muttering amongst y e cōmons 〈…〉 19. Reg. Henri● 8. in such sort y t it had almost growen to some riotous commotion or tumult especially in the partes of Suffolke had not the Dukes of Northfolke and Suffolke with wisedome and gentlenes stept in and appeased the same Another thing that rubbed the stomackes of many or rather which moued them to laugh at the Cardinall was this to see his insolent presumption so highly to take vpon him as the Kings chiefe counsailer to set a reformation in the order of the Kings houshold making and establishing new ordinances in the same He likewise made new officers in y e house of the Duke of Richmond which was then newly begon In like maner he ordeined a Counsell established another houshold for y e Lady Mary then being princes so that all thing was done by his cōsent by none other All this with much more tooke he vpō him making the King beleeue y t all should be to his honour and y t he needed not to take any paine insomuch that the charge of all things was committed vnto him whereat many men smiled to see his great folly and presumption At this tyme the Cardinall gaue the King the lease of the Manour of Hampton Court which he had of the Lord of S. Iohns and on which he had done great coste Therfore y e King again of his gētle nature licenced him to lie in his Manour of Richmond so he lay there certain times But when the common people and specially such as were King Henry the vij seruantes sawe the Cardinall keepe house in the royall Manour of Richmond which K. Henry the vij so much esteemed it was a maruaile to here how they grudged saieng See a butchers dogge lie in the Manour of Richmond These with many other opprobrious wordes were spoken agaynst the Cardinall whose pride was so hygh that he regarded nothyng yet was he hated of all men And now to expresse some part of the 〈◊〉 practises and busie intermedlynges of this Cardinall in Princes warres first here is to be noted The Cardinall ruffling in matters and warres of Princes that after lōg warres betwene England Fraunce 1524. in the which warres kyng Henry takyng the Emperours part agaynst Fraūces the French kyng had waged with his money y e Duke of Bourbon and a great part of the Emperours army to inuade and disturbe certaine partes of Fraunce it happened that the French kyng commyng with his armye toward Millan at the siege of Pauia was there takē by the Duke of Bourbon Uiceroy of Neaples Fraunces 〈◊〉 French king taken prisoner and so led prisoner into Spayne Here note by the way that all this while the Cardinall held with the Emperour hopyng by hym to be made Pope but when that would not be he went cleane from the Emperour to the French kyng as the Lord willyng ye shall heare After this victory gotten and the French kyng beyng taken prisoner who remayned in custody about a yeare halfe at lēgth through great labour solicitation as well of other as namely of the Cardinall and kyng Henry an order was taken The French king prisoner a yeare and a halfe and conditions propoūded
me to write any more and I had rather to speak it in priuate talke vnto your selfe Wherunto if you would admit me I trust you should not repent you thereof and vnto me Christ I take to my witnes it would be a great comfort in whom I wish you with all your flocke hartily well to feare Your prisoner and humble beadman vnto God for you Tho. Bilney Thus haue you the letters the abiuration and articles of Thomas Bilney Bilney cast 〈…〉 with 〈…〉 After which abiuration made about y t yeare of our Lord. 1529. the sayd Bilney tooke such repentaunce sorrow that he was neare the poynt of vtter dispayre as by y e wordes of M. Latimer is credibly testified whose wordes for my better discharge I thought here to annex written in his seuenth Sermon preached before K. Edward which be these I knew a man my selfe Bilney litle Bilney y t blessed Martyr of God who what time he had borne his fagot was come again to Cambridge had such conflictes within himselfe beholding this Image of death that his friendes were afrayde to let him be alone They were fayne to be with him day and night and comfort him as they could but no comfortes would serue And as for the comfortable places of Scripture to bringe thē vnto him it was as though a man should runne him thorough the hart with a sword Yet for all this he was reuiued and tooke his death paciently and dyed well agaynst the tyrannicall sea of Rome Haec Latim Serm. 7. Agayn the sayd M. Latimer speaking of Bilney in an other of his sermons preached in Lincolnshyre hath these wordes following That same M. Bilney whiche was burnt here in England for gods words sake was induced and perswaded by his frendes to beare a fagot at the tyme when the Cardinall was aloft and bare the swinge Now when the same Bilney came to Cambridge again a whole yeare after he was in such an anguish and agony that nothing did him good neyther eating nor drinking nor anye other communication of Gods worde for he thought that al the whole Scriptures were agaynst him and sounded to his condemnation So that I many a time commoned w t him or I was familiarly acquaynted with him but all thinges whatsoeuer any man could allege to his comforte seemed vnto him to make agaynst him Yet for all that afterward he came againe God indued him with such strength and perfectnes of fayth that he not onely confessed hys faith in y e Gospell of our Sauiour Iesu Christ but also suffered his body to be burned for that same Gospels sake which we now preach in England c. Haec ille Ser. 8. fol. 132 Furthermore in the first sermon of the said M. Latimer before the Dutches of Suffolk fol. 5. he yet speaking more of Bilney inferreth as followeth Here I haue sayth hee occasion to tell you a story which happened at Cambridge M. Bilney or rather S. Bilney y t suffered death for gods words sake Latimer called 〈◊〉 ●●●●uerted ●y Bilney the same Bilney was the instrument wherby God called me to knowledge For I may thanke him next to God for that knowledge that I haue in y e word of god For I was an obstinate papist as any was in Englande insomuch that when I should be made bacheler of Diuinitie my whole Oration went against Phillip Melancthon and agaynst his opinions Bilney heard me at that tyme and perceaued that I was zelous without knowlege and came to me afterward in my study and desired me for gods sake to heare his confession I dyd so and to say y e trueth by his confession I learned more then afore in many yeres So from that tyme forward I began to smell the word of God and forsake the Schoole doctors and such fooleries c. And much more he hath of the same matter which ye may see hereafter in the lyfe of M Latimer By this it appeareth howe vehemently this good man was pearced with sorow and remorse for his abiuration y e space almost of 2. yeares Bilney returneth agayne from his abiuration that is from the yeare 1529. to the yeare 1531. It followed then that he by Gods grace good counsayle came at length to some quiet of conscience being fully resolued to geue ouer his life for the confession of that truth which before he had renounced And thus being fully determined in hys minde and setting hys time he tooke his leaue in Trinitie hall at ten of the clocke at nyght of certayne of hys frendes and sayd that he would go to Ierusalem alluding belike to the words examples of christ in the Gospel going vp to Ierusalem Nam fa●●cius e●ats 〈◊〉 H●●●osoly●● Bilney ●●●eth vpo● H●e●usa●●● what time he was appoynted to suffer his passion And so Bilney meanyng to geue ouer hys life for the testimony of Christes Gospell told his frends y t he woulde goe vp to Ierusalem and so would see thē no more immediately departed to Northfolk there preached first priuely in housholdes to cōfirm the brethren and sisterne and also to confirme the anchres whom he had conuerted to Christ. Then preached he opēly in y e fieldes confessing his fact and preaching publickely y t doctrine which he before had abiured to be the very trueth willed all men to beware by hym and neuer to trust to theyr fleshly frends in causes of religion And so setting forward in his iourny toward the celestiall Ierusalem hee departed from thence to the Anchres in Norwiche there gaue her a new testament of Tindals translation and the obedience of a Christian man whereupon hee was apprehended and caryed to prison there to remayne till y t blynde bishop Nixe sent vp for a writte to burne hym In the meane season the Fryers and religious men with the residue of theyr Doctours Ciuill and Canon resorted to him 4. Orden of Fryers against Bilney busily labouring to perswade hym not to die in those opinions saying he shoulde be damned body and soule if he so continued Among whome first were sent to him of the byshop Doct. Call minister as they call him or Prouinciall of the graye Fryers and Doct. Stokes an Augustine Fryer Doct. Call and Doct. Stokes sent to dispute with Bilney Doct. Call called by Bilney who lay with hym in prison in disputation till the writte came that he should be burned Doctor Call by the word of God through the meanes of Bilneys doctrine good life wherof he had good experience was somewhat reclaymed to the Gospelles side Doct. Stokes remayned obdurate and doth yet to this day whose heart also the Lorde if it be hys will reforme open the eyes of his old age that he may forsake the former blyndnes of his youth An other great doer agaynst him was one Fryer Byrd with one eye Prouinciall of the white Friers This Byrde was a Suffragane in Couentry and after
the king to the conuocation house sent him therewith to the Conuocation house among the Byshops Cromwell commyng with the kynges signet boldly into the Clergy house and there placyng himselfe among the Byshops W. Warham beyng then Archbyshop begā to make his Oration declaryng to them the authoritie of a kyng and the office of subiectes and especially the obedience of Byshops Churchmen vnder publicke lawes necessaryly prouided for the profite quyet of the cōmon wealth Which lawes notwithstandyng they had all transgressed highly offended in derogation of the kynges royall estate fallyng in the law of Premunire in that no● onely they had consented to the power Legatiue of the Cardinall For the copie of the Bishops 〈◊〉 to the Pope read before pag. 1025. The clergy condemned in the Premunire Syr Tho. Cromwell made knight and M. of the kinges Iewel house but also in that they had all sworne to the Pope contrary to the fealtie of their soueraigne Lord the kyng therfore had forfeyted to the kyng all their goodes cattels landes possessions and whatsoeuer liuynges they had The Byshops hearyng this were not a litle amased and first began to excuse and deny the fact But after that Cromwell had shewed them the very copie of their othe made to the Pope at their cōsecration and the matter was so playne that they could not deny it they begā to shrinke and to fall to entreatie desiryng respite to pause vpon the matter Notwithstandyng the end thereof fell so out that to be quite of that Premunire by Act of Parliament it cost them to the kyng for both the prouinces Canterbury and Yorke no lesse then .118840 poundes whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 1530. whereof before you may read more at large pag. 1020. After this an 1522. Syr Thomas Cromwell growyng in great fauour with the kyng Cromwell made M. of the Rolles Cromwell made knight of the Garter was made Knight Maister of the kynges Iewell house shortly after was admitted also into the kynges Coūsaile which was about the commyng in of Queene Anne Bullen Furthermore within two yeares ofter the same an 1524. he was made Maister of the Rolles Doct. Taylor beyng discharged Thus Cromwel springyng vp in fauour and honour after this in the yeare .1527 a litle before the byrth of kyng Edward was made Knight of the Garter L. Cromwell made Earle of Essex great Chamberlaine of England and Vicegerent to the king not long after was aduaunced to the Earledome of Essex and made great Chamberlaine of England Ouer and besides all which honours he was constitute also Uicegerent to the kyng representyng his person Whiche office although it standeth well by the law yet seldome hath there bene sene any besides this Cromwell alone either to haue susteined it or els to haue so furnished the same with counsayle and wisedome as Cromwell did And thus much hytherto cōcernyng the steppes and degrees of the Lord Cromwels risyng vp to dignitie and high estate Now somewhat would be sayd likewise of the noble Actes the memorable examples and worthy vertues not drowned by ease of honour in him but encreased rather quickened by aduauncemēt of authority place to work more abundantly in the common wealth Among y t which his woorthy actes and other manyfolde vertues in thys one chiefely aboue all other riseth his commendation The actes and doinges of the L. Cromwell described for his singular zeale and laborious trauaile bestowed in restoring the true Church of Christ and subuerting the Synagogue of Antichrist the Abbeyes I meane and religious houses of Friers and Monkes For so it pleased almighty God by the meanes of the said Lord Cromwell to induce the King to suppresse first the Chauntries then the Friers houses and small Monasteries till at length all the Abbeys in England both great and lesse were vtterly ouerthrowne and pluckt vp by the rootes The which acte and enterprise of him as it may geue a president of singular zeale to all Realmes christened which no Prince yet to this day scarse dare folow so to this Realme of Englande it wrought such benefit commoditie as the fruite thereof yet remayneth and will remayne still in the Realme of Englande though we seeme little to feele it Rudely and simply I speake what I suppose without preiudice of other which can inferre any better reason In the meane time my reason is this that if God had not raised vp thys Cromwell as he did to be the instrument of rooting out of the Abbeyes and Celles of straunge religion The L. Cromwel a profitable instrument in suppressing Abbayes what other men see I know not for my part I neuer yet saw in thys Realme any such Cromwell since Cromwels time whose hart and courage might not sooner haue bene subuerted with the money and bribes of Abbots then he to haue subuerted any Abbey in all England But heere I must of necessitie answeare the complaynt of certayne of our countrey men For so I heare of many the subuersion of these Monasteries to be reprehended The defence of the L. Cromwell for ouerthrowing the Abbayes as euill and wicked The building say they mighte haue bene conuerted vnto schooles and houses of learning The goodes and possessions might haue bene bestowed to much better and more godly vse of the poore and mainteining of hospitalitie Neyther do I denie but that these thyngs are well and godly spoken of them and could willingly embrace their opinion with my whole hart if I did not consider heerein a more secret and deeper meaning of Gods holy prouidence then at the first blush peraduenture to all men doth appeare And first to omit the wicked and execrable life of these religious orders The abhominable life in Monasteryes bewrayed by their owne confessiō ful of al feditie found out by the Kings visitours and in their Registers also recorded so horrible to be heard so incredible to be beleeued so stinking before the face of God and man that no maruayle it is if Gods vengeance from heauen prouoked woulde not suffer anye stone or monument of these abhominable houses to be vnplucked vp But as I sayd letting these things passe vnder chaste silence whiche for very shame will abhorre any storie to disclose let vs now come to the first institution of these orders and houses of Monkerie and consider howe and to what end they were first instituted and erected here among the Saxons at the first foundation of them about the time 666. In the former parte of thys Hystorie declaration was made before Read afore pag. 133.134 page 133.134 first by whome and at what time these Monkish houses heere in England among the Saxons flowing no doubt out of the order of Saint Benet The first beginning of religious houses in the time of the Saxons and brought in by Augustine began first to be founded as by Augustine the Monke Furseus Medulphus
life 36 Thou shalt not vexe or greue by iustice or otherwise the pore that oweth vnto thee for thou mayest not doe it withou sinne 36. Article fol 97. The place is this Thou shalt not vexe or greue by iustice c. as Christ sayth resist not euill Mat. 5. but whosoeuer striketh thee on the right cheeke turn to him the other also c. S Paul sayth Render not euil for euil Rom. 12. Heb. 10. and if it be possible as much as is in you liue in peace with all men not reuēging your selues my welbeloued but geue place to wrath for●● is written to me the vengeance and I will render it sayth the Lord God ●● Article 37. Some textes of Canon law suffereth warre but the teaching of Christ forbidde●h all warres Neuerthelesse when a City is besieged or a country inuaded the Lord of the country is bounde to put his life in ieopardy for his subiectes fol. 119. 38. Article 38 So a Lord may vse horrible warre charitably and Christianly fol. 119. How Christians may warre lawfully As touching warre to be moued or styrred first of our parts agaynst any people or country vpon any rash cause as ambi●ion malice or reuēge the gospell of Christ geueth vs no such sword to fight withall Notwithstanding for defence of coūtry and subiectes the magistrate being inuaded or prouoked by other may lawfully and is bound to do his best as the city of Mar●urgh did well in defending it selfe agaynst the Emperour c. 39. Article 39. The gospell maketh all true Christen men seruauntes to all the world fol. 79. Crafty cogging in this article He that compiled this article craftely to make y e matter to appeare more haynous leaueth out y e latter part which should expound the other that is by the rule of charity for that the author addeth withall By which rule of charitye and not of office and duety euery christen man is boūd one to help another as Christ himselfe being Lord of all yet of charity was a seruaunt to euery man to do him good read the place of the summe of the scripture in the page as in the article it is assigned 40. Article 40. The Gospell is written for all persons estates Prince Duke Pope Emperour fol. 112. They which noted this article for an heresy I suppose could litle tell either what GOD or what the Scripture meaneth 41. Article 41. When iudges haue hope that an euill doer will amend they must be alwayes mercifull as Christ was to the woman taken in aduou●ry The temporall law must obey the Gospell and thē that we may attēd by warning we shall not correct by iustice fol. 113. The purpose of the book whence this article is wrasted being well vnderstood intendeth not to binde tēporal iudges and magistrates from due executiō of good lawes but putteth both them and especiall spiritual iudges in remēbraunce by the example of Christ to discerne who be penitent offēders and who be otherwise and where they see euident hope of earnest repentance and amendment if they be ecclesiasticall iudges to spare them if they be ciuill magistrates yet to temper the rigour of the law as much as they conueniently may with merciful moderation which the Greekes do call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And thus much hitherto of these heresies and Articles collected by the byshops inserted in theyr own registers one of the bookes ab●●e specified The names of y e bishops and collectors were these Syr Tho. More L. Chaūcellor Wil. Warham Archb. of Cant. Tunstall bish of London Ste. Gardiner G. of Wint. Rich. Sampson Deane of the chappel Rich. Wolman M. of Requestes Iohn Bell D. Wilson with a great number moe as in the registers doth appeare Ex Regist. Cant Londinensi Truth malici●●●ly slaundered an●●●pre●●ed of the Papistes I shall not need I trust gentle reader further here to tary thee with reciting mo places whē these already rehersed may suffice for a taste a triall for thee sufficient to note and consider how falsely most slaunderously these catholickes haue depraued and misreported the books and writinges of good men who might almost gather heresies as well of S. Iohns gospell S. Paules epistles as out of these places Thus may we see what cannot malice do being set on mischiefe or what cannot the spirite of spite and cau●lling finde out being inflamed with hatred blowne with the bellowes of ambition and iniquity The Popes crowne the ●onkes bellyes two perillous thinges to be touched And as they haue done with these the like partes they haue and do practise stil against al other whosoeuer in defēce of truth dare touch neuer so litle either the Popes crowne or the bellies of his clergy for these ij sores in no case they can abide to be touched And hereof onely cōmeth all this crying out heresy heresy blasphemy error schisme Although the doctrine be neuer so sound and perfect after the scripture yet if the writer be not such in all pointes especially in these two aboue touched as wil sing after theyr tune and daunce after theyr pipe he is by by an hereticke The Popes Church vpholden with lying and cauilling by vertue of theyr Inquisition So did they with the Articles of the learned Erle Ioannes Picus Mirandula So did they with Ioh. Rencline or Cap●●ion So did they also with good Iohn Colet here in England Also with the like spirite of lying cauilling the catholicke faculties of Louane Spain and Paris condemned the works and writings of Erasmus many mo So full they are of censures articles suspitious offences inquisitions so captions they be in taking so rash in iudging so slaunderous of reporte so practised in deprauing misconstruing and wrasting true meaninges into wrong purposes briefely so pregnant they be in finding heresies where none are that either a man must say nothing or serue theyr deuotiō or els he shall procure theyr displeasure that is shall be demed for an hereticke Yea though no iust cause of any heresy be ministred yet wher they once take disliking they will not sticke sometimes with false accusations to presse him w t matter which he neuer spake nor thought If Luther had not styrred against the Popes pardons and authority he had remayned still a white sōne of the mother Catholick church and all had bene wel done whatsoeuer he did But because he aduentured to touche once y e triple crowne what flouds of heresies blasphemies and articles were cast out against him enough to drown a whole world what lyes and forged crimes were inuented agaynst him Here now cōmeth Staphylus and furious Surius Impudent lyes 〈◊〉 M. 〈◊〉 M. Bucer most 〈…〉 w t theyr fraternity and say that he learned his Diuinity of the deuill The foloweth an other certain Chronographer who in his lying story reporteth most falsely that Luther dyed of dronkennes With like malice the
inprimis charos à moerore ac sollicitudine ad spem atque expectationem certae ●alu is vocare sacere nō potuimus quin gratias sereni vestrae pro tā prōpta ac benigna volūtate non modo huius beneficij sed etiā perpetuae inter nos ac regna nostra conseruandae ac colende amicitiae ageremus quantum in nobis esset quod ad applectanda persequendaque haec auspicata initia pertineret nihil praetermitteremus Neque vero nobis de clementia ac moderatione Sere vestrae vnquam dubium fuit quam deus opt max. ad gloriam sui nominis fructum pub vtilitatis vt magis ac magis efflorescere velit ex animo optamus Proinde cum ob rationes aerarias neque aliud grauius delictum D. Couerd teneri Sere vestra scribat est sanè vt ipsius causa laetemur eoque minus ambigamus liberationem incolumitatemque eius nostris precibus liberaliter donati Nam accepimus ipsum episcopatu cuius nomine aerario obstrictus fuerat cessisse vt inde satisfactio peteretur maxime cum neque diu eo potitus fuisse neque tantum emolumenti inde percepisse dicatur Quinetiam si qua rationum perplexitas aut alia forte causa reperiri posset tamen sollicitudinem ac dubitationem nobis Serenitatis vestrae tam amice atque officiose deferētes literae omnem exemerunt vt existimemus Sere vestrā quoad eius fieri posset magis honorem nostrum quam quid ab eo exigi possit consideraturam Itaque Sere vestram repetitis precibus vrgere non constituimus sed potius testatum facere quam accepta nobis Sere vest gratificatio sit cuius ralem euentum omnino speramus vt ipse Couerd coram vobis suae incolumitatis à Sere vest exoratae beneficium propediem repraesentare possit Illud vero imprimis Seren. vest vicissim persuasum esse cupimus nos non solum referendae gratiae sed etiam stabilendae prouehēdae que inter nos ac regna vtrinque nostra amicitiae ac necessitudinis mutuae occasionem aut facultatem nullam esse praetermissuros Deus opt max. Sere vest diu foeliciter ac beate incolumem esse velit Datae ex oppido nostro Ottoniensi 24. Septembr Anno 1554. Vester frater consanguineus Christianus The same in English ¶ Christierne by the grace of God King of Denmarke Norway Gotland and of the Vandales Duke of Sleswike Holston Stormar and Detmarsh Earle of Oldenburgh and Delmenhorst c. To the most noble princesse Lady Mary Queene of England Fraunce and Ireland defender of the fayth c. Our most dearely beloued sister and cosin wisheth prosperitie with good and luckie successe of all thyngs WE haue receiued your Maiesties letters whereby aūswere is rendred The same epistle in Englishe that very graciously vnto our petitiō which we made for the safegard of maister Couerdall late called bish of Exon. So that we perceiue though he be in daūger for an other cause then was signified vnto vs afore yet your maiestie will so regard our intercession that Couerdale him selfe shall vnderstand it to haue done him good To the which regall promise seyng we as reason is we should do attribute so much that trusting vnto y e same we doubt not where as he beyng in captiuitie his frendes whom we specially tender are therfore in heauinesse and care your good promise doth call them from such sorow solicitude to the hope expectation of his assured welfare we could not do otherwise but rēder thākes vnto your maiesty for such your ready gracious good will not onely in respect of this benefite but also of the cōseruation keping of perpetuall amitie betwene vs our realmes so as much as in vs lyeth to omit nothing that to the norishing cōtinuance of these fortunate beginnings might appertaine Neither had we euer any doubt cōcerning the clemēcie moderation of your goodnes whom we hartily beseech almighty God euer more and more prosper vnto the glory of his name profite of the cōmon weale Wherfore seyng your Maiestie writeth that maister Couerdale is in daūger for certaine accomptes of money not for any other more greeuous offence we haue cause on his behalfe to reioyce therfore we doubt so much the lesse that at our request he shall graciously haue his deliuerāce geuē him and be out of daunger For as touching the Byshoprike by reason whereof he came in debt we vnderstād he yelded it vp that paymēt might thereof be required specially seing he is reputed neither to haue enioyed it lōg neither to haue had at any time so great cōmodity of it More ouer though it be possible to finde some perplexitie in the accōpt or happily some other cause yet your maiesties letters offering such fauour and benignitie haue taken from vs all carefulnesse and doubt In so much that we thinke your maiestie as much as may be will haue more respect vnto our honour then vnto that whiche might of hym be required And therefore wee purpose not to trouble your Maiestie by repeting of our petition but to declare howe greatly we esteeme it that your maiestie would gratify vs herein whereof we plainely hope for such an end that Couerdale him selfe shall shortly in our presence make declaration concerning the benefite of his welfare obtayned of your maiestie And of this wee desire your maiestie to be specially assured agayne that wee will not onely omit no occasion or oportunitie to requite this benefite but also to establish and amplifie our mutual loue amitie betweene vs and our realms on either side Almighty God preserue your maiestie in prosperous health and felicitie Geuen at our Citie of Otton the 24. of Septemb. Ann. D. 1554. To these letters it was a great while before the queene would aunswere At length through great sute made the next yeare the 18. of February she aunswered agayne in this wise ¶ Sereniss principi D. Christiano Dei gratia Daniae c. Regi Sleswici c. Duci Comiti in Oldenburgh c. fratri amico nostro charissimo MAria dei gratia Regina Angliae Franciae Neapolis February 18. The answere of Queene Mary to the King of Denmarkes letter M. Couerdale deliuered and 〈◊〉 sent to the King of Denmarke Hierusalem Hyberniae c. Serenissimo principi Christiano eadem gratia Daniae Noruegiae Gothorum Vandalorum Regi Slesuici Holsatiae Stormariae Ditmersiae Duci Comiti in Oldenburgh Delmenhorst c. fratri amico nostro chariss salutem prosperumue rerum incrementum Cum intellexerimus ex Serenitatis vestrae literis quas hic nuntius nobis attulit desyderium vestrum obtinendi â nobis pro M. Couerdalo subdito nostro exeundi è regno nostro ad vos proficiscendi facultatem facile quidem in V. Serenitatis gratiam hanc illi facultatem concessimus Et quanquam
his counsell that my life mother children brethren sisters and frendes with other delightes of life G. Marsh forsaket● kindred al togeth●● to sticke 〈◊〉 Christ. were as deare sweet vnto me as vnto any other man and that I would be as loth to lose them as an other would if I might hold them with good conscience and without the ignominy of Christ and seeing I could not doe that my trust was that God would strenthen me with his holy spirit to lose them all for his sake for I take my selfe sayd I for a sheepe appaynted to be slayne paciently to suffer what crosse so euer it shal please my merciful father to lay on me And so after I had desired them that if I were committed to prison my frendes might be suffered to relieue me they departed Mayster More afore this brought vnto me a booke of one Alphonsus a Spanish Frier Alphonsu● booke brought 〈◊〉 G. Marsh of all heresies wherwith the church of Rome which he called Christes true church had bene troubled since Christes time willing me to read and take Counsell of that booke appoynted me a place where this author did write agaynst them that say the lay people ought to receiue vnder both kindes This Authour I perceiued did vehementlye write agaynst Luther Melancthon Pellicā other Germaynes of this our time in all pointes defēding y e blasphemous abuses and enormities of the Romish Church condēning as detestable heresies whatsoeuer was written taught or beleued contrary to the same vsing for his strōgest and surest argumentes the consent agrement and determinatiō of the Romish Church So within a fewe dayes Mayster More came to me againe asking me how I liked the book I sayd the authour of the booke did in all poyntes beyng a Papist allow the rites and abuses of the Romish church Marshes iudgement of Alpho●sus booke and shewed him further that this author without authority and contrary both to the Scriptures olde Doctors did condemn for heresy the lay people receiuing of this sacrament vnder both kindes where as this Authour witnesseth his owne selfe that Christes church 900. yeares after Christ vsed the contrary So in conclusion he rebuketh me saying I was vnlearned erred from the Catholicke fayth stubburne and stoode altogether in mine owne conceite I aunswered for my learning I knowledge my selfe to know nothing but Iesus Christ euen him that was crucified and that my fayth was grounded vpon Gods holy word onely such as I doubted not pleased God and as I would stand in vntill the last day God assisting me and that I did not say or do any thing either of stubbernes selfe wilfulnes vayn glory or any other worldly purpose but with good conscience and in the feare of God and desired him to speake to my Lord and his Counsell that I might finde some gētlenes and mercy at theyr handes He made me but short answere Then I sayd I commit my cause vnto God who hath numbred the hayres of my head and appoynted the dayes of my life saying I am sure God which is a righteous Iudge would make inquisition for my bloude according as he hath promised Then he tooke his booke frō me and departed I continued still in Ward vntill Low sonday and after dinner my keeper Richard Scot came to mee into my chamber G. Marsh 〈◊〉 to Lancaster Castell and told me that two young men were come to cary me to Lancaster and so deliuered me vnto them a great company both of my Lordes seruauntes and others accompanying and bringing mee on the way vnto Rich. Addertons and somewhat further counselling and perswading like as is aforesayd To whome I made playne aunswere that in matters of faith I would geue place to no earthly creature So they comforted me and sayd y t they wer sory for me saying if I knew mine opinion to be good I did wel and so they departed willing my bringers to entreate me honestly My bringers by the way shewed me they were willed aduised to binde me and that they desired first to see me and after they had looked on me sitting at dinner they answered they would take charge of me beyng loose for they sayd I seemed to be an honest man The first night we were all night at Broughton and the second day we came to Lācaster betimes at after noone and so they kept me all night with them of their gētlenes and on the morow deliuered me to y e Iaylor who brought me into the highest prison where I do remaine G. Marsh caused to ●old vp his handes at Lancaster amongest other malefactours After that the sayd George came to Lancaster Castle there being brought with other prisoners vnto the Sessions was made to hold vp his hāds w t other malefactors The Earle of Darby had this communication with him as here followeth Communication betweene George Marsh and the Earle of Darby Talke betweene G. Marsh and the Earle of Darby I Sayd vnto my Lord I had not dwelled in the countrey these three or foure yeares past and came home but lately to visite my mother children and other my friends and to haue departed out of the country before Easter thē next to haue gone out of the realme Wherfore I trusted seing nothing could be layd against me wherein I had offended agaynst the lawes of this realme his Lordship would not with captious questions examine me to bring my body into daunger of death to the great discomfort of my mother but suffer me to auoyd peaceably seeing I might haue fled out of the country and yet of mine owne will came to hys Lordship He sayd to his Counsell he had heard tell of me aboue at London and intended to make search for me and take me either in Lancashyre or aboue at London and asked me into what land I would haue gone The Earle of Darby cha●geth the calme of 〈◊〉 of heresie I aunswered I would haue gone either into Almain or els into Denmarke He sayd to his Counsell in Denmarke they vsed suche heresie as they haue done in England but as for Almayne hee sayde the Emperour had destroyed them So after such like woordes I sayde vnto him my trust was that his Lordship being of the honourable Counsell of the late king Edward consenting and agreeing to acts concerning fayth toward God and religion vnder great payne woulde not so soone after consent to put poore men to shamefull death as he had threatned me for embrasing the same with so good a conscience He aunswered that he with the Lord Windsor Lord Dacars The Earle of Darby L. 〈◊〉 and Lord Dacars in ● Edwards 〈◊〉 agreed 〈…〉 with one moe whose name I haue forgotten did not consent to those Actes and that the nay of them foure would be to be seene as long as y e Parliamēt house stode Then my Lord did rehearse the euill luck of the Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolke with