Surrey 23. King Edgar's Charter of donation of certain Thane-lands 19. Another Charter granted by him to the Monastery of Hide near Winchester 20. By whose advice his Laws were made 61. King Edward the elder how he propos'd his Laws 61. The first that prohibited Law business on Festivals 77. King Edward the Confessor's Charter of donation to Thola 20. Several priviledges granted to the Cinque-Ports 26. His Laws by whom collected 61. His Constitution touching Festivals 79. Edward Earl of Norfolk and Marshal of England 168. Dyed in his minority ibid. Edwin son of Othulf gave certain lands to Arch-bishop Odo 29. Elfere a Saxon bequeath'd Snodland to the Church of St. Andrews 128. Publish'd his Will before Odo Arch-bishop of Canterbury c. 130. Elfstane Bishop of Rochester 130. Elfsy Priest of Croyden 130. Ellingham 161. Elmham 150. Erpingham 151. Erpingham Tho. Commissioner for executing the Office of Earl Marshal of England 169. Escheats the signification of the word 37. No feodal Escheats among the Saxons 37 38. Escuage what in the Empire 36. Neither its name nor rules us'd by the Saxons 37. Essoyning the manner of it not in use before the Conquest 27. King Ethelbald's Charter to the Monks of Croyland 22. Ethelbert the first Christian King of the Saxons 8. He causes his Laws to be put in writing ibid. He took somewhat from the Roman law 102 Etheldreda daughter of K. Alfred her dowry 8. King Etheldred ordain'd every eight Hides of land to find a man for the naval Expedition 17. His Charter of donation to Aethelwold 19. Another Charter granted by him to his Thane Sealwyne ibid. King Ethelstane whom he consulted in making his Laws 61. King Ethelwulfs Charter of priviledges 23. He divided his lands by Will among his three sons 128. Euricus King of the Goths 102. Exauctoratio Militis 185. Expeditio what it signifies in Latin 17. F Fakenham 150. Fasti or Law days among the Romans why so nam d. 72. Seldom two Fasti together 75. Fasti proprie ibid. Fasti intercisi ibid. Fasti Comitiales ibid. All the Fasti not apply'd to Judicature ibid. Fealty the definition of it 35. No Fealty but for a fee. 36. What manner of Fealty among the Saxons ibid. Felbrig 152. Felewell 161. Feodal words none among the Saxons 7 8 9. Feorme what it signifies in the Saxon tongue 15 Ferdwite 37. Festa majora vel principalia 91. Festivals how exempted from Law days 76. The differences of them 91. The Festivals of St. Peter and Paul 92. Of St. George 93. Of Gun-powder Treason ibid. A Feud what it is 1. It s general and particular definition 2. Feuds among the Jews ibid. Among the Gauls 3 Their original 4. Made perpetual and hereditary 5. When and how they became so ibid. Especially in England ibid. The difference between them and Benefices 6 9. The great growth of them ibid. No proper Feuds before the Conquest ibid. Feudal-law generally receiv'd in every Kingdom 5. It s youth infancy and full age 9. Where it had its original ibid. Feudatarii 9. Feudum militare nobile 4. Rusticum ignobile ibid. Feuda majora regalia ibid. The word Feudum or Feodum not us'd in K. Beorredus's days 9. Fideles who 4. Fidelity what 59. Fines for Licence of alienation 33. The Thane-lands free from them ibid. Not in use among the Saxons 34. Fitz-Alan Jo. Lord Maltravers Marshal of England 168. Fitz-Osborn Will. Lord Marshal to King William the Conquerour 165. Flegg 154. Flitcham 145. Flitchamburrough 52 145. Folcland what 12. Not alienated without licence 33 34. Free from homage 35. Ford-Park 110. Forests belong to the King alone 118. Subjects can have 'em only in custody ibid. Fouldage 162. Franc-almoin 2 7. Frank-tenements 12. Freeborgs or Tithings 51. Frekenham 153. G Garbulsham 158. Gavelkind what and why so call'd 12. Observ'd throughout all Kent 43. At first the general Law of all Nations ibid. Germans their Customs and Tenures carry'd into several Countries 5. They receiv'd the Roman Law 127. Gey-wood 143. Gilbert the third son of William the King's Marshal 166. Made Marshal of England ibid. Kill'd in a Tournament ibid. Gimmingham 152. Goths carry the German Laws into Spain Greece c. 5. They were the first that put their Laws in writing 102. Trusted Priests with the passing of wills 130 Government the ancient Government of England 49. c. 53. Grand-days in France and England 92. Grand Serjeanty 2. Grantesmale Hugh Marshal under K. William I. 165. Greeks from whom they had much of their ancient Rites 74 127. Gresham 152. Gressenhall 150. Grey Rad. de exauctoratur 185. Guthrun the Dane 61 77. H Hales 156. Harkela Andr. de exauctoratur 185. Harleston ibid. Hartlebury-park 110. Hawkins Pet Keeper of Bramsil-park wounded by Arch-bishop Abbot 109 c. Hengham 157. King Henry I. imprison'd the Bishop of Durham 62. His Constitution about Festivals and Law-days 81. King Henry II. ratify'd the Laws of Edw. the Confess and Will the Conquerour 81. Henry Bishop of Winchester conven'd K. Stephen to his Synod 132. Heribannum what 17. Heriots paid after the death of great Men. 31 32 To whom forgiven 32. The difference between them and Reliefs 32 33. By whom and when first ordain'd 32. What the word Heriot signifies ibid. Heriots and Reliefs issuing out of the same lands 33. No badge of lands held by Knight-service ibid. Heydon 151. High Courts see Court of Justice Hikifricus Pugil quidam Norfolciensis 138. Hilary-Term its ancient bounds 82 83. The end of it sometimes held in Septuagesima 95. Hockwold 161. Holkham 149. Holland Tho Marshal of England 168. Holland Tho. Earl of Kent Duke of Norfolk 169. Made Earl Marshal of England ibid. Holland Tho. Farl Marshal of England during the minority of John Mowbray 165. Holme in Norfolk 147 152 Homage by whom first instituted 5. Feodal homage 34. Of two sorts ibid. When begun in France and England ibid. The reason of it 34 35. Who are to do it 35. Usual in Soccage-tenure 35. As well a personal as a praedial duty ibid. Homines commendati 35. Hominium homagium what 34. Homagium ligeum ibid Feodale aut praediale ibid. Hoveden Roger when he wrote 31. Howard Sir John Kt. created Duke of Norfolk and Earl Marshal of England 17â— Slain in Bosworth-field ibid. Howard Tho. the son of the former Earl of Surrey 170. Imprison'd in the Tower ibid. Defeated the Scotch under K. Henry VII ibid Made Lord Treasurer of England and restor'd to his fathers dignities ibid. Kill'd James IV. K. of Scotland in battel ib. Sent Ambassadour into France ibid. Made Vice-Roy of England ibid. Where he dy'd ibid. Howard Tho. the fourth Duke of Norfolk of that name and Earl Marshal of England 1â—1 Howard Tho. the Grand-son of the former Earl of Arundel and Surrey ibid. The first Earl of England ibid. Made Earl Marshal for life ibid. Hugh Bishop of Coventry exercis'd the Sheriffs place 116. Excommunicated ibid. De Humâ—z
103. Camden in Bark-shire Selden in Eadmer p. 154. That Wardships were then in use and not brought in by the Normans as Camden in his Britt 178. Nor by Hen. III. as Randolph Higden in his Polichronicon and others not understanding him would perswade Vid. Seldens Notes on Fortescue 51. Among the priviledges granted by Edward the Confessor to the Cinque-ports we meet with this that their heirs shall shall not be in Ward Lambards Perambulat of Kent 101. And in the Customs of Kent which are in the Magna Charta of Tottels Edition and in Lambards Perambulation There is a Rule for the Wardship of the heir in Gavelkind and that he shall not be marryed by the Lord. And those Customs say of themselves that they were Devant le Conquest en le Conquest For the Antiquity of Wardships in England and Scotland see also Hect. Boet. lib. 11. Buchanan rerum Scot. lib. 6. and the Laws of Malcolm II. which prove the Antiquity of Wardships in Scotland and therefore in England before the Norman Conquest for in those times it is probable the Laws of both Nations did not much differ as for the times after it appears they did not by comparing their Regiam Majestatem and our Glanvil Neither is the bare conjecture of Sir Henry Spelman sufficient to take away the force of those Laws Vid. Spelman Glossar verbo Feudum Upon this amongst other reasons they did conclude That upon consideration of the Authority given and Grant thereupon made the reservation of the Tenure cannot be said to be Aliud So. a separate and distinct thing from the Authority of Granting the Land but rather included within it And that the Reservation of the Tenure though it be not Ipsa concessio the Grant it self yet it is Modus concessionis and a part of the Grant and that therefore the Authority being not pursued in that the whole Grant is void These were their Arguments for Tenures among the Saxons as they are set down in the Case it self drawn up and Printed by Order of the Lord Deputie Sir Henry Spelman has severally consider'd both the Truth and Force of them not strictly confining himself to their Reasons and Reflections but taking occasion from thence to write a very elaborate Treatise of the Nature and Original of Feuds and Tenures The two discourses Of the ancient Government of England and Of Parliaments are both of them publisht from the Original Manuscripts in the hands of Mr. Charles Spelman of Congham in Norfolk son of Sir John Spelman and Grandson to Sir Henry That concerning the Original of the four Terms was publisht in the Year 1684. from a very uncorrect and imperfect Copy which probably had been taken when the Author first wrote the Discourse The Original Manuscript with very many Additions and Corrections that Sir Henry afterwards made in it is preserv'd in the Bodleian Library from whence the Work is now printed entire The Apology for Arch-bishop Abbot by an unknown Author and the Answer to it by Sir Henry Spelman are in the posâ—ession of Mr. Henry Spelman son to Mr. Clement Spelman who was Sir Henry's youngest son both written with our Author 's own hand To this Answer he refers us in his Glossary under the title Muta Canum The Letters relating to the same subject are in a Collection of Original Papers and Records deliver'd to Mr. Wharton by Arch-bishop Sancroft and now in the hands of Mr. Châ—â—wel The Treatise of the Original of Testaments and Wills and his Icenia or the description of Norfolk are both publisht from the Author 's own Copies in the Bodleian Library The latter of these is not so compleat as he had intended to make it The Catalogue of the Earls Marshal of England and the Dissertation de Milite were evidently design'd for a part of his Glossary as appears from the manner of the Composition and from several passages in them But when the Papers were deliver'd to Sir William Dugdale for the publication of the second part of that Work these two it seems had been mislaid The account of the Earls Marshal is I fear imperfect in some places but will however be of good use towards a more accurate Catalogue of them The succession of the Family of Sharnburn is a peice of Antiquity that was exceedingly valu'd by Sir Henry Spelman as appears both from his Recommendation and from the use that he has made of it in some part of his Works Having met with a Copy in Mr. Ashmole's Museum at Oxford I thought it might not be improper to publish it among his Remains The Dialogue concerning the Coin of the Kingdom and the Catalogue of the Places of the Arch-bishops and Bishops of this Realm are in the possession of Mr. Charles Spelman The first is written in a hand not unlike Sir Henry Spelman's only somewhat less which if it was really his may have been occasion'd by his writing it while he was young For it appears to have been compos'd in the 36. of Elizabeth when Sir Henry was but about thirty three years of age The Catalogue was drawn up in the time of King James I. for the use of the then Arch-bishop of Canterbury as I gather from those words in the beginning written in a different hand Pro Domino Archiepiscopo Cantuar. I dare not positively affirm that either of these is Sir Henry Spelman's but the finding them among his other Papers and the accurate knowledge of our English affairs which appears in both incline me to believe that he was really the Author of them and for that reason they are printed upon this occasion This is all I have to say concerning the Posthumous Works of Sir Henry Spelman which I was willing to make publick for the Author's reputation and the service of the World THE LIFE OF Sir Henry Spelman Kt. HENRY SPELMAN was born at Congham a Town in Norfolk near Lynn He was descended from an ancient Family of that name who about Henry the III's time were seated in Hampshire but afterwards remov'd into Suffolk and from thence into Norfolk about 200. years since His Father's name was Henry Spelman Esq as I learn from a Pedigree of the Family under Sir Henry's own hand and not John as a late Writer has told us His Mother was Frances daughter of William Sanders of Ewel in Surrey Esq After his Education at School he was sent to Trinity Colledge in Cambridge before he was quite 15. years of Age and indeed as he himself complains before he was ripe for the University He had not stay'd there two years and a half but his Father dy'd and he was call'd home to assist his Mother in the management of the Family Afterwards when he came into the World and betook himself to Writing and the study of our Laws he found the want of University Education and condoles his misfortune in that particular in a Letter to his friend Mr. Richard
Dom. 1627. With the Imprimatur of Sir John Bramston July 6. 1640. Many Instruments in this Collection are printed in the Second Volume of his Councils and it might be much improv'd from some Historians that have been publisht since his time In the Year 1641. there came out a Discourse de Sepultura by Sir Henry Spelman concerning the Fees for Burials 'T is likely that it was compos'd on occasion of his being one of the Commissioners for regulating the Fees in our Civil and Ecclesiastical Courts The Treatise consists of five sheets in 4 to so that I wonder why J. A. in his Preface to the Glossary should tell us that is was no more than two leaves His Latin Treatise entitled Aspilogia was next publish'd with Notes by Sir Edw. Bish Anno 1654. in Folio In this tho' it was one of his first Pieces he discourses with great variety of Learning concerning the Original and different kinds of those Marks of Honour since call'd Arms. He also drew up a scheme of the Abbreviations and such other obsolete forms of writing as occur in our old Manuscripts to facilitate the reading of ancient Books and Records There are several Copies of it in Manuscript as one in the Bodleian Library another in the Library of the late Dr. Plot a third in the possession of Mr. Worsley of Lincolns-Inn and 't is probable there may be more of em abroad in other hands Two other things he was concern'd in which I shall but just mention The Villare Anglicum or a view of the Towns in England publisht in the Year 1656. was collected By the appointment at the charge and for the use of that worthy Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman And Mr. Speed in his Description of Great Britain acknowledges that he receiv'd the account of Norfolk from the same Learned Knight As for his Posthumous Works which are publisht together on this occasion I shall give a more particular account of 'em in the Preface and in this place shall only add an instance or two of his Encouragement to Learning and Learned Men. It was he who first advis'd Dr. Wats to the study of Antiquities and when he had arriv'd to a good skill in those matters put him upon a new Edition of Matthew Paris The Doctor in the Preface to that excellent Work makes this grateful mention of his Friend and Patron Tertium Manuscriptum accommodavit Nobilis ille Doctissimusque Dominus Henricus Spelmannus Eques Auratus Eruditionis reconditioris Judicii acerrimi Vir nostrae Britanniae Lumen Gloriaque Amicus insupermeus singularis in studiis adjutor praecipuus qui me primus ad Antiquitates eruendas tam verbo quam exemplo aliquoties stimulavit erudivitque He was likewise a great Favourer of Sir William Dugdale who had been recommended to him by Sir Simon Archer a Gentleman of Warwickshire very well versed in Heraldry and the affairs of our own Nation At that time Mr. Dodsworth who was much assisted and encouraged by Sir Henry Spelman had got together a vast collection of Records relating to the Foundation of Monasteries in the Northern parts of England Sir Henry thought that these might be very well improv'd into a Monasticon Anglicanum and lest the design should miscarry by Mr. Dodsworth's death he prevail'd upon Mr. Dugdale to join him in so commendable a Work promising to communicate all his Transcripts of Foundation Charters belonging to several Monasteries in Norfolk and Suffolk For his further encouragement he recommended him to Thomas Earl of Arundel then Earl Marshal of England as a person very well qualify'd to serve the King in the Office of Arms. Accordingly upon his character of him seconded by the importunity of Sir Christopher Hatton he was settl'd in the Heralds-office which gave him an opportunity to fix in London and from the many assistances there to compile the laborious Volumes which he afterwards publisht His revival of the old Saxon Tongue ought to be reckon'd a good piece of service to the study of Antiquities He had found the excellent use of that Language in the whole course of his Studies and very much lamented the neglect of it both at home and abroad which was so general that he did not then know one Man in the world who perfectly knew it Paulatim says he ita exhalavit animam nobile illud Majorum nostrorum pervetustum idioma ut in universo quod sciam orbe ne unus hodie reperiatur qui hoc scite perfecteve calleat pauci quidem qui vel exoletas literas usquequaque noverint Hereupon he settl'd a Saxon Lecture in the University of Cambridge allowing 20l. per An. to Mr. Abraham Wheelock who tells us that upon his advice and encouragement he spent the best part of seven years in the study of that Language Magnam septennii quod effluxit partem consumpsi Saxonum nostrorum inquirendo Monumenta eorumque vetus idioma Veritatis pacis Catholicae magistram perquirendo ne nobilissimi Viri in his studiis monitoris mei honoratissimi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D. Henrici Spelmanni Antiquitatum nostrae gentis instauratoris eximii consilio defuissem This stipend was intended to be made perpetual but both He and his eldest Son dying in the compass of two years the Civil Wars breaking forth and the Estate being sequester'd the Family became uncapable of accomplishing that Design Nor indeed was that a Time for settlements of this kind when such a terrible storm threatn'd the Universities and the Revenues that belong'd to ' em After he came into business he was intimately acquainted with the most considerable Persons of that Age. He calls Mr. Camden his ancient Friend and how entire a Familiarity there was between him and Arch-bishop Usher we are inform'd from the Life and Letters of that Learned Primate To these I might add Sir Rob. Cotton Mr. Selden Olaus Wormius with Peireschius Meursius Beignonius and others of great note both at home and abroad whom he himself occasionally mentions as the chief Encouragers of his Glossary Upon the whole matter as his Loyalty Wisdom and Experience in publick Affairs would sufficiently recommend him to the great States-men of his time so his eminent Piety and Learning must needs make him highly esteem'd among Divines and Scholars He had eight Children four Sons and four Daughters His eldest Son the heir of his Studies as he calls him was John Spelman Esq a Scholar and a Gentleman who had great assurances of favour and encouragement from King Charles I. This good Prince sent for Sir Henry Spelman and offer'd him the Mastership of Suttons Hospital with some other things in consideration of his good services both to Church and State But after his humble thanks to his Majesty he told him that he was very old and had one foot in the grave and that it would be a much greater obligation upon him if his
pag. 89. concerning this Treatise I shall here briefly exhibit some particulars which I acknowledge to have gather'd from an ample and most judicious discourse on this Subject written by the Learned Sir Henry Spelman Knight in 1614. very well worthy to be made publick THE Occasion of this Discourse ABout fourty two years since divers Gentlemen in London studious of Antiquities fram'd themselves into a College or Society of Antiquaries appointing to meet every Friday weekly in the Term at a place agreed of and for Learning sake to confer upon some questions in that Faculty and to sup together The place after a meeting or two became certain at Darby-house where the Herald's-Office is kept and two Questions were propounded at every meeting to be handled at the next that followed so that every man had a sennight's respite to advise upon them and then to deliver his opinion That which seem'd most material was by one of the company chosen for the purpose to be enter'd in a book that so it might remain unto posterity The Society increased daily many persons of great worth as well noble as other learned joyning themselves unto it Thus it continu'd divers years but as all good uses commonly decline so many of the chief Supporters hereof either dying or withdrawing themselves from London into the Country this among the rest grew for twenty years to be discontinu'd But it then came again into the mind of divers principal Gentlemen to revive it and for that purpose upon the day of in the year 1614. there met at the same place Sir James Ley Knight then Attorney of the Court of Wards since Earl of Marleborough and Lord Treasurer of England Sir Robert Cotton Knight and Baronett Sir John Davies his Majestie 's Attorney for Ireland Sir Richard St. George Knt. then Norrey Mr. Hackwell the Queen's Solicitor Mr. Camden then Clarentieux my self and some others Of these the Lord Treasurer Sir Robert Cotton Mr. Camden and my self had been of the original Foundation and to my knowledge were all then living of that sort saving Sir John Doderidge Knight Justice of the King 's Bench. We held it sufficient for that time to revive the meeting and only conceiv'd some rules of Government and limitation to be observ'd amongst us whereof this was one That for avoid offence we should neither meddle with matters of State nor of Religion And agreeing of two Questions for the next meeting we chose Mr. Hackwell to be our Register and the Convocator of our Assemblies for the present and supping together so departed One of the Questions was touching the Original of the Terms about which as being obscure and generally mistaken I bestow'd some extraordinary pains that coming short of others in understanding I might equal them if I could in diligence But before our next meeting we had notice that his Majesty took a little mislike of our Society not being enform'd that we had resolv'd to decline all matters of State Yet hereupon we forbare to meet again and so all our labours lost But mine lying by me and having been often desir'd of me by some of my Friends I thought good upon a review and augmentation to let it creep abroad in the form you see it wishing it might be rectify'd by some better judgement SECT I. Of the Terms in general AS our Law books have nothing to my knowledge touching the original of the Terms so were it much better if our Chronicles had as little For tho' it be little they have in that kind yet is that little very untrue affirming that William the Conquerour did first institute them It is not worth the examining who was Author of the errour but it seemeth Polydore Virgil an Alien in our Common-wealth and not well endenized in our Antiquities spread it first in Print I purpose not to take it upon any man's word but searching for the fountain will if I can deduce them from thence beginning with their definition The Terms be certain portions of the year in which only the King's Justices hold plea in the high Temporal Courts of causes belonging to their Jurisdiction in the places thereto assigned according to the ancient Rites and Customs of the Kingdom The definition divides it self and offers these parts to be consider'd 1. The Names they bear 2. The Original they come from 3. The Time they continue 4. The Persons they are held by 5. The Causes they deal with 6. The Place they are kept in 7. The Rites they are performed with The parts minister matter for a Book at large but my purpose upon the occasion impos'd being to deal only with the Institution of the Terms I will travel no farther than the three first stages of my division that is touching their Name their Original and their Time of continuance SECT II. Of the Names of the Terms THe word Terminus is of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth the Bound End or Limit of a thing here particularly of the time for Law matters In the Civil Law it also signifieth a day set to the Defendant and in that sense doth Bracton Glanvil and others sometimes use it Mat. Paris calleth the Sheriff's Turn Terminum Vicecomitis and in the addition to the MSS. Laws of King Inas Terminus is applied to the Hundred-Court as also in a Charter of Hen. I. prescribing the time of holding the Court. And we ordinarily use it for any set portion of Time as of Life Years Lease c. The space between the Terms is named Vacation à Vacando as being leasure from Law business by Latinists Justitium à jure stando because the Law is now at a stop or stand The Civilians and Canonists call Term-time Dies Juridicos Law-days the Vacation Dies Feriales days of leasure or intermission Festival-days as being indeed sequester'd from troublesome affairs of humane business and devoted properly to the service of God and his Church According to this our Saxon and Norman Ancestors divided the year also between God and the King calling those days and parts that were assigned to God Dies pacis Ecclesiae the residue alloted to the King Dies or tempus pacis Regis Divisum Imperium cum Jove Caesar habet Other names I find none anciently among us nor the word Terminus to be frequent till the age of Henry II. wherein Gervasius Tilburiensis and Ranulphus de Glanvilla if those books be theirs do continually use it for Dies pacis Regis The ancient Romans in like manner divided their year between their Gods and their Common-wealth naming their Law-days or Term-time Fastos because their Praetor or Judge might then Fari that is speak freely their Vacation or days of Intermission as appointed to the service of their Gods they called Nefastos for that the Praetor might ne fari not speak in them judicially Ovid Fastorum lib. 1. thus expresseth it Ille Nefastus erat per quem tria verba silentur Fastus erat per
in Shoe-lane by a Lease from the Bishop of that See temp Edw. VI. yeilding some Rose or other small or not valuable Rent 19. The Bishop of LINCOLN'S Place was Southampton-house in Holborn convey'd temp Edw. VI. to the Lord Writoheseley then Lord Chancellor in fee for which the Bishop hath no other house in or near London as is thought 20. The Bishop of CHICHESTERS Place or Palace as Matthew Paris in his Chronicle calleth it reciting the story of the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury visiting St. Bartholomews did at that time lye in that house which was in Chancery-lane where Sir Richard Read sometime a Master of the Chancery and Mr. Atkinson the Counsellor at Law and others dwelt and dwell in and is said to be in Lease from the Bishop's Predecessors for divers years What the Rents reserv'd yearly be the Lease will shew the same 21. The Bishop of St. ASAPH never had Place at or near London that I can learn of neither in the valuation of the See where all his Possession and Jurisdictions be valu'd in the First-fruit-office is there mention of any such Place neither doth the now Bishop of that See know the same 22. The Bishop of the ISLE OF MAN call'd Sodorensis Episcopus altho' the same be an ancient Bishoprick yet was he never Lord of the Parliament of England having no Chapter or other Clergy but only an Archdeacon and all the Incumbents of the several Parishes of that Isle And before the said Statute of 33. Hen. VIII was neither a Suffragan of the Province of Were wont in former times to ride on Mares or Mules 119. Prohibited to take cognizance of Wills 129. Blackney Harbour 151. Blicking 151. The birth place of Q. Anna Bullen ibid. Bocland what 12. Not subject to Homage 35. Bond-men anciently not valu'd or rated 15. Reputed only as part of their Master's substance 11 15. Boors who 14. Bouthorpe 157. Bramsil 108 109. Brancaster 147 148. Breakspear Nich. converted Norway 139. Made Cardinal and Pope ibid. Breclys 161. Brennus a Britain invades Greece 3. His attendants ibid. Brictrick a Saxon Thane 22. Britains none of 'em remaining after Cadwallador's departure 100. Their Laws alter'd by the Romans 101. Bronholm 152. Brotherton Tho. Earl of Norfolk and Earl Marshal of England 167. When he dy'd 168. Buckenham 158. Burg-Castle 155. Burghesses of old not call'd to consult of State-matters 64 65. Burghbote and Brugbote 17 22 40. Burnham in Norfolk 149. Burnham-East in Com. Bucks 23. By what it signifies 3. 154. By-laws 3 154. C Cadwallader Prince of the Britains fled into Armorica 100. Calthorp 151. King Canutus how he publish'd his Laws 61. His Constitution touching Festivals 79. Capet Hugh usurpt the Kingdom of France 5 He grants his Nobility a perpetual enjoyment of their Feuds and Honours ibid. 14. Capitales plagii 52. Capitanei Regis regni 58. Caput feodi aut Capitaneus feodi 11. Carbrook 161. Carolus Calvus Emperour and King of France his Synodical Edict 54 55. Carolus Magnus or Charlemaigne divided his Territories between his three Sons 128. Castle-acre 141. Castle-rising in Norfolk the Parson has the Probate of Wills in that Town 130. Caston 151. Castor 155 156. Ceorls who 12. Of two sorts 14. The chiefest part of their profits redounded to their Lords ibid. Their service no bondage ibid. Their valuation and priviledges ibid. Not capable of a Knights Fee ibid. Champain in France 128. Chancery-Court 94. Charta de Foresta 109 114. Charter the first by whom made and where kept 8. Saxon Charters usually writ in that Language ibid. Charters of Thane-lands granted by several Kings 19 20. Chichley Henr. Arch-bishop of Canterbury canoniz'd St. George's day 93. The occasion of that Constitution ibid. Chindavintus King of the western Goths his Law concerning Wills 130. Cingulum quo sensu accipiendum 185. Cinque-Ports priviledges granted to them by King Edward the Confessour c. 26. Clacklose-Hundred 139. Clergy-men forbidden to use hunting 109 112 113. seq When they took upon them to prove Wills 129. Prohibited by Justinian to meddle with those matters ibid. Cley harbour 151. De Clifford Rob. Marshal of England 167. K. Canute's Charter of donation to the Thane Orc. 20. Coin of England in Q. Elisabeth's time 203 c. Colloquia 65. Comites who and why so call'd 3. Commendati 35. Congham 145. Conradus Salicus made a Constitution touching Feuds 4 5. Consecration a strange one of Eadmer a Monk of Canterbury 119. Consilium regni 60. Controversies among the ancient Britains by whom judg'd 74. Conveyance of lands how made by the Saxons 8. Cosshering what 60. Cossey 157. Counties in England 5. County-Courts how often kept 54. Were proclaim'd a sennight beforehand ib. Earl's County and Bishop's Diocess had but one limit 130 131. Ecclesiastical and Secular causes there decided 131. Court-Baron 4. It s Original 51. Court-Leet 51. Sometimes granted to the Lords of Mannours ibid. Court-Christian or Ecclesiastical when it sprung up 131 132. High Courts of Justice why they sit not in the Afternoons 89 90. Why they sit not all some days 90 91. Why they sit on the Rogation days ibid. Why on some Festivals and not on others 91 The Admiralty-Court why always open 94. Chancery-Court said to be always open ib. Cowshil 153. Creak 149. Cromer 152. Crostwick 153. Crowner's Office not before the Conquest 27. D Dane-blood 149. Dane-law 45. Danes not capable of devising lands by will 22 David I. King of Scotland and Earl of Huntingdon 11 131. Dean his Office and Functions 50. The priviledges of a Bishop's Dean ibid. Deerham West 140. Defensor Plebis 129. Degradatio Militis 185. Deira a Province 13. Demains or Demesne what 12. Ancient Demesnes had not any lands by Knight-service 44 57. D'Evreux Robert Earl of Essex Viscount Bourchier c. 171. Sent into Spain with an army ibid. Storm'd Cadiz ibid. Created Marshal of England ibid. Made Lord Deputy of Ireland ibid. When beheaded ibid. Dies juridici 72 73. Dies feriales 72. Dies pacis Ecclesiae ibid. 79. 82. Dies pacis Regis ibib 82. Dies novem Lectionum 91. Dies feriati repentini 93. Dower why judg'd to belong to the Ecclesiastical Court 132. Downham 140. Druides who 74. The sole Judges of controversies among the old Britains 74. Suppos'd to have us'd the Greek tongue 103 Had no knowledge of the Latin ibid. Dudley John Duke of Northumberland and Earl Marshal of England 170. E Eadmere a Monk of Canterbury made Arch-bishop of St. Andrews in Scotland 119. King Eadwigus's Charter of Thane-lands granted to Aelswine 19. Earl Marshals of England 169 170 171. Earl of a County see Alderman Earldoms not hereditary in ancient times 13. Earldoms in France ibid. 14. Earls among the Saxons 13 14. Earl no title of dignity anciently 13. Their Office depended on the King's pleasure ibid. An Earls Heriot 31. Easter-Term how limited anciently 83. Easter-week when exempted from Law business 76. Ebsam in
Richard Tribunus Regis or Marshal to King Henry II. 166. Hundradors 51. Hundreds their original 50. Hundred Courts 51. Hunting forbidden to Clergy-men 109 112 113 114 115. Hydes what 17. When disus'd 4â— I Ibreneys Rad. de 190. Iceni 135. Eorum nomina derivatio ibid. Icenia 135. Ejusdem termini ibid. Coelum solum 13â— Ina King of the West Saxons adjusted the quantity of Rent for every Plough-land 15. By whose advice he made his Laws 61. Made a strict Law against working on Sundays 57. Ingolsthorp 146. Inland what 12. Intwood 157. K. John's Magna Charta 63. John Marshal to King Henry I. 165. Irregularity of Clergy-men wherein it consists 109 112. I se fluvius unde dictus 135. Ejusdem aestus 139. Islepe Sim Arch-bishop of Canterbury 90. Jury taken out of several Hundreds in a County 53. Jurours prohibited to have meat c. till agreed of their Verdict 89. Jus Gentium 2. Justices of Evre when instituted 27. Justinian the Emperor when he flourish'd 129. He prohibited Clergy-men to take cognizance of Wills ibid. Justitium what 72. K Keninghall 158. Kent the custom of Gavelkind in that County 43. Kettringham 15â— The King the fountain of all Feuds and Tenures 1â— The King to have his Tenants lands till the heir has done homage 3â— The King universal Lord of his whole Territories 37. Anciently granted Churches to Lay-men 115 Knight what among the Saxons 51 58. Why there are but two Knights of the Shire for a County 64. Knight's-fees 3 4 51 58. When introduc'd 45. The number of them ibid. The value of a Knights-fee ibid. Knight-service 2 7. Kymberley 158. S Sacha Soca what in the Saxon tongue 51. Saliques bring the German feodal Rights into France 5. Sall in Norfolk 151. Sandringham 146. Sanhadrim when and where the Judges of it sate 75. Satrapies among the Saxons 50. Saxons the first planters of the German Rites in Great Britain 5. Their Charters translated 7. The manner of making their conveyances 8 Distinction of persons among them 11. How many degrees of Honour they had 16. How they held their lands 40. What oblig'd 'em to so many kinds of services ibid. Saxons very much given to drunkenness 89. When they took possession of England 100. They swept away the Roman Laws there 101 Yet took somewhat from them 102. Why their Laws were not at first put in writing ibid. When they had written Laws ibid. The use of wills unknown to the ancient Saxons 127. Our Saxons observ'd the Civil Law in their wills 128. Scutagium 36 37. Sedgeford 146. Segrave Nicholas Marshal of England 167. Seignory wherein it consists 2. Services how many sorts of 'em upon lands 17. Personal services 40. Praedial ibid. Alodial ibid. Beneficiary ibid. Colonical ibid. Servitia militaria what 46. The difference between them and Servitutes militares ibid Seymour Edward Duke of Somerset Nephew of King Edw. VI. 169. Made Lord Treasurer and Earl Marshal of England ibid. Shardlow Joh Justice of Oyer had a licence to hear causes on a Festival 95 96. Sharnburn 146. History of the Family 189 c. Shelton 156. Shouldham 142. Shyre gemot what 53. Signioral authority what 6â— Snetsham 146 189 190 c. Socage 3 7 33 43. Socmen 1â— 15 57. Sprowston 153. Stanchow 146 19â— Star chamber Court 94 95. Stigand Arch-bishop of Canterbury depos'd 119. Stock-Chappel 146. Stow-Bardolfe 140. Strangbow Gilb Earl of Pembroke and Marshal of the King's Palace 165. Suiters of the Hundred 51. When and by whom call'd at this day ibid. Summons the manner of it in the Empire 36. Sunday how exempted from Law Suits 76. Sustenance what 59. Swasham 141. Swainmote-Courts 85. Syndici who 63 64. Synod of Eanham when held 78. T Talbot George Earl of Shrewsbury 171. Executed the Office of Lord High Steward of England ibid. Tallagium 60. Tasburg 156. Tassilo Duke of Bavaria did homage to King Pipin 34. Tenant lands of how many sorts 4. Tenants by Knight-service 4. Tenant in capite 10. Tenant in menalty ibid. Tenant Paraval ibid. Tenant's land or the Tenancy 12. Tenants what they were in ancient time 51. Tenants in Socage 57. Tenants forc'd to pay a fine upon the marriage of a Daughter 60. To furnish their Lords with provisions ibid. To present them with gratuities ibid. Tenure in capite 2. By Knight-service 4 7. The Original of Tenures 4. Tenure in Socage 4 7. Tenures for Life ibid. What tenures were in use among the Saxons 7. When first us'd ibid. No tenures in capite among the Saxons 10. Tenure in capite of two sorts ibid. The fruits of feodal tenures 24. The name of tenures not us'd by the Saxons 40. Terminus what it signifies 71. When the word became frequent ibid. Terms their definition and etymology 71. Several acceptations of the word 70. Full term and Puisne term ibid. The Original of Terms 73 77. Two Terms among the Welch 74. The Terms laid out according to the ancient Laws 82. The ancient bounds of Hilary-Term 82 83. Of Easter-Term 83. Of Trinity-Term 84 85. Of Michaelmass-Term 85 86. How Trinity Term was alter'd 87. Michaelmass-Term how abbreviated 88. Why the Terms are sometime extended into the Vacation 95. Terra Regis 57. Terrae testamentales 12. Terrington 138. Tertium denarium 14. Testaments and last wills not in use among the ancient Hebrews 127. Not found in Scripture before Christ's time ibid. Expresly mention'd by St. Paul ibid. Not us'd by the Saxons or Normans ibid. The custom of making wills from whom taken up ibid. How many witnesses to a will requir'd by the Civil Law 128. Thane or Theoden who 10 11. Their several kinds 16. Not properly a title of Dignity ibid. The Etymology of their name ibid. The quality of their Persons ibid. The nature of their Land 17. The word Thane has no relation to war 21. A Thane's Heriot 31. Thane-lands not subject to feodal service 18. Charters of Thane-lands granted by Saxon Kings 19 20. The occasion of granting them 21. Thane-lands alienated ibid. Devised by will 22. Granted to women ibid. No service upon 'em but what was express'd ibid. Dispos d of at the pleasure of the owner 23. Charged with a Rent ibid. Might be restrain'd from alienation ibid. Thane-lands and Reveland what 38. Thani majores minores 16. Thani Regis ibid. Theinge 50. His jurisdiction ibid. Theowes and Esnes who 11. Thetford 158. Thokus Dominus de Sharnburn 189. Thola the widow of Ore had a grant of certain lands of K. Edw. the Confessour 20. Obtain'd a Licence to devise her Lands and Goods 34. Thrimsa what 15. Thrithingreves or Leidgerevâ—s their Office and Authority 52. What causes were usually brought before ' em ibid. Tribunus militum rei militaris aut exercitus 165. Tribute 59. Trimarcesia what 3. Trinity-term its ancient bounds 84 85. How it was alter'd and shortned 87. Trinodis necessitas 17 43. Trithings or Lathes 50. Why so call'd 52. Turfs why so call'd 139 140. Tydd
had their original from Princes of Norman lineage do ..... the Conquest here in England make mention of tenens tenere tenementum and tenere de Rege in Capite but whether the Normans carried these terms into Italy when they Conquer'd Naples about the year 1031. or brought them from thence into Normandy I cannot determine Certain it is that from the Normans they came to us in England for being not met with before in any authentick Author we presently after the Conquest begin to hear of them even about the third or fourth year of the Conqueror's reign as appeareth by his Charter of Emendationes Legum in the Red book of the Exchequer f. 162. b. and in Lambard's Archaionomia CHAP. IV. Of Tenures in Capite more particularly TOuching Tenures therefore in Capite I think I may boldly say that here were none in England in the Saxons time after the manner now in use among us First For that their Feodal Lands as we have shewed were not descendible before the Conquest For tho' there were hlaâ—ord and ðane amongst the Saxons that is Lord and Thane or Servitour whom beyond the Seas they called Seigneur Vassall alias Vassallum Dominum Clientem while their feuds were arbitrable or but for years or life yet grew not the words of tenure into use till that Feuds became descendable to posterities and thereby obliged the whole succession of heirs to depend and hold upon their Capital Lords by the services imposed at the creation of that Feud Secondly The word in Capite is like a Relative in Logick which being a supreme degree of it self implieth some other degrees to be under it as Tenant in medio or Tenant in imo or both viz. Tenant in Capite Tenant in menalty and Tenant Paravale or at least Tenant in Capite and Tenant Paravale which inferiour Tenants could not be in the Saxons time for that the granting of Feuds in perpetuity out of which the under-Tenancies must be deduced was as I have said not yet in use Thirdly to hold in Capite is of two sorts The one general which is of the King as Caput regni caput generalissimum omnium Feodorum the fountain whence all feuds and tenures have their main original The other special or subaltern which is of a particular subject as Caput feudi or terrae illius so called because he was the first that created and granted that feud or land in that manner of tenure wherein it standeth and is therefore at this day so to be understood by the ordinary words in our Deeds of tenendum de Capitalibus Dominis feodi illius c. signifying that the lands so granted since the statute of Quia Emptores terrarum must now be holden mediately or immediately of him or his heirs or assigns that was Caput Feodi the first that created or granted that Feud in that tenure who thereupon was called Capitalis Dominus Caput terrae illius among the Feudists Capitanus feudi illius And the Grantee and his heirs were said to be Tenants in Capite because they held immediately of him that first granted that feud or land in that manner Hereupon David I. King of Scots and Earl of Huntingdon here in England was in right of his Earldom in the time of King Henry I. said to be Capud terrae de Crancfeld Craule post regem Angliae And Roger de Molbray about the same time or shortly after made a grant in these words Roger de Molbray omnibus hominibus fidelibus suis Normannis Anglis salutem Sciatis quod ego concessi Roberto de Ardenna Clerico amico meo totum nemus de Bedericheslea cum omnibus antiquis libertatibus consuetudinibus ejusdem nemoris ad tenendum de me in Capite haeredibus meis ita libere quiete c. sicut ego unquam c. The Deed is without date but note that the direction of it is Omnibus hominibus fidelibus suis Normannis Anglis which implieth that it was made before Henry II's time for he being of Anjou in France and bringing in French-men with him altered then very properly the directions of Charters into Hominibus fidelibus suis Francis Anglis Yet I find the same direction tho' more improperly to be some time used under the Norman Kings Qu. So likewise as before W. Marshall the great Earl of Pembrock in a Charter of his useth these words about the beginning of Henry III's time as I take it Nisi fortè forinseca tenementa tenueris de me in Capite And Mat. Paris in An. 1250. making mention of one G. a Knight saith that Rex memoratus Hen. III. cuidam militi tenenti de Ecclesia S. Albani in Capite c. warennam concessit where the words tenenti de Ecclesia S. Albani in Capite do signifie that some Abbat of the Church of St. Alban first created and granted that Feud Having thus in general manner prepared my way to the ensuing discourse I shall now God willing by the patience of them whom it most concerneth examine such particular assertions as are produced in the Report either to prove our Tenures and Feuds with their dependancies to have been in use among the Saxons or to disprove what I have affirmed in my Glossary or in the Chapters here precedent and will first shew therein as followeth CHAP. V. What degrees and distinction of persons were among the Saxons and of what condition their lands were FOr the better understanding of our discourse it is necessary that we should shew what degrees and distinctions of persons were among the Saxons and of what condition their lands were Touching their persons they are by themselves divided in this manner Eorle and Ceorl and Ãegn and Ãeoden In Latin Comes and Villanus Tainus unus alius singuli pro modo suo That is to say the Earl and the Husbandman the Thane of the greater sort called the King's Thane and the Thane of the lesser sort called the Theoden or Vnder-thane More degrees the Saxons had not in their Laity and among these must all the tenures lye that were in use with them As for their bond-men whom they called Theowes and Esnes they were not counted members of that Common-wealth but parcels of their Master's goods and substance Touching lands among the Saxons they were of two sorts Bocland and Folcland Bocland signifieth terram codicillarem or librariam Charter-lands for the Saxons called a Deed or Charter an bec i. e. librum a book and this properly was their terra haereditaria for it commonly carried with it the absolute inheritance and propriety of the Land and was therefore preserved in writing and possess'd by the Thanes and Nobler sort as proedium nobile liberum immune a servitiis vulgaribus servilibus In which respect the Thanes themselves were also called liberales as appeareth by Canute's Forest-laws Art 1. 3.
seqq a name not well agreeing with Feodal servitudes But it seemeth by divers Abby-books that some Estates for life which we call Frank tenements were also put in writing especially among the latter Saxons Yet were not these accounted bocland for they were laden commonly with many feodal and ministerial services whereas bocland as I said was free from all services not holden of any Lord the very same that Allodium descendable according to the common course of Nations and of Nature unto all the sons and therefore called Gavelkind not restrain'd to the eldest son as feodal lands were not at first but devisable also by will and thereupon called Terrae testamentales as the Thane that possessed them was said to be testamento dignus Folcland was terra vulgi the land of the vulgar people who had no estate therein but held the same under such rents and services as were accustomed or agreed of at the will only of their Lord the Thane and it was therefore not put in writing but accounted proedium rusticum ignobile But both the greater and the lesser Thanes which possessed Bocland or hereditary lands divided them according to the proportion of their estates into two sorts i. e. into Inland and Outland The Inland was that which lay next or most convenient for the Lord's Mansion-house as within the view thereof and therefore they kept that part in their own hands for supportation of their family and Hospitality The Normans afterwards called these lands terras dominicales the Demains or Lord's lands The Germans terras indominicatas lands in the Lord 's own use The Feudists terras curtiles or intra curtem lands appropriate to the Court or House of the Lord. Outland was that which lay beyond or out from among the Inlands or Demeans and was not granted out to any Tenant hereditarily but like our Copy-holds of ancient time having their original from thence meerly at the pleasure of the Lord. Cujacius speaking of this kind of land calleth it proprium feudum that is to say such land as was properly assigned for Feodal lands Proprium feudum est saith he extra curtem consistit in praediis As if he should say That land properly is a Feud or Feudal land which lyeth without the Demains of the Mannour and consisteth in land not in houses We now call this Outland the Tenants land or the Tenancy and so it is translated out of Biritrick's will in the Saxon tongue This Outland they subdivided into two parts whereof one part they disposed among such as attended on their persons either in war or peace called Theodens or lesser Thanes after the manner of Knights Fees but much differing from them of our time as by that which followeth shall appear The other part they allotted to their Husbandmen whom they termed Ceorls that is Carles or Churles And of them we shall speak farther by and by when we consider all the degrees aforesaid beginning with the Earl CHAP. VI. Of Earls among our Saxons AN Earl in the signification of Comes was not originally a degree of dignity as it is with us at this day but of Office and Judicature in some City or portion of the Country circumscribed anciently with the bounds of the Bishoprick of that Diocess for that the Bishop and the Earl then sat together in one Court and heard jointly the causes of Church and Common-wealth as they yet do in Parliament But in process of time the Earl grew to have the government commonly of the chief City and Castle of his Territory and withal a third part of the King's profits arising by the Courts of Justice Fines Forfeitures Escheats c. annexed to the office of his Earldom Yet all this not otherwise than at the pleasure of the King which commonly was upon good behaviour and but during life at most This is apparent by the severe injunction of King Alfred the Great labouring to plant literature and knowledge amongst the ignorant Earls and Sheriffs of his Kingdom imposed upon them That they should forthwith in all diligence apply themselves to the study of wisdom and knowledge or else forgoe their Office Herewith saith Asser Menevensis who lived at that time and was great with the King the Earls and Sheriffs were so affrighted that they rather choose insuetam disciplinam quam laboriose discere quam potestatum ministeria dimittere that is To go at last to the School of knowledge how painful soever rather than to lose their offices of Authority and degrees of Honour which Alfred there also declareth that they had not by Inheritance but by God's gift and his Dei saith he dono meo sapientium ministeria gradus usurpatis This is manifest by divers other authorities and examples in my Glossary in verbo Comes as the Reader if he please may there see Some conjecture that Deira and Bernicia in Northumberland and Mercia in the midst of England were Feudal and hereditary Earldoms in the Saxon times Those of Northumberland presently after their first arrival under Hengistus about the year 447. that of Mercia by the gift of Alfred the Great about the year 900. to Ethelredus a man of power in way of marriage with his daughter Ethelfleda but for ought I see it is neither proved by the succession of those Earldoms nor our Authors of Antiquity For my own part I think it not strange that there was not at the entry of the Saxons a Feudal and Hereditary Earldom in all Christendom As for this our Britain the misery of it then was such as it rather seemed an Anarchy and Chaos than in any form of Government Little better even in Alfred's days through the fury of the Danes tho' he at last subdued them for his time How soever three or four examples in five hundred years before the Conquest differing from the common use is no inference to overthrow it especially in times unsettled and tumultuous The noble Earldom of Arundel in our days of peace differeth in constitution from all the other Earldoms of England yet that impeacheth not their common manner of succession Loyseau and Pasquier learned Frenchmen speaking of the Dukes and Earls of France which England ordinarily followeth and sometimes too near the heels justifie at large what I have said shewing the Dukes and Earls in the Roman Empire from whose example others every where were derived were like the Proconsuls and Presidents of Provinces simple Officers who for their entertainment had nothing else but certain rights and customs raised from the people which we in England called Tertium denarium And that the Dukes and Earls of France were Officers in like manner but had the Seigneurie of their territory annexed to their Office so that they were Officers and Vassals both at once that is to say Officers by way of Judicature and Vassals whom we call Feodal tenants for their Seignories of Dukedoms and
between servitia Militaria and servitutes Militares The one Heroick Noble and full of Glory which might not therefore be permitted in old time to any that was not born of free parents no not to a King's son as appeareth in Virgil wherein our Saxons also were very cautelous and accounted a Souldiers shield to be insigne libertatis the other not ignoble only and servile but deriv'd even from very bondage Let not this offend I will say no more 30. Julii 1639. FINIS Two Discourses I. Of the ancient GOVERNMENT of England II. Of PARLIAMENTS By Sir HENRY SPELMAN Kt. Publish'd from the Original Manuscripts Sapientia disciplina scientia Legum apud Deum Dilectio via bonorum apud eum Wisdom and knowledge and understanding of the Law are of God and Love and good works come of him Ecclus 11. 15. OF THE Ancient Government OF ENGLAND TO tell the Government of England under the old Saxon Laws seemeth an Vtopia to us present strange and uncouth yet can there be no period assign'd wherein either the frame of those Laws was abolished or this of ours entertained but as day and night creep insensibly one upon the other so also hath this alteration grown upon us unsensibly every age altering something and no age seeing more than what themselves are actors in nor thinking it to have been otherwise than as themselves discover it by the present Like them of China who never travailing out of their own Countrey think the whole world to extend no further As one therefore that hath coasted a little further into former times I will offer unto you a rude Mapp thereof not like those of the exquisite Cosmographers of our later ages but like them of old when as neither cross sails nor compass were yet known to Navigators Our Saxons though divided into many Kingdoms yet were they all one in effect in Manners Laws and Language so that the breaking of their Government into many Kingdoms or the reuniting of their Kingdoms into a Monarchy wrought little or no change amongst them touching Laws For though we talk of the West-Saxon law the Mercian law and the Dane law whereby the west parts of England the middle parts and those of Norfolk Suffolk and the north were severally governed yet held they all an uniformity in substance differing rather in their mulct than in their Canea that is in the quantity of Fines and Amercements than in the course and frame of Justice Therefore when all these Kingdoms grew into one Monarchy as under Alured Ethelstane Edgar c this bred no notable innovation in any of them for the King had no new Law to impose upon his new Subjects nor were his new Subjects unacquainted with his form of Government having always liv'd according to the same So that when Edward the Confessor came to take away these small differences that were between these three Laws he did it even in these fickle and unconstant times without all tumult or contradiction making that his alteration famous rather by the new name than by the new matter For abolishing the three particular names before-mentioned he now call'd it the Common Law of England for that no part of the Kingdom should henceforth be governed by any particular Law but all alike by a Common Law But insomuch as this Common Law is but the half Arch of the Government tending only to the Temporal part thereof and not unto the Ecclesiastical I cannot well present the one without the other and must therefore make a project of the whole Arch that so the strength and uniformity of both the parts may the better be conceived As therefore each side of an Arch descendeth alike from the Coane or top-point so both the parts of that their Government was alike deduced from the King each of them holding correspondency one with the other like two loving Sisters both in aspect and in lineaments To begin with the right side or eldest Sister the Estate Ecclesiastical was first divided into Provinces Every Province into many Bishopricks Every Bishoprick into many Arch-Deaconries Every Arch-Deaconry into divers Deanries Every Deanry into many Parishes And all these committed to their several Governours Parsons Deans Arch-Deacons Bishops and Arch-Bishops who as subordinate one to the other did not only execute the charge of these their several portions but were Accoumptant also for the same to their Superiours The Parson as ima species was to hear and determine the breaches of God's peace of love and charity within his parish to reprove the inordinate life of his parishoners and tho' he could not strike with the Ecclesiastical sword yet might he shake it against them by enjyoning notorious offenders to contrition repentance satisfaction and sometime by removing them from the blessed Sacrament The Dean to take cognisance of the life and conversation of the Parsons and Clergy-men of every Parish within his Deanry to censure breach of Church-peace and to punish incontinent and infamous livers by excommunication pennance c. And because there could be no breach of the King's peace but it must also break the peace and unity of the Church the Bishop's Dean in whose Deanry the peace was broken had in some cases 10s. for his part of the mulct or fine thereof as appeareth Ll. Ed. Confess cap. 31. The Arch-Deacon drawing nearer to the Bishop drew the more preeminence from him and was his coadjutor in the ordination of Clarkes having a superintendent power over all Parochial Parsons within every Deanry of his precinct The Bishop as the greatest orb of the Diocess had jurisdiction and coertion through the same in all Ecclesiastical causes and on all persons except Monasteries exempted And for this purpose had two general Synods in the year wherein all the Clergy of his Diocess assembled for determining matters touching the Church as well in faith as in Government But the Arch-Bishop to bind up this golden fagot in the band of Union and Conformity comprehended all the Bishops of his Province sub pallio suae plenitudinis or sub plenitudine potestatis having supreme jurisdiction to visit and reform in all their Diocesses whatsoever was defective or omitted That by this means no transgression might break through so many wards but if it escaped the Sword of Hasael Jehu might slay it or if it passed them both yet Elisha might light upon it This was the modell of the Church policy composed no doubt out of that fundamental rule of Government prescribed by Jethro unto Moses Appoint rulers over thousands over hundreds over fifties and over tens According to the steps whereof the State Temporal did likewise take her lineaments For the Temporal Government was likewise divided into Satrapies or Dukedoms which contained in them divers Counties the County divers Lathes or Trithings every Trithing divers Hundreds or Wapentakes every Hundred divers Towns or Lordships shortly after called Baronies And the Government of all these were committed to their several Heads
Deans and Chapter of Winchester use it as they please in their Franchise To say nothing of Dr. Rennal whose Hounds were long famous throughout all England and yet he was by profession a Canonist and knew well what induced Irregularity I will add two things more which directly appertain to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury The one is the famous Record That at the Coronation of Queen Eleanor wife to Henr. III. the Earl of Arundel who was by his place Cup-bearer for that day was enforc'd to serve by a Deputy because he was Excommunicated by the Arch-bishop for taking up his Hounds coming into the Earl's grounds to Hunt where the Arch-bishop pleaded and alledg'd that it was lawful for him to Hunt within any Forest of England whensoever he would The other is that which is written of Arch-bishop Cranmer in his life where I will cite the very words Permiserat ei pater aucupium venationem equitationem c. Quibus quidem cum jam Archiepiscopus relaxare animum abducere se à rebus gravioribus vellet ita utebatur ut in famulatu suo non fuerit quisquam qui in generosum equum salire ac tractare elegantius aut aves ferasque aucupio aut venatione insequi commodius intelligentiusque potuisset Saepe etiam etsi oculis infirmis esset arcum tendens sagitta percussit seram Out of all which and many more Records and Cases that are to be shewed the Conclusion is clear That howsoever the Canon may touch Bishops and Clergy-men beyond the Seas it meddleth not with the Bishops of England who by favour of Princes and the State have Baronies annext to their Sees So that it doth arise out of true collection from these Heads that there is no danger of Irregularity in the Lord Arch-bishop's case either toward himself or other men His Majesties Princely Grace giveth an end to all and this he most humbly craveth For other things God being appeas'd as he hopeth that he is he dreadeth not the tongue or pen of any enemy among whom the Popes and Cardinals have wilfully committed many poisonings murthers and outragious acts and yet they must believe that they are the head and chiefest members of the Church AN ANSWER TO THE Foregoing Apologie for Arch-bishop Abbot By Sir HENRY SPELMAN Kt. TOuching the First Second and Third Sections It may be that the Priests in the old Law whose Ministry was altogether in blood were not prohibited but that upon just occasion they might shed even the blood of man as well as of beasts and put on an Armour as well as an Ephod For the Tabernacle was covered with red Skins to signify cruentum Seculum cruentum Ministerium and Moses whose hands were dipt in blood was not forbidden to be the chief Founder thereof But when the Temple came to be built which was the image of the Church of Christ then the hands of David tho' they had fought the battles of God yet because they were seasoned with blood they might not lay one stone in that Foundation Therefore when the old Law and this bloody Priesthood were grown to an end and going out of the world and that the Priests of the Gospel were entring in their room into the world our Saviour commanded Peter to put up his sword for now Arma horrentia Martis rejicienda and stola candida induenda fuit Tho' then some Priests in the old Law and many thousand Levites were Martial-men yet for many hundred years in the time of the Gospel I read not of any insomuch that the succeeding ages desiring a Martial Saint were driven to suppose St. George Whether therefore these Laws of the Church which at this day prohibit Clergy-men to meddle with matters of blood be meerly ex jure positivo or ex divino mixto I leave it to the determination of the Reverend Divines 4. Concerning the Cases alledg'd out of the Decretals it is true that the Rubrick is Homicidium casuale non imputatur ei qui non fuit in culpa and Homicidium casuale non imputatur ei qui dedit operam rei licitae nec fuit in culpa And so likewise is that alledg'd out of the Gloss thereupon and out of Bracton But let us parallel the case in these with them which are as followeth A. and P. two Clerks Sporting together A. by chance threw P. down who having a knife by his side the same happened to wound A. that he died Pope Alexander III. commanded the Bishop of Exeter in this case to admit P. to holy Orders for Sporting was lawful A sickly Chaplain being gotten upon an unruly Horse and he checking him with Bridle and Spur to stay him the Horse brake his Bridle cast his Master and running over a Woman coming by kill'd a Child in her arms This Chaplain was admitted to holy Orders for that neither in Will nor Act he committed Homicide but also did a lawful Act. One being to unlade a Cart of Hay looked round about to see if any were near and seeing none threw a stack off the Cart and having unladed it a Boy was after found dead with a little stripe in his face This Priest after Canonical purgation was admitted to his place A Monk helping to take a Bell down out of a Steeple casually thrust down a piece of timber which bruised a Boy to death The Monk is judged not uncapable of further Ecclesiastical Preferment for that the business was necessary and the place not for ordinary resort A Priest tolling a Bell to Prayers the same fell and killed a Boy The Bishop is commanded to suffer the Priest to execute his Function for Nihil potuit imputari si casus omnes fortuitos non praevidit Tho' there be many points in all these cases and more in some than others to excuse the Parties agent yet will I meddle only with those two which are most eminent and offer d by the Apologist that is Animus or Intentio innocua and Actio legitima Touching the Intent none is so impious as to imagine that his Lordship intended to hurt any man yet is there this difference between his intent and theirs in the cases alledged they intended to hurt neither Man nor Beast he tho not to hurt a Man yet to kill a Beast they nihil saevum aut non legitimum he legitimum quiddam sed tamen saevum For there is a kind of cruelty in the slaughter of every thing and therefore in the old Law Lev. 17. 13. He that taketh any beast or fowl by hunting that may be eaten shall pour out the blood thereof and cover it with dust that the cruelty appear not as ◠take it And in our Law those that were exercised in slaughter of Beasts were not received to be tryers of the life of a Man Much is to be said out of Histories to this purpose But to come to the point whereon all dependeth Whether the Action his Lordship was now about be lawful or not
and others This point of use and example I have in a manner answered before speaking as it fell in my way of Bishops being secular Judges One line serveth to level at them both yet for further and more perspicuous resolution of the matter see both the example and the use censured in the Decret 34. Distinct ca. 1. by Pope Nicholas ad Albinum Archiepisc alias Aluinum Quemadmodum relatione fidelium nostris auribus intimatum est quod Lanfredus Episcopus qui juvenis esse dicitur venationi sit deditus quod vitium plurimos etiam de Clericali Catalogo genere duntaxat Germanos Gallos irreverenter implicat Verum iste si ita est ut audivimus merito juvenis dicitur qui juvenilibus desideriis occupatus nulla gravitate constringitur Et infra Nam ut Beatus dicit Hieronymus Venatorem nunquam legimus sanctum Then blaming him also for being too familiar with his daughter he saith Oportet ergo fraternitatem tuam Synodale cum Episcopis Suffraganeis tuis convocare Concilium hunc salutaribus colloquiis Episcopum convenire atque illi pastorali authoritate praecipere quatenus ab omnium bestiarum vel volucrum venatione penitus alienus existat or in short to Excommunicate him Here he sheweth Hunting to be used both by a Bishop and by a multitude of Clerks plurimos But neither the Person and Dignity of the one not the multitude nor frequent use in the other maketh the Pope to abstain from condemning it Howbeit they whose example the Apologist alledgeth little respected as I think the whole Volume of Canons Touching the Record of the Earl of Arundel's Excommunication for taking up the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Hounds coming into the Earl's grounds to Hunt and the Arch-bishop's pleading That it was lawful for him to Hunt in any Forest of England whensoever he would we must as we before said pray Oyer of the Record for parols font plea and their certainty appears not here nor what became of the issue which tho' it fell out to be found for the Arch-bishop yet perhaps it discharged him not against the Canon And well might he be as bold with the Canon as he was with the Law For it is directly against the Law both of England and France to Excommunicate a Peer of the Realm without the King's assent and therefore Henry III. was sore offended with the Arch-bishop for this Excommunication and the Bishops of London and Norwich were called in question for the like in Henry the Second s time as Matthew Paris reporteth pa. 99. But because his case sways the cause to the ground I must dwell a little the longer upon it to shew what became of it The truth is it was ended by comprise in the Chappel at Slyndon upon Friday after the Circumcision of our Lord 1258. that is 43. Henr. III. in this manner quod idem Archiepiscopus successores sui semel in quolibet anno non plus cum transierint per dictam Forestam i. e. de Arundel cum una lesia de sex leporariis sine aliis canibus sine arcu habeant unum cursum in eundo alium in redeundo ita quod si capiant unam feram illam habebunt si nihil capiant in illo cursu nihil habebunt Si vero capiant plus quam unam feram Archiepiscopi qui pro tempore fuerint habeant quam elegerint residuum habeant dictus Dominus Johannes haeredes ejus c. Then is it further awarded that the said Earl his Heirs and Assigns shall yearly for ever pay unto the said Arch-bishop and his Successors 13. Bucks and 13. Does captas de fermysun as the Record saith at times there appointed And then followeth this close which maketh all plain Et actum est expresse inâ—â—r partes de praecepto ordinatione dictorum Arbitratorum quod dictae partes procurabunt confirmationem Domini Papae Domini Regis super praesenti confirmatione By this Record it appeareth that neither the Earl could make this grant without Licence from the King for that all Forests are the Kings and no Subject can have them otherwise than in custody nor the Arch-bishop could safely use the priviledge of Hunting without dispensation from the Pope and tho â—yet find not where the one was obtain'd from the Pope yet I find where the other was granted from the King and namely from Edward the First in the 2 d. year of his Reign where all the award and composition beforesaid is by way of Inspeximus recited and confirmed But the composition for the Bucks and Does was after in Edw. the third's time released by the Arch-bishop Simon Islip having taken for the same 240. marks as witness Antiqq Britann ca. 55. And it seemeth further by this Record that the Arch-bishops of Canterbury had not at that time dispensation from the Pope to Hunt where they listed in any Forest of England for then should he not have needed special Dispensation in this case But howsoever the Dispensation or Confirmation was hereupon obtain it is apparent that it stretched no further than to Hunt with Grey-hounds for the Bow is expresly forbidden and excepted It may be some will extend the word Confirmation to be meant of some right of Hunting which the Arch-bishop upon this arbitrement was to disinherit his Church of which I leave to the judgement of Lawyers For it may contain both tho' I never saw any precedent of the Popes in that kind for so small a matter but of the other kind we have before made mention of one to Roger Bishop of Salisbury and a multitude of others are to be produc d. Again if they have a Dispensation for Hunting yet it hath some limitation either for the place or the manner which his Lordship if he justify under that must shew particularly To come now at last to to the last point of the Apologie drawn from the particular example of Arch-bishop Cranmer who in the description of his Life Britannicarum Antiqq ca. 68. is set forth to Hunt Shoot and Ride a great or stirring Horse with notable activity even when he was Arch-bishop and in the words recited by the Apologist But these be Exercises of War not of Religion fit for Barons not for Bishops who in ancient time following the example of our Saviour and his Apostles walked on foot as appeareth by Bede Eccl. Hist l. 3. ca. 14. lib. 4. ca. 3. and beginning to Ride used here in England Mares as Bede also witnesseth lib. 2. ca. 13. in other places Mules not Horses for Bellum haec armenta minantur as not only the Poet saith but as the Scripture also Prov. 21. ult Equus paratur ad diem belli And such belike did this Arch-bishop Cranmer mount upon and mannage as the words imply ut in famulatu suo non fuerit quisquam qui in generosum equum salire ac tractare elegantius potuisset Besides
alii creditum alius subtrahat ac praecipue Clericis quibus opprobrium est si peritos se velint disceptationum esse forensium ostendere But here we see that the Clergy even in those days had set their foot upon the business and I suppose that since that time they never pulled it wholly out again It is like the Eastern Nations adhering to the Empire did observe it But the Western being torn from it by the Northern Nations Saxons Goths and Normans took and left as they thought good Reâ—â—ardus King of the Western Goths about the year 594. tho' he retained the manner of the Civil Law in making Wills yet he ordained that they should be publish d by a Priest as formerly they had been His succâ—ssor Chindavinâ—us about An. 650. making a Law about a Military Will ordained that it should be examined by the Bishop and Earl and ratified by the hand of a Priest and the Earl As the Northern Nations I speak of the Goths the Saxons and Normans were of Neighbour and affinity in their Habitation Language and Original so were they also in their Laws and Manners Therefore as the Goths trusted to their Priests with the passing of Wills so did the Normans their Custom and Law was that Tout testament doit estre passe par devant le Curè ou Vicaire notaire ou tabellion en la presence de daux temotnâ—s idoines dâ— XX. ans accomplis non legataires That all Testaments shall pass before the Curate or Vicar c. where the Commentary noteth that it must be the Curate or Vicar of the same Parish where the Testator dwelleth And that Notary hath been adjudged to be a Notary Apostolick or Ecclesiastical So that the business was then with them wholly in the hands of the Clergy This ancient Norman use liveth to this day in many Towns of England The Parson of Castle Rising in Norfolk hath the Probat of Testaments in that Town And so hath the Parson of Rydon and the Parson of North-Wotton in North-Wotton To go back to our Saxon Ancestors I see they held a kind of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or similitude of Laws with their brethren the Goths and Normans And tho' I find no positive constitution among them in this point yet ab actis judicatis the supporters of the Common Law it self we may perceive what their Custom and Law was Elfâ—re who lived before the year 960. having made his Will did afterward publish the same before Odo the Arch-bishop of Canterbury Elfsy the Priest of Croydon and many other Birtrick and his wife in no long time after declared their Will at Mepham before Elfstane Bishop of Rochester Wine the Priest and divers other See a MS. Law of King Alured the Great who flourished An. 880. De eo quâ— terram testamâ—ntalem habet quam ei parâ—ntes sui dimiserunt ponimus ne illam extra cognationem suam â—â—ttere possit si scriptum intersit testamenti testes quod â—orum prohibitto fuerit qui haâ—c imprimis acquisiverint ipsorum qui dederint ei nâ— hoc possit hoc in Regis Episcopi testimonio recitetur coram parentela sua It is said in the Civil Law that the declaration of a Testament before the Prince omnium Testamentorum solennitatem superat Here the Bishop is joined with the King in cognisance of the Testament by the copulative but Mr. Lambard tho' I confess it agreeth not with the Saxon maketh it in the disjunctive coram Rege aut Episcopo as if it might be before either of them The Saxon is on Cyninges bisceopes geÆ¿itnysse in Râ—gis Episcopi testimonio Be it one or the other it cometh much to a reckning for the presence of the King was then represented in the County by the person of the Earl of the County as it is this day in his Bench by the person of his Judges And the Earl and Bishop sitting together in the Court of the County did as if the King and the Bishop had been there hear jointly not only the causes of Wills spoken of in this Law wherein the Bishop had special interest but other also that came before them And therefore in those days the extent of the Earl's County and the Bishop's Diocess had but one limit To this purpose is the Law of King Edgar Cap. 5. and the like of Canutus Cap. 17. Comitatus bis in anno congregatur nisi plus necesse sit in illo Comitatu sint Episcopus Comes qui ostendant populo justitiam Dei rectitudines seculi The Saxon is ðaere beon ðaere scyre biscop se Ealdorman Let the shire Bishop be there and the Alderman so then they called the Earl Thus both Ecclesiastical and Secular Causes were both decided in the County Court where by the Canons of the Church the Ecclesiastical Causes were first determined and then the Secular And many Laws and Constitutions there be to keep good correspondency between the Bishop and the Earl or Alderman And as both kind of justice were administred in the County Court so were they also in the Hundred Court in which course they continued in both Courts 'till the very time of the Conquest as it seemeth and almost all his time after But about the eighteenth year of his Regn by a Common Council of the Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots and Princes of the Kingdom which we now call a Parliament he ordained as appeareth in a Charter of his then granted to Remigius Bishop of Lincoln Vt nullus Episcopus vel Archidiaconus de legibus Episcopalibus amplius in Hundred placita teneat nec causam quae ad regimen animarum pertinet ad judicium secularium omnium adducant sed quicunque secundum Episcopales leges de quacunque causa vel culpa interpellatus fuerit ad locum quem ad hoc Episcopus ei elegerit nominaverit veniat ibique de causa vel culpa sua respondeat non secundum Hundred sed secundum Canones Episcopales leges rectum Deo Episcopo suo faciat c. What ensued upon this and how the Bishop and Earl divided their Causes and Jurisdiction appeareth not That of Wills belonged either wholly to the Earl as Rector Provinciae by the Constitution of Theodosius or as much to the Earl as to the Bishop by the Laws of King Edgar and Canutus But the subsequent use must inform us what was then done upon it And thereby it seemeth that all went wholly to the Bishop and Clergy and that the Saxon custom was changed and the Norman introduced And that the name of Court Christian or Ecclesiastical sprung not up or was heard of till after this division For now the devising of Lands by Will after the Saxon manner was left and the goods themselves could not be bequeathed but according to the use of Normandy A third part must remain
of Peace between their Neighbours Congratulations Embassages and such like Viand But what moves you to let slip King John Edward II. Richard II. Henry VI. and Richard III. Selv. Not for that they were free from foreign Expences which is not possible for it oppressed them all but for that most of them omitted such necessary charge as in policy they ought to have undergone both for strengthening themselves with Friends and weakning their suspected Enemies such as when occasion serv'd were like to do them damage For if Edw. III. had not by this means fortify'd himself with the alliance and friendship of the noble Knight Sir John of Henault the Dukes of Brabant and Gelderland the Arch-bishop of Colein the Marquess Gulâ—ck Sir Arnold de Baquetien the Lord Walkenbargh and others and also greatly impaiâ—'d the power of the French King by winning the Flemings from the obedience of the Earl of Flanders his assured friend and by procuring the stay of much of the aid by him expected out of the Empire Scotland and other places he had not only fail'd in his French attempts but also put his Kingdom of England in hazard by the Scots who were sure of all the help and backing that France could any way afford them So had it not been for the aid and friendship of the French King the Earls of Bullogne St. Paul the Gascoines and other foreigners Henry III. had been bereav'd of his Kingdom by his own Subjects which notwithstanding he held with great difficulty So the rest likewise But on the contrary part the others whom you nam'd neglecting this right precious tho' costly ground work not only wanted it when need required but with the ruine of their People State and Kingdom lost their Crown and dearest lives by the infernal hands of cursed Murtherers their rebellious Subjects getting once the better hand Viand But Edw. II. used means also to have procured the amity and assistance of divers foreigners as the Duke of Britain the Lord Biskey the Lady Biskey Governess of the King of Castile and Leon James King of Arragon and others And Rich. II. sought the like of the hands of the French King and so the rest likewise of others Selv. True not examining the dependencies of time present they imagined in their prosperity that things to come would ever have good success and therefore deferr'd still the doing of it till extream necessity compell'd them to it and then their Estates being utterly desperate and ruinated no man willingly would lend them aid or ear Knowing that when the fury of the disease hath once possessed the vital places it is then too late to apply Physick This reason made the Princes you speak of to refuse King Edward II. And as for Richard II. when the French King saw how he was entangled and overladen with dangerous Rebellions and Divisions of his Nobles and Commons at home war in Scotland Flanders Spain Portugal Ireland sending forces against the Infidels releiving the expell'd King of Armenia and many other such turbulent affairs he then thought and truly that there was more to be gotten by being his Enemy than his Friend and taking advantage of that opportunity defied him also and warr'd upon him So that King Richard wholly void of aid and hope fell into the hands of his proud Barons and lost both Crown and Life In like miserable sort stood the case with Henry VI. For being once descended to the lowest exigent who almost durst releive him or any of the rest for fear as our Proverb saith of pulling an old house upon his own head Whereas if in their flourishing estate they had employ'd their treasure to encounter future perils being yet afar off they had no doubt securely held their Crowns and perhaps without much business illuded all the practices of their Enemies drawing nearer Had Richard II. at the time when being in France he bestow'd the value of 10000l. in gifts upon the fickle French King stay'd there and employ'd the other 300000. and odd marks by him also wasted at that bravery in gaining the amity of his neighbour Princes to serve his turn when need should be it is not unlikely but afterwards it might have sav'd all the rest For it is a good rule that is taught us in the art of Fencing to break the blow or thrust that might endanger us as far from our Bodies as we can For as I said before when things be drawn to the last period the time of help is past according to the saying of Hecuba to her betray'd husband being about to arm himself Quae mens tam dira miserrime conjux Impulit his cingi telis aut quo ruis inquit Non tali auxilio nec defensoribus istis Tempus eget non si ipse meus nunc afforet Hector Most Royal therefore are the Providence and Expences of her Excellent Majesty who as it were with Linceus eyes looking into the lowest secrets of the practices of her Enemies hath not only for these 36. years utterly cancell'd and made them frustrate but foreseeing also what mighty consequences may depend on mean beginnings omitteth no diligence to defeat them whilst they are yet in the shell or so to environ the mark whereat they are levell'd as being hatch'd they shall be able to perform nothing Knowing it to be far greater wisdom to preserve the body whilst it is sound from all infirmities than by admitting a dangerous disease to gain the credit of an excellent cure And tho' mony be the Blood wherein the Life of all Common-wealths as in a nest is cherisht yet nature teacheth that to preserve health and cure an impostumate disease we ought to let blood out and that sometimes in great abundance And as Themistocles said Pecunia nervus belli mony is also the sinews of war and look how necessary Peace is in a Common-wealth so necessary is War to beget Peace for Peace is Belli filia the daughter of war But to return to our matter lest we fare like the unskilful hounds that undertake a fresh hare when they have hunted the first till she be almost spent It appeareth by that that hath been said that a main Port by which our treasure hath been vented from us heretofore is now shut God be thank'd and that instead thereof no new is opened So that thereby our store must needs remain better by us than it hath and we by consequence must be the richer It is also to be added that whereas in former times much of the treasure that came into the land was buried up in superstitious employments as about Images Shrines Tabernacles Copes Vestiments Altar-cloaths Crucifixes Candlesticks c. by means whereof the Common-wealth became no whit richer than if that part so employed had never come within the Land Now we do not only retain that Idolatrous charge still in our purses which makes us much the wealthier but the rest also which for many hundred years together was so employ'd is