vix aliquis id possit persolvere Quapropter omnibus qui prius adventum ejus desiderabant magnopere factus est exosus summopere Anno 1041. Harde-Cnute King of England Huscarlas missit per omnes regni sui Provincias Or Ministros suos per omnes fines regni destinavit sent his Officers through all the Counties parts of the Realm to exact and collect the Tribute which he had imposed without sparing any and to furnish his Mariners with all necessaries from thence Two of which Oâ—ficers Faeder and Turstin exacting this Importable Tribute with great rigour and cruelty from the Inhabitants of the County and City of Worcester were thereupon tumultuously slain by them in a Monastery whither they fled for Sanctuary on the 4 th day of May. The King being very much incensed therewith sent Godwin with all the rest of the Earls of England and almost all his Officers and whole army thither â—o avenge their deaths commanding them to slay all the men if they could to pillage and burn the whole City and County who coming thither the 2. of November wasted the City and County for 4. dayes space but took or slew few of the City or County because they having notice of their coming fled all away to an Iland in the midst of Severn called Beverage which â—hey fortified and so long manfully defended against their Enemies til they had recovered their peace and obtained leave quietly to return to their homes Whereupon on the fifth day they burnt the City every one returning with great booties and thereupon the Kings wrath was pacified but his reputation much ecclipsed and the affections of the people lost by that cruelty and Tax Which it seems was imposed by his own arbitrary power without any Grant or common consent in a Parliamentary Council Unde cunctis qui prius ejus adventum optaverant in Angliam exosus effectus est writes Mat. Westminster Contumeliam famae amori suo detrimentum ingessit adds Malmsbury This whole Tribute amounted but to 32137 l. which came not to the moity of one Moneths Contribution or Excise in our dayes Iohn Speed and some others write That Earl Godwin devising how the Crown might be worn by him or his to separate the hearts of the Subjects from the Prince thaen which there can be no greater wound unto both caused the King to impose heavy Tributes upon the English only to pay the Danes in his Fléet appointing every common Souldier and Mariner to receive 8. Marks in money and every Officer and Master 12. amounting to the summ of 32147 l. for the payment whereof there was so great a grudge that two of his Collectors were slain by the Citizens of Worcester which caused their City to be burnt and part of the County to be spoiled by the Kings command and their Bishop Alfred expulsed the See til with money he had purchased his peace But observe Gods Justice on this Exactor and Tax-imposing King soon after his cruelty at Worcester as he was revelling and carrouzing amidst his cups at Lambheth at a solemn Mariage-feast between a Danish Lord and Gotha an English Lady he suddenly fell down dead to the ground without speech or breath â—ot being lamented nor desired by reason of his unwonted Taxes excesse and riot Yea so far were all â—orts from bewailing him that in regard of their freedom from the Danish yoak which they attained ever since among the Common people the 8. of Iune the very day of his death is annually celebrated with open pastimes in the street as the old Romans kept their Fugalia for chasing out their King which time is now called Hoc-tide or Herextide signifying a time of scorning or contempt which fell upon the Danes by his death when he had voluptuously and oppressingly reigned over the English not full two years wanting ten dayes thereof Now here take special notice of Gods exemplary justice upon King Cnute the Danish Usurper and Invader of other mens Crowns and Kingdoms by treachery bloud war treason the murders of Edmund Ironside Pr. Edwin and Alfred and exile of the Royal posterity His base Son Harold dispossessed his Legitimate Son Harde-Cnute of the Crown of England contrary to his will and contract banished and spoiled his own Queen Emma of her Treasure and Jewels oppressed the people with Taxes and was soon cut 〈◊〉 by death without any issue Harde-Cnute after his death digs up his Brother Harolds corps beheads and then throws it into the common sink Thames incurs Gods and his Peoples hatred by his Oppressions Taxes Luxurie and is taken away suddenly in the midst of his age without issue before he had reigned two years His Son Swane to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Norwey which he got by treachery bribery force and the expulsion murder oâ— their rightfull pious King Olaus was expelled both out of Norwey and Denmark too by Magnus the Sonne of Olaus the English Army sent by Harde-Cnute to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Norwey routed in the field and so forced home thence with dishonour leaving Magnus in possession not only of Norwey but Denmark which he conquered and made Tributary to him Thus were all his three Sons within 8 years space after Cnutes death quite stript of all their three Kingdoms acquired by war blood conquest treachery and the English and Norwegian royal lines restored to their rights and Crowns again What persons then in their right sences would impiously spend much treasure levied on the oppressed people by violence rapin uncessant Taxes Excises or shed much human Christian blood to purchase other mens Crowns Kingdoms which are not only full of cares and troubles but so unstable short and momentary in their fruition as is most evident by the Danish Intruders CHAP. V. Containing a Brief Historicall Collection of all the Parliamentary Councils State-Assemblies Historicall Passages and Proceedings that concern the Fundamentall Liberties Priviledges Rights Properties Laws and Government of the Nation under the reign of King Edward the Confessor from the year of our Lord 1042. to 1066. wherein he died KING Harde-Cnute being sodainly taken out of this world without issue by divine Justice on the 6 day of Iune Anno 1042. thereupon the Earls and Barons of England immediately â—fter his death assembled together in a Great Council about the election of a New King Wherein OMNES ANGLORUM MAGNATES ad invicâ—m tractantes DE COMMVNI CONCILIO ET JURAMENTO STATUERUNT QUOD NUNQUAM TEMPORIBUS FUTURIS ALIQUIS DACUS SUPER EOS IN ANGLIA REGNARET hoc maximâ— pro contemptibus quos Angli à Danis saepiuâ— accâ—perunt c. as the Chronicle of Bromton others informe us All the Nobles of the English treating together decreed by common advice which they ratified with an oath THAT IN TIMES TO COME NEVER ANY DAâ—E or person of the Danish blood SHOULD REIGN OR BE KING OVER THEM IN ENGLAND ANY MORE
King himself 7. That no Subject could then by law wage battel against the King in an Appeal 8. That the murther of Prince Alfred then heir to the Crown in the time of Harold an actuall King by usurpation without any good title by his command was reputed a treasonable offence in Earl Godwin for which he forfeited his lands and was forced to purchase his pardon and lands restitution with a great fine and summe to the King 9. That though the Author of the Chronicle of Bromton Caxton out of him â—tâ—le this Assembly PARLIAMENTUM a Parliament not a COUNCIL yet it is onely according to the style of the age wherein he writ being in the reign of King Edward the third as Mr. Selden proves not according to the dialect of the age wherein it was held to which the term Parliamentum was a meer stranger and CONCILIUM MAGNUM c. the usual name expressing such Assemblies King Edward Anno 1643. immediately after his Coronation came suddenly from Glocester to Winchester attended with Earl Godwin Siward and Leofric and by their advice forcibly took from his Mother Queen Emma all her gold silver jewels and precious stones and whatever rich things else she possessed commanding onely necessaries to be administred to her there The cause of which unjust act some affirm to be Godwins malice towards her others affirm it to be her unnaturalnesse to King Ethelred her first husband and her own sons by him Alfred and Edward In loving and marrying Cnute their enemy and supplanter when living and applauding him when dead more then Ethelred In advancing Harde-Cnute her â—on by him to the Crown and endeavouring to deprive Alfred Edward thereof In refusing to give any thing toward Prince Edw his maintenance whiles in exâ—le and distresse although he oft requested her to supply his necessities In having some hand in the murther of Prince Alfred and endeavouring to poyson King Edward himself as the Chronicle of Bromton relates After which by the instigation of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury a Norman born he againe spoiled her of all she had and shut her up prisoner in the Abbey of Werwel upon suspition of incontinency with Alwin Bishop of Winchester from which false imputation she purged her self and the Bishop by passing barefoot over nine red hot ploughshares without any harm Whereupon the King craved mercy and pardon from her for the infamy and injury done unto her for which he was disciplined and whipped by his Mother and all the Bishops there present Anno 1044. There was GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRATUN a General Council held at London wherein Wolmâ—r was elected Abbot of Evesham And this year King Edward DE COMMUNI CONCIDIO PROCERUM SUORUM as Bromton and others write moâ—t likely when assembled in the Council at London married Edith daughter of Earl Godwin in patrocinium regni sui he being the moâ—t potent man in all the Realm there being in her breast a magazine of all liberall vertues And this same year most probable by this same Councils Edict Gunilda a noble Matron King Câ—ute's sisters daughter with her two sons Hemming and Thurkell were banished out of England into Flanders from whence after a little stay they departed into Denmark King Edward in the year 1045. assembled together to the port of Sandwich a very numerous and strong Navy against Magnus King of Norway purposing to invade Engl. But Swane King of Denmark then warring upon him hindered his voyage for Englaâ—d The next year 1046. Osgodus Clapa was banished out of England Swanâ— King of Denmark Anno 1047. sent Ambassadours to King Edward desiring him to send a Navy to him agaiâ—st Magnus King of Norway Hereupon Earl Godwin counselled the King to send him at least fifty ships furnished with souldiers Sed quia Leofrico comiti ET OMNI POPULO id non vidâ—batur consilium CAETERI PROCERES DISSUASERUNT nullum ei mittere voluit But because that Council seemed not good to Earl Leofric and all the people and the rest of the Nobles disswaded him from it he would send no ships to him Magnus furnished with a great Navy fought with Swane and after a great slaughter on both sides expelled him out of Denmark reigned in it and compelled the Danes to pay him a great Tribute Harold Harvager King of Norwey Anno 1048. sent Ambassadours to King Edward offering peace and friendship to him which he embraced Also Swane King of Denmark sent other Ambassadours to him this year requesting a naval assiâ—tance of ships from him But although Earl Godwin was willing that at least fifty ships should be sent him yet none were sent because Earl Leofric OMNISQUE POPULUS UNO ORE CONTRADIXERUNT and all the people contradicted it with one voice Abbot Ingulphus records That Wulgat Abbot of S. Pâ—ga whose Abbey was quite destroyed and burnt to the ground by the Danes had a long suit in the Kings Court with three Abbots of Burgh concerning the seat of his Abbey especially with Abbot Leofric with whom he most strongly contended Sed Regis curia nimium fav â—nte potentiori contra pauperem sententiante tandem sedem monasterii sui perdidit Tanta fuit Abbatis Leofrici pecunia tanta Comitis Godwini potentia which he thus repeats Illo in tempore venerabilis Pater Wulgatus Abbas Pegelandiae diutissimam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi Elfrico Arwino Leofrico Abbatiae suae sedem amittens tandem succubuit proâ— nefas totum situm monasterii sui JUDICIO REGALIS CURIAE PERDIDIT Tantum tunc potuit super Iustitiam pecunia contra veritatem versutia in CURIA regis Hardecnuti Godwini potentia After which he addes that in the year 1048. when the said Abbot Wulgat having lost the site of his Monastery had laid the foundation of a new Monastery in his Manor of Northburt next adjoyning to the old intending to translate his Abbey thither and diligently laboured to reedifie a Church Dormitory with other claustral offices there being assisted with the alms of many believers Fernoâ—us a K t. L d. of Bosworth openly shewd out of the Abbots own writings that the said Manour of Northburt was given by his progenitors to the Monastery of S. Pâ—ga and to the Monks there serving God whence by consequence he alâ—edged That seeing Abbot Wulgat and his Monks did not serve God and S. Pega from thâ—t time forwards in that place where the old Monastery stood that they ought not from henceforth to enjoy the said Manour Acceptatum est hoc A REGIS JUSTITIARIO ET CONFESTIM ADjUDICATUM EST dictum manerium de Northburt cum omnibus suis pertinentiis praedicto militi Fernoto tanquam jus suum haereditariuÌ„ de monachis ecclesiae sanctae Pegae alienatuÌ„ perpetuo sublatum Quod tum per universum Regnum citius â—uisset cognitum scilicet Abbatum de Peikirk
alia Apostolica mandata cum referrent nobis Legati interea revelavit beatus Petrusâ— c voluntatem suam esse ut restituerem locum qui dâ—itur Westmonaâ—terium c. Cumque mihi hanc visionem meisque retulisset Apostolicae literae aequalia praecepta detulâ—ssent contuli voluntatem meam cum voluntate Dei TOTIUS REGNI ELECTIONE dedi me ad restructioneÌ„ ejusdem loci Itaque DECIMARI praecepi omnem substantiam meam tam in auâ—o argento quà m in pâ—cudibus omni genere possessionum destruens veteremâ— novam à fundamento basilicam construxi From which passages and charters which I have coupled all together for their coherence in matter though differing somewhat in time I shall observe 1. That parliamentary great Councils in that age were summoned by the King upon all extraordinary occasions 2. That the Prelates Nobles and Barons of the Realm were the onely members of the grâ—at parliamentary Councils summoned onely by the Kings writs without any Knights of Burgesses that we read of elected by the people 3. That the Kings of Engl. in that age could not depart out of the Realm no not to pay their solemn vows to God nor appoint Vice-royes Guardians Officers Judges Commanders to govern or defend the Realm in their absence without the advice and consent of their Nobles in parliamentary Councils nor yet endow Monaâ—teries with any Crown-lands or Royal priviledges by their charters unless by consent and confâ—rmation of their Nobles and themselves in Parliament 4. That the Nobles and grand Councils of Engl. had then a negative voyce not onely to conclude against the King in his resolutions and intentions buâ— even in his sacred and religious vows when prejudicial dangerous mischievous to the Realm the publick peace safety 5. That Kings ought to submit to the just petitions advice desires of their Nobles Councils and people in all things which concern their safety tranquility though contrary not only to their private resolutions but vows 6. That the Nobles and Subjects of that age were very zealous both of the safety of their Kings persons the kingdoms peace and security and the hereditary succession of the Crown 7. That the Kings absence out of the Realm or death without any hereditary issue or heir is exceeding perillous and mischievous to the Realm yea the cause of many seditions tumults perturbations and ruins 8. That the sacred vows of Kings prejudicial to the Realm may and ought to be violated and dispensed with and that by the resolution of two Popes three Roman Synods and two parliamentary Councils 9. That God doth many times not onely preserve the right heirs to the Crown from the hands of bloody Tyrants and Usurpers who seek their life but likewise miraculously and unexpectedly restore them to the Crown again without war or bloodshed after many years seclusion from it by intruding armed usurpers as he did K. Edw. here after 25 years invasion of his right Aurelius Ambroâ—ius after 21 years long before 10. That right heirs to the Crown when so miraculously restored and reinthroned in their Kingdomes ought to be extraordinarily affected with and thankful bountiful and devout to God for it and their subjects likewise both in wordâ— and deeds as King Edward his Nobles and Subjects were King Henry the Emperour An. 1049. when the forementioned parliamentary Council was held about the Kings pilgrimage and Embassy to Rome warring upon Baldwin Earl of Flanders for burning his palace sent to King Edward intreating him not to suffer Baldwin to â—scape in case he should flie to sea Whereupon the King went with a great fleet to Sandwich which he there continued so long till the Emperour received from Baldwin whatever he desired Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton relate that two Princes of the Danes Lothin and Hirling the yeare before having there taken an inestimable booty and great store of gold and silver they sailed by sea about the coast of Essâ—x pillaged it and sailing thence into Flanders there sold their prizes and returned from whence they came Which probably occasioned the kings drawing his fleet this year unto Sandwich for defence of the coast as well as the Emperours Embassy Whiles the Kings fleet lay at Sandwich Swane Earl Godwins son who formerly fled into Denmark because he could not marry Abbâ—sse Elgina â— whom he had defloured teturning into England with eight shipâ— gave out in speeches that he would from henceforth faithfully remain with the King Whereupon Earl Beorn promised him to procure from the King that his Earldome should be restored to him The Emperour and Earl Baldwin being agreed Earl Godwin and Beorne by the Kings license sailed to Pemeuse with 42 ships the rest of the Navy the King discharged and sent home retaining onely a few ships with him But being soon after informed that Osgad Clapa whom he had banished lay in Vlve with 29. ships he recalled as many of the dismissed ships as he could to encounter him Osgad having received his wife sailed with 6 of his ships inâ—o Dâ—nmark the other 23 ships sailed towards Essex having taken a great booty about the promontory of Edelfe they were all cast away in a great storm but two w ch were taken in the parts beyond the sea all the men in them put to the sword In the mean time Swane dealt very deceitâ—ully with Earle Beorne intreating him to go with him to Sandwich to make his peace with the King who considering his consanguinity went to him attended onely with three men Swane treacherously sending him to Bosâ—nham where his ships rode at anchor carried him on ship-board bound him in chains and at last slew and cast him into a pit After which two of his ships being taken by those of Hastings and brought to the King at Sandwich and 4 more of his ships being dismissed he sailed with two ships onely into Ireland till Ailred Bish. of Worcest reduced and reconciled him unto the King The same year in the moneth of Aug. the Irish pirats with 36 ships arriving in the mouth of Severn by the help of Griffin King of Sâ—uthwales burnt and pillaged many villages and put the inhabitants to the sword against whom Ailred Bish. of Worcest with few of the inhabitants of Worcester and Hereford speedily marched but the Welshmen amongst them who had promised fidelity to them â—ending presently to their K. Griffin intreating him with all possible speed to fall upon the English thereupon he and the Irish pirats assaulting the English unexpectedly early in the morning slew many of them and routed the rest King Edward in the year 1051. released the English From the heavy tribute or Danegeld which Florentius Wigorniensis and Simeon Dunelmensis thus expresse Rex Edvardus Absolvit Anglos A gravi veâ—â—igali 38. anno ex quo pater ejus Rex Athelredus Danicos solidarios solvi mandavit c. quod eis pater suus propter
last invading Northumberland and joyning with the Danes against his own brother King Harold was there slain by him in battel with all his forces His daughter Queen Egitha besides her forementioned repudiation by King Edward and the imprisonment and disgraces put upon her by him for her Fathers sake was never carnally known by him as his wife out of a detestation to her Father Godwin because he would not ingender heirs to succeed him in the royal Throne out of the Race and séed of such a Traytor as many Historians assert â—ven so let all other such like perfidious Traytors their Posterities perish who imitate him and them in their Treasons Perjuries Rebellions and will not be warned nor reclaimed by his or their sad examples The same year Earl Godwin thus perished Rheese brother of Griffin King of Southwales was slain by King Edwards command and his head brought to Glocester to the King on the Vigil of Epiphany for his manifold Treasons rebellions and frequent depredations upon his English Subjects King Edward Anno 1054. commanded Sywarâ— the valiant Duke of Northumberland to invade Scotland with an Army of horse and a strong Navy to remove Mackbeoth K. of Scots to whom he had formerly given the Realm of Scotland to hold it of him and make Malcolm the King of Cumberlands Son King in his place Who thereupon entring Scotland with a puissant Army fought a set battle with Mackbeoth slew many thousands of the Scots and all the Normans who went to him out of England chased him out of Scotland then totally wasted and subdued by Syward and deprived him both of his Life and Realm Which being effected King Edward gave the Realm of Scotland to Malcolm to be held from and under himself Not long after Duke Syward being likely to die of a flux when he saw death approaching said What a shame is it that I who could not die in so many battels and warrs should be reserved to die with disgrace like a Cow Wherefore put upon me my impenetrable coat of male gird me with my sword set my helmet upon my head put my buckhandler in my left hand and my gilt battel-ax in my right hand that being the strongest of all Souldiers I may die like a Souldier Whereupon being thus armed as he commanded he said Thus it becomes a Souldier to die and not lying down in his bed like an Ox and so he most honourably gave up the Ghost But because Waltâ—of his Son was then but an inâ—ant his Earldom was given by the King to Toâ—ti son of Earl Godwin â— whose Earldom after Godwins sudden death was bestowed on Harold and Harolds Earldom given to Algarus Earl of Chester Earldoms in that age being only for life not hereditary In the year 1055. King Edward Habito Londoniae Concilio holding a Parliamentary Councill at London banished Algarus Son of Earl Leofric quia de Proditione Regis in Concilio convictus fuerat because he had been convicted in the Council of Treason against the King as Henry Huntindon Bromtons Chronicle and Hygden record Yet Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Henry de Knyghton and others write He was banished sine culpa without any crime Whereupon passing over into Ireland he soon after repaired with 18. piratical Ships to Griffin King of Wales requesting him to give him aid against King Edward Who thereupon forthwith assembling a very great Army out of all his Realm commanded Algarus to meet him and his Army with all his forces at a certain place where uniting their forces together they entred into Herefordshire to spoil and depopulate it Against whom timorous Earl Ralph King Edwardâ— Sisters Son raising an Army and meeting them two miles from the City of Hereford commanded the English to fight on horseback contrary to their custom But when they were about to joyn battel the Earl with his French and Normans fled away first of all which the English perceiving followed their Captain in flying whom the Enemies pursuing slew four or five hundred of them and wounded many more and having gained the Victory took the City of Herford slew some of the Citizens carried away many of them captives annd having burnt and pillaged the City returned enriched with great booties The King being infoâ—med of it commanded an Army to be presently assembled out of all England which meeting together at Glousester he made valiant Earl Harold their General who devoutly obeying his commands diligently pursued Griffin and Algarus and boldly entring into the coasts of Wales encamped at Straddle But they knowing him to be a valiant man not daring to fight with him fled into South-wales Upon which Harold leaving the greatest part of his Army there commanded them manfully to resist the Enemies if there were cause and returning with the rest of the multitude to Herâ—ford he enviroâ—ed it with a broad and deep trench and fortified it with gates and barrs At last Messengers passing between them and Harold they made a firm Peace betweeâ— them Whereupon Earl Algarus his Navy returning to Chester there exacted the wages he had promised them but he repairing to the King received his Earldom from him again This same year Herman Bishop of Salisbury requested of the King and almost obtained leave to remove his See from Ramesberg to the Monastery of Malmsbury sed Rege juxta Consilium Procerum id nolente he thereupon resigned his Bishoprick went beyond the Seâ—s and took upon him the habit of a Monk but repenting of his rashness he returned into England three years after and held the Bishopricks of Salisbury and Sherborne united together till the 9th year of King William the Conqueror In the year 1057. Prince Edward son of Edmond Ironside came out of Hungary where he had long lived an Exile into England being sent for thence by his Unkle King Edward who had decreed to make him heir to the Crown after himself but he died at London soon after his return leaving onely Edgar Athelin his son very young and two daughters Margaret and Christiana under the Kings custody and tuition This same year Earl Leofric at the request of his devout Noble Countess Godina freed the City of Coventry from a most grievous dishonest servitude and heavy Tribute wherewith he had formerly oppressed the Citizens being very much offended with them which though frequently importuned by her he would remit upon no other condition but this That his Lady Godina should ride naked through the street of the City from the one end of the market to the other when the people were there assembled Which she to obtain their Liberties from this Servitude and Tribute performed covering her self so with her long fair hair that she was seen and discerned by no body Whereâ—pon the Earl her husband by his Charter exempted the Citizens of Coventry for ever from many payments which he formerly imposed and exacted from them the wisdom of which
whom they Outlawed together with all those who had incited him to make an unjust Law and impose an illegal Tribute upon them Harold hearing these things and minding more the Peace of the Country than his brothers profit recalled his Army and the Kiug having heard their answer confirmed Morchar for their Duke Tosti hateful to all men by the assistance of Earl Edwin was expelled out of England by the Northumberlanders and driven with his wife and children into Flanders whence returning about two years after and joyning with the Danes he entred with the Danes into Northumberland miserably harrowed the whole Country slaughtered the inhabitants and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold Anno 1066. King Edward as Abbot Ingulphus living in that age records Anno 1065. being burdened with old age perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling his Cosen Edwards son lately dead to be unfit for the royal throne tam corde quam corpore as well in respect of minde as body and that Earl Godwins many and wicked progeny did daily increase upon the earth set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy et eum sibi succederâ— in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit and decreed by a stable vote that he should succeed him in the Realm oâ— England For Duke William was then superiour in every battel and a triumpher against the King of France and his fame was publickly blazed abroad amongst all the Earls of Normandy who were next him being invincible in the exercise of Arms Iudex justissimus in causarum judiciâ— a most just Iudge in the judging of causes and most religious and most devout in the service of God Hereupon King Edward sent Robeâ—t Archbishop of Canterbury to him as his Legate a Lâ—tere or special Embassador illumque designatum sui regni Successorem tam debito cognationis quam merito virtutis suae Archipraesulis relaâ—u insinuavit and intimated unto him by the relation of his Archbishop that he had designed him to be the Successor of his Realm as well by the debt of kinred as by the merit of Virtue Moreover Harold the Major of the Kings Court comming into Normandy not only swore that he would conserve the Kingdom of England for Duke William afâ—er the Kings death but likewise promised upon Oath that he would take the daughter of Duke William for his wife and upon these promises returned home magnificently rewarded After which â—e subjoins Edwardi pâ—issimi Regis cujus cognatione et consanguinitate inclytus Rex noster Willelmus fundat conscientiam suam regnâ—m Angliae invadendi caeteris Regibus de Danorum sanguine quasi nullius authoritatis ad allegandum interim intermissis William of Malmsbury who flourished in oâ— near that very age thus seconds him After the death of Edward his son Edgar was Neque promptus mâ—nu neque probus ingenio Rex itaque defuncto cognato quia spes prioris erat soluta suffragii Willielmo comiti Normanniae successionem Angliae dedit Erat ille hoc munâ—re dignus praesâ—ans animi juvenis qui in supremum fastigium alacri labore excreverat Praeterea proxime consanguineus filius Roberti filius Richardi seâ—undi quem fratrem fuisse Emmae matris Edwardi non semel est quod diximus Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Rege in hoc Normanniam missum alii secretioris coâ—silii conscii invitum venti violentia illuc actum quo se tueretur invenisse commenâ—um quod quia propius vero videtur exponam Harold comming to his farm at Boseam going for his recreation into a fisher-boat and putting forth into the Sea in sport was by a sudden contrary storm arising driven with his companions into the Village of Ponthieu in France where he was stripped and bound hand and foot by the rude Country people and carried Prisoner to Guido their Earl who detained him in Prison to gain a ransom from him Whereupon Harold being of a subtil wit studying how to relieve himself by large promises procured a Messenger to inform Duke William that he was sent by the King into Normandy that what lesser Messengers had but muâ—tered touching his Succession to the Crown of England he might perform by his presence especially that he was detained in bonds by Earl Guido wherby he was hindered to deliver his message notwithstanding his appeal to him which was a great diminution to his honor and if his captivity were to be redeemed with monie he would willingly give it to him and not to Guido Upon which he was by Duke Williams command released brought by Guidâ— into Normandy and there nobly feasted by the Duke where by his valour and policy he gained great reputation with Duke William and that he might more indear himself in his favour he there voluntarily of his own accord confirmed to him the Castle of Dover which belonged to him of right and the Kingdom of England after King Edwards decease whereupon the Duke espoused him to his daughter Adeliza then a child and bestowed her whole ample portion upon Harold and then honourably dismissed him Matthew Westminster Anno 1057. relating this Story of Harolds driving into Ponthieu by storm against his will as hapning in that year and that to ingratiate himself with Duke William Post mortem Regis Edwardi ei Regnum Angliae Sacramento firmavit subjoyns thereâ—o Tradunt autem aliter alii quod videlicet Haroldus a Rege Edwardo fuerat ad hoc in Normanniam missus ut Ducem Gulihelmum in Angliam conducerâ—t qnem idem Rex Edwardus Haeredem sibi constituere cogitavit Roger de Hoved. Annal. pars prior p. 499. Radulph de Diceto Abbr. Chron. col 480 481. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum l. 1. p. 4 5. Sim. Dunel Hist. col 195. Io. Bromton in his Chronicle col 947. Hygden in his Polychron l. 6. c. 27. with others record the matter somewhat different from our other Historians That Harold after his Fathers death craving leave of King Edward to goe into Normandy to free and bring into England his Brother Wulnoth Nephew Hake there detained Hostages the King would not permit him to goe as senâ— by him but yet left him free to do what he pleased of himself therein Adding Praesentio tamen te ad nihil aliud tendere nisi in detrimentum totius Anglici regni et opprobrium tui nec enim ita novi Comitem mentis expertem ut eos aliquatenus velit concedere tibi si non praescierit in hoc magnum proficuum sui Harold notwithstanding taking ship to go into Normandy upon this occasion was driven by storm into Ponthieu and there imprisoned as aforesaid and by Duke Williams means and threats after two denials released who honourably entertaining him for some dayes to advance his own designs by him at last opened his minde thus to him Dicebat itaque Regem Edwardum quando secum invene olim juvenis in Normannia demoraretur
sibi interposita fide sua pollicitum fuisse quod si Rex Angliae foret Ius regni in illum Iure Haereditario transferret subdens ait tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis et insuper castellum Dofris cum puteâ— aquae ad opus meum te facturum sororemque tuam uni de Principibus meis dederis in uxorem te ad mâ— tâ—mpore quo nobis conveniet destinaturum nec non filiam meam in câ—njugem accepturum promiseris tunc et modo nepotem tuum et cum in Angliam venero regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies in quo regno si tuo favore confirmatus fuero spondeo quod omne quod à me rationabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis Hereupon Harold perceiving danger on every side and not knowing how to escape unless he condescended to Williams will in all things he thereupon consented to his requests But he that all things might be ratified bringing forth the reliques of Saints brought Harold to this That he should swear upon them that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them These things thus done Harold receiving his Nephew returned into his Country where he related to the King upon his demand what had happened and what hee had done Who said Did I not tell thee I knew William and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey I foresee in this thy deed that great calamities will come upon our Nation which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant that they may not happen in my dayes Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly concludes thus Whereby it may be â—athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before The same Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 608 609 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown records these passages intermixed with them That King Edward retained his Cosen Edwards son Edgar with him and nourished him for his Son and because he thought to make him his Heir he named him Adeling which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin of Harold who after invaded the Kingdom Estigurt Lefwin and others of his Brothers imagining that what he had purposed concerning Edgar could not possibly be stable Adoptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in regnum adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Râ—alm William I say the bastard the son of Robert his Uncle a valiant warlike and stout man Who afteâ—wardâ— by Gods assistance by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin victoriously obtained the Reâ—lm oâ— England To which he subjoyns That Edward wanting issue sent Râ—bert Archbishop of Canterbury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy de Regno eum constituit Haeredem and made him heir of the Kingdom yea after him he sent Earl Harold and He invaded the Realm He further Records That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point Universi compatriotae qui leges edixerant tristes effecti c. tandem cum prosecuti sunt deprecantes quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum et cujus erant Leges that he would not alter the Laws herein whereupon he consented to their request Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact Edwardus Rex Anglorum prolis successione carens olim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore dominatione et divitiis ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret ac Christiano more Sacramentis confirmaret Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet velificato freto Porti Pontnium appulit ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis villae S. Abvile Comitis incidit quem idem Comes captum cum suis conâ—estim in custodiam trusit Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit quem aliquandiu secum moratâ— facto fidelitate de regno pluribus Sacramentis cum muneribus multis Regi remisit Denique Rex Edwardus completo termino foelicis vitae c. migravit a saeculo Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret fidem quam Iuramento sposponderat cum digna subjectione servareâ— Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit veruâ— omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit c. Chronicon Iohannis Bromton Col. 945. relates That King Edward purposed to make Edgar whom he had nourished as his Son heir of England Sed ut quidam aiunt Rex gentis suae mâ—litiam et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi filii Godwini â—t aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens percepit quod proposiâ—um suum quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum de regno post eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according tâ— the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the saâ—e words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Câ—xton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoisâ— by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Iuravit insuper se post mâ—â—tem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laeâ—itia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasisse Hostiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivatione geneali Rex ex
at all For tâ—e Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not saâ—d to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought aâ—ter by our Kings â—especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without iâ—sue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frienâ—s and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroâ—d and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2 ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donaâ—iâ—e from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such waâ— the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you c. Wherefore if thine enemy huâ—ger give him meat if he thirst give him drink c. Bâ— not overcome of evil but overcome evil with goodness 5. That base carnal fears and cowardize oft cause both Prelates Nobles and People to desert their own best interest and lawfull Princes and to act vote and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers against their primitive resolutions judgements Consciences as here in the case of Edgar and Rich. 3. since 6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty and forcibly to usurp it upon the next occasionâ— even with the disinheriting of the right heir and hazard of the whole Realm of which Harold is a most pregnant example 7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne will make no conscience to violate all sacred and civil Oathes Obligations Contracts and find out any evasions to elude them rather than goe without themâ— or part with them when injuriously usurped â—y them and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands than not wear the Diadem witnesse Harold 8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws Liberty Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others as Harold and William in some sort did That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power without any right title or colour of Justice being once in possession will never part with them to those who have better right upon any verbal Treaties but rather
publications for the common liberty weale and Benefit of the Nation I commend both them and thee to Gods tuition and benediction WILLIAM PRYNNE Lincolns Inne December 6. 1656. A Seasonable Legal and Historical Vindication of the good old Fundamental Liberties Rights and Laws of England Chapter 3. Section 4. Comprehending a brief Collection of all the most observable Parliamentary Councils Synods Conventions Publique Contests Debates Wars Historical Proceedings Passages Records relating to the fundamental Liberties Franchises Rights Customs and Government of the People under our English Saxon Kings from the year of our Lord 600 till the death of King Edmund Ironside and reign of Cnute the Danish King Anno Dom. 1017. with some brief Observations on and from the same IN the former Section I have presented you with a general brief Account of our first English Saxon Christian Kings limited Power and Prerogative being obliged to govern their English-Saxon Subjects not arbitrarily but justly according to their known Laws and totally disabled to alter repeal any old or enact any new Laws to impose any publique Taxes Tallages Imposts Customs whatsoever on their people upon any real or pretended necessity to mâ—ke any War Peace or to alienate the Lands or ancient Revenues of their Crowns to any pious publique or private uses whatsoever without the common consent of their Nobles and Wisemen in general Parliamentary Councils together with a Summary of the Laws of Ethelbert the first Christian Saxon King wholly pretermitting the Names Acts Kingdoms of our first Pagan Saxon Usurpers rather than lawfull Kings who though many and great in their generations were veâ—y speedily brought to nothing their Kingdoms begun erected by blood conquest and meer power of the Sword standing not long unshaken by civil wars among themselves each King envying his equals greatness and seeking to inlarge his own Dominions upon the next In which Combustions few or none of them came to the Grave in due time but were either slain in war or treacherously murdered in Peace or expelled their Realms by or forced to resign their Crowns to others after all their former prosperous successes and reigns wholly spent in Wars Troubles Seditions Rebellions Rapines affording nothing worthy memory for their peoples good the Kingdoms settlement or imitation of Posterity Whence Henry Huntindon in the close of the 2 Book of his Histories p. 320 hath this Observation concerning them very seasonable for our present times Vide igitur Lector perpende quanta Nomina quam cito ad nihilum devenerint Attende quaeso stude cum nihil hic duâ—et ut adjuiras tibi regnum substantiam illam quae non deficiet Nomen illud honorem qui non pertransibit monimentum illud claritatem quae nullis saeculis veterascet Hoc praemeditare summae prudentiae est acquirere summae caliditatis adipisci summae faelicitaâ—is I shall now in this Section proceed in my intended Chonological Method to their next succeeding Christian Saxon Kings reigns in England till the reign of King Cnute the Dane Anno Domini 1017. It is recorded of Aethelbert the first Christian Saxon King of Kent that keeping the Feaâ—t of our Saviours Nativity at Canterbury with his Queen Ead bald his Son Arch-Bishop Augustine and the Nobles of the Land he there held a Parliamâ—ntary Council with them on the 5. of Ianuary in the year of our Lord 605. Which Thomas Sprot thus expresseth in the Language of his age rather than of that Convocato ibidem communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi die quinto â—anuarii he did then and there Omnium singulorum approbatione consensu as he relates or cum consensu Venerabâ—lis Archie â—iscopi Augustini Ac Principum meorum cum Aedbaldi filii mei aliorumque Nobilium optimatum meorum Consilio as his Charters reciâ—e give grant and confirm to the Church of St. Peter and Paul in Canterbury for ever sundry Lands pretious Utensils Privileges and Immunities by his Charters made and ratified in this Council In which it is most probable he likewise made those Iudicial Decrees and Laws with the advice of his Wise men for the beneâ—it of his people in his own Country Saxon Language Which our venerable Beda William of Malmesbury Huntandon Bromton and others mention only in the general and Bishop Enulph hath registred to posterity in his famous manuscript intituled Textus Rosfensis of which I have given you some account before Section 3. p. 50 51 52. on which you may reflect In the year of Christ 627 Paulinus perswading Edwin King of Northumberland to bâ—come a Christian to avod eternal torments and to be made a partaker of the Kongdom of Heaven The King answered That he was both willing and â—ught to receive the faith which he taught but he ought first to confer with his Friends Princes and Counsellors concerning it thâ—â— so if they concurred in juâ—gement with â—im â—â—ey might all be bapâ—ized together Assembling therefore his Wisemen and advising with them he â—emanded severally of them all What that Doctrine which they never heard of till then and that new worship of God which was preached by Paulinus seemed to tâ—em To whom Coyfi the chief of the Priests presently answered Do thou consider O King what that Religion is which is now preached to us I profess unto thee that which I have most certainly learned that the Religion we have hitherto imbraced hath no virtue at all in it whereupon it remains that if those new things which are now preached unto us shall appear to thee upon examination to be better and stronger than our Religion let us hasten to embrace them without any delay To whose wise perswasions and words Another of the Kings Nobles giving his Assent spake something concerning the brevity and incertainty of this life and of their ignorance and incertainty of that life which is to come concluding That if this new Doctrine brought any thing to them more certain than that they formerly imbraced it ought to be deservedly followed The rest of the Elders and Kings Counsellors prosecuting the like things by Divine admonition Coyfi added that he desired to hear Paulinus preaching concerning God more diligently than before which when he had done by the Kings command he cryed out having heard his preaching I heretofore understood that what we worshipped was nothing because by how much the more diligently I sought the truth in that worship the less I found it But now I openly professe that in this preaching the truth shines forth which is able to give unto us the gifts of eternal life salvation and happiness Whereupon O King I advise thee that the Temples and Altars we have consecrated without any fruit or benefit we should now presenâ—ly execrate and burn Upon â—his without more debate the King openly gave his assent to the preaching of Paulinus renouncing Idolatry confessed â—hat he did imbrace the faith of
name of God That no Kings nor Bishops nor Princes neque ullius Tyrannicae potestatis Homines should diminish the honour of the Metropolitical See or presume to divide it in any particle whatsoever under pain of an Anathema Maranatha which Decree the Archbishop with 12 other Bishops subscribed and ratified with the sign of the Cross as they formerly did in the Council of Bechanceld An. 798. And in this Council divers controversies concerning the Lands Limits and Iurisdictions of other Bishops Bishopricks were likewise decided and setled as you may therein read at large Eadburga Daughter to King Offa married Brithrie King of the West-Saxons proud of her parentage and maâ—ch she grew so ambitious â—â—soleâ—t and Tyrannical that she becamâ— odâ—ous not only to all the Prelates Nobles and Courtiers but to the people lâ—kewise For being incited with malice and tyranny she usually accused and execrated to the King all the Nobles of the Realm Ordinaries Bishops and Religious persons and so overcame him by her flatteries that those whom she began to accuse aut vitâ— aut Regno privaret she would either deprive of Life or banish them the Realm and if she â—ould not obtain this from the King against them she accustomed to destroy them privâ—ly witâ— poison At last An. 802. She preparing poiâ—on to destroy a rich and noble Favourite of the Kings whom he extraordinarily lov'd so as she could not banish or destroy him by her false accusatioâ—s the King casually drinking of â—he Poison contrary to her intention as well as his Favourite they were both therewith suddenly poisoned and dâ—stroyed Wherewith this wicked woman being tetrified sled with all her invaluable Treasures bâ—yond the Seas to Charles the Great who for her Lasciviousness in making choice of his Son for her Husband before himself though much inamoured with her transcendent beauty thrust her into a Monastery where soon after she abusing her body by uncleaness in lying with a lewd man was expelled thence forced to beg her bread and ended her days in extreme misery A just judgement of God both upon a Tyrannical Queen and unrighteous King seduced to banish and condemn his Nobles and Subjects unjustly by her solicitations For this her most hainous crime the West-Saxons ordained a Law to the Grand prejudice oâ— all theiâ— succeeding Queens That none of them should have eiâ—â—â—r Title Majesty or place of Royalty or Queen No◠〈◊〉 West-Saxones Reginam vel juxta Regem 〈◊〉 â—â—ginae appellatione insigniri patiuntur 〈…〉 Eadburgâ—e quae virum sâ—um Brithicum vâ—neno perdidit juxta Regem â—edens omnes Regni Nobiles accusare solebat quos accusare non poâ—uit potu eos venenifero necare consueâ—it Itaque pro Reginae maleficio omnes conjuraverunt quod nunquam se regnare permitterent qui in praedictis culpabilis inveniretur as William oâ— Malmâ—sbury Asserius Menevensis Matthew Westminster Florentius Wigorniensis and others out of them relâ—te There was a Parliamentary Synod or Council held at Celiohiâ—h in the year 816. at which not only Wulfred Archbishop of Canterbury with all his Suffragan Bishops but likewise Kenulf king of Mercians with his Princes Dukes and Nobles and sundry Abbots Priâ—sts Deacons and other sacred Orders were present wherein they enacted 11 Constitutions the 6th whereof was this in substance That the Iudgements and Decrees of Bishops made in Synods should not be infringed but remain firm and irrefragable being ratified with the sign of the holy Cross by the Kings and Nobles Subscriptions unless perchance the King or Princes deemed the subscriptions of their Antecessors of no force and feared not to reâ—â—rm or cease from this error which shall rest and bring a Curse on them and their heirs The 7th That no Bishops Abbots or Abbesses shall alienate or part with the Lands writings and evidences of their Churches and Monasteries wâ—iâ—h they are intrusted to keep nisi rationabilis causa poposcit adjuvari contra invasionem famis Depraedationem Exercitus ad Libertatem obtinendam which causes they reputed reasonable In â—he year of our Lord 822. there was a Parliamentary Council assembled at Clovesho wherein Beornulph King of Mercians sate President at which Wuâ—fred Archbishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Bishops Abbots omniumque dignitatum Optimatibus Ecclesiasticarum scilicet saecularium personarum were present debating things both coneerning the benefit and regulation of the Church and defence and safety of the Realm the proper subjects of our present English Parliaments aâ— these words import Utilitatem necessitatem Ecclesiarum Monasterialisque vitae Regulam et observantiam stabilitatem quoque Regni pertractanteâ— In this Parliamentary Council the Proceedings in 3 precedent Councils touching the Complainâ—s of the Archbishops of Canterbury of the Injuries done unto them in taking away the Lands of the Church by their Kings and Officers with the proceedings thereupon are at large recited which I shall here transcribe because generally unknown to most and best diâ—covering the proceedings of our antient Parliamentary Councils in Cases of this nature of any Council I have met with in that Age and those which next proceeded or succeeded it All the said persons in the said Council sitting down quietly together it was inquired by them quomodo quis cum Iustitia sit tractatus seu quis injustè sit spoliatus In what manner any one had been handled with justice or if any one had been unjustly spoiled Whereupon amids other things there acted and spoken it was shewed That Archbishop Wulfred by the mis-information and enmity and violence and avarice of king Kenulph had suffered many injuries and was most unjustly deprived of his just dominations as well by those things which were done unto him amongst us here in England as by those things which were brought against him to the See Apoâ—tolick by the procurement of the foresaid King Kenulph by which accusations and discords not only the fore-named Archbishop but also the whole English Nation for almost six years space was deprived of its primordial authority and of the Ministry of sacred Baptism Above all these things the said king Kenulph at a certain time with his Council coming to the City of London appointed a day with great indignation wherein the Archbishop should come unto him whither when he came the King commanded â—hat relinquishing all his goods hâ— should speedily depart out of England without hopes of returning any more neither by the command of our Lord the Pope neither by the iâ—treaties of the Emperour nor of any other person unless he would consent to his will in demising to him a farm of 300 Hides of Land called Leogeneâ—ham and moreover would give to the said King one hundred and â—weâ—ty pounds in money This reconciliation the said Wulâ—red refusing long contradicted and when the â—riâ—nds of the man of God and Nobles of the King who loved him very much perceived the rapacity and
to wit the Monasterie called West-Burgh the Lands whereof with the Books the Bishop then had as Aethelfrick had before commanded that they should be restored to the Church of Worcester This Bishop with 50 Mass Priests and 160 other Priests Deacons Monks and Abbots whose names are recorded in the Manuscript swore that this Land and Monastery were impropriated to his possession and Church which Oath with all these fellow swearers he was ordered to take at Westminster and did it accordingly after 30 nights respite Whereupon It was ordained and decreed by the Archbishop all the Council consenting with him that the Bishop should enjoy the Monastery Lands and Books to him and his Church and so that sute was ended and this Decree pronounced thereupon Qua propter si quis hunc agrum ab illâ Ecclesiâ in Ceastre nititur evellere contra Decreta sanctorum Canonum sciat se facere quia sancti Canones decernunt Quicquâ—â— Sancta Synodus universalis cum Catholico Archiepiscopo suo adjudicaverit nullo modo fractum vel irritum esse faciendum Haec auâ—em gesta sunt Hi sunt Testes Confirmatores hujus rei quorum nomina hic infrâ— notantur â— die tertio Calend Novembrium Ego Beornulf Rex Merciorum hanc chartulam Synodalis decreti signo sanctae Christi Crucis confirmavi Then follows the Archbishops Subscription and confirmation in like words with the subscriptions of sundry Bishops Abbots Dâ—kes and Nobles being 32 in number all ratifying this Dâ—cree An. 833. Egbert King of West-Saxons Athelwulfe his Son Witlasius king of Mercians both the Archbishops Abbots cum Proceribus majoribus totius Angliae with the greatest Nobles of all England were all assembled together at London in a National Parliamentary Council pro consilio câ—piendo contra Danicos Pirâ—tas Littora Angliae assidne infestantes to take Counsel what to do against the Danish Pirates dayly infesting the Sea-Coasts of England In this Council the Charter of Witlasius king of Mercians to the Abbey of Croyland where he was hid and secured from his enemies was made and ratified wherein he granted them many rich giâ—ts of Plate Gold Silver Land and the Privilege of a Sanctuary for all offenders flying to it for shelter which grant could not be valid without a Parliamentary confirmation for he being elected Kiâ—g omnium consensu after the slaughters of Bernulf and Ludican two invading Tyrants cut off in a short time qui contra faâ— purpuram induerent regno vehementet oppresso totam militiam ejus quae quondam plurima extiterat victoriosissima sua imprudentia perdiderant as Ingulphus writes was enforced to hold his kingdom from Egbert king of West-Saxons under a Tribute And thereupon conferring divers Lands by his Charter to this Abbey for ever to be held of him his heirs and Successors Kings of Mercia in perpetual and pure Frankalmoigne quietae solutae ab omnibus oneribus secularibus exactionibus vectigalibus universis quocunque nomine censeantur That his grant might be sound and valid he was necessitated to have it conâ—irmed in â—â—is Parliamentary Council by the consent of King Egbert and his Son and of all the Bishops Abbotsâ— et Proceribus Majoribus Angliae and the greater Nobles of England theâ—e present most of them subscribing and ratifying this Charter with the sign of the Cross and their names About the year of Grace 838. there was a Parliamentary Councâ—â— held at Kingston in which Egbert king of the West-Saâ—ons and his Son Aethelwulfe Ceolnoth Archbishop of Canterbury with the rest of the Bishops and Nobles of England were present Amongst many things there acted and spoken Archbishop Ceolnoth shâ—wed before the whole Council That the foresaid Kings Egbert and Aeâ—helwulfe had given to Christchurch the Mannor called Malinges in Suâ—â—ex free from all secular service and Regal Tributes excepting only these three Expediâ—ion building of Bridge and Castle which foresaid Mannor and Lands King Baldred gâ—ve to Christchurch Sed quia ille Rex cunctis Principibus non placuit noluerunt donum ejus permanere ratum But because this King pleased not all his Nobles they would not that this his gift should continue firm To which Sir Henry Spelman adds this Marginal Note Rex non potuit distrahere patrimonium Regni sine assensu Procerum Wherefore the foresaid Kings in this Parliamentary Council with â—heir Nobles assent at the request of the said Archbishop regranted and confirmed it to Christchurch with this Anathema annexed against the infringers of this grant If any shall presume to violate it on the behalf of God and of us Kings Bishops Abbots and all Christians let him be separated from God and let his portion be with the Devil and his Angols Polydor Virgil records that King Athelwulfe in the year 847. going in pilgrimage to Rome repaired the English School there lately burned down and in imitation of King Ina made that part of his Kingdom which Egbert his Father had added Tributary towards it Legeque sancivit and enacted by a Law made in a Parliamentary Council that those who received 30 pence rent every year out of their possessions or had more houses should pay for those houses they inhabited every of them a pennâ— a peece to the Popâ— for the maintenance of this School at the Feast of Peter and Paul or at least of St. Peters bonds which Law some writes he though falsely ascribr to his Son Alfred which act others refer to the years 855 or 857 and that more truly Abbot Ingulphus in his Hist. of the Abby of Croyland records that Bertulf usurping the Crown by the treacherous murder of his Cosen St. Westan tantâ ferebatur ad regnandum ambitione passing by the Abbey of â—royland most wickedly and violently took away all the Iewels Plate and ornaments of the Church which his Bâ—other Withlasius and other Kings had given to it together with all â—he mony he could find in the Monastery and hiring Souldiers therewith against the Danes then wasting the Country about London he was vanquished and put to flight by the Pagans Whereupon this King soon after holding a great Council at Benningdon An. 850. with the Prelates and Nobles of his whole Realm of Mercia there assembled about the Danes invasions how to raiâ—e forces and monies to resist them as is most probable by our Historians Abbot Siward and the Monks of Croyland therein complained before them all by Askillus their fellow Monk of certain injuries malitiously doâ—e unto them by their Adversaries who lying in waâ—t in the uttermost banks of their Rivers did seise upon their servants being such as fled thither for Sanctuary in case at any time they went out of their precincts never so little way either to fish or bring back their stragling Sheep Oxen or other Cattle as infringers of their Sanctuary and subjected them to the publick Laws to their condâ—mnation and destruction to
first That the Parliamentary Council wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent and this exemption and tenth granted was principally called to resist the invading plundering Danes 2ly That this King and Council in those times of Invasion and necessiâ—y were so far from taking away the Lands and Tithes of the Church for defence of the Realm or from imposing new unnâ—ual Taxes and Contributions on the Clergy for that end that they granted them more Lands and Tithes than formerly and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions that they might more cheerfully and frequently pour â—orâ—h prayers to God for them as the best means of defence and security against these forein invading enemies Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year different from it in month and place out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey to the same effect made by Parliamentary consent of that time per consilium saâ—ubre cum Episcopis Comiâ—ibus ac cunctâ—s Optimatibus meis which Charâ—er is sâ—bscribed by this King and his two Sons with some Bishops and Abbots ratified with their signs of the Cross and this annexed curse Si quis verò minuere velmutare nostram donationem praesumpserit noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit usual in such Charters Afâ—er which this King going to Rome carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him whom he most loved to be educated by Pope Leo where continuing a year he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope and returning into his Country married Iudith the King of France his Daughter bringing Alfred and her with him into England In the Kings absence in forein parts Alstan Bishop of Sherburne Eandulfe Earl of Somerset and certain other Nobles making a Conspiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son concluded he should never be received into the Kingdom upon his return from Rome for two Causes One for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred to be crowned King at Rome excluding thereby as it were his eldest Son and others from the Right of the Kingdom Another for that contemning all the wâ—men of England he had married thâ— Daâ—ghâ—er of the Kiâ—g of Fraâ—ceâ— an alien et contra morem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum and against the use and Statuâ—es of the Kings of the West-Saxons called Juâ—ith the King of France his Daughter wâ—om he lately espâ—used Queen and caused her to sit by his side at the Table as he â—easted For the West-Saxons permitâ—ed not the Kings Wife to sit by the King at the Table nor yet â—o be calâ—ed Queen but the Kings Wife Which Infamy arose 〈◊〉 Eadburga Daughter of King Oâ—fa Queen of the sâ—me Natâ—on who destroyed her Husband King Brithrâ—â—ic with poison and sitting by the King was wont to accuse all â—he Nobles of the Realm to him who thereupon depâ—ived them of lâ—fe or banished them the Realmâ— whom she câ—uld not accusâ— she used to kill wâ—th poison Thereforeâ— for this mis-doing of the Qâ—â—en they all conjured and swore that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premises Wâ—eâ—eupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably from Rome his Son Aethelbald with his Complices attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown But Almighty God would not permit it for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise betwâ—â—n the Father and tâ—e Son the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and Nobles ceased though the King Clemency who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons formerly undivided with his Son so that the East paâ—t of the Realm should go to his Son Ethelbald and the West-part remain to the Father And when tota Regni Nobiliras all the Nobility of the Realm and the whole Naâ—ion of the West-Saxons would havâ— fought for the King thrust his Son Ethelbald from the right of the Kingdom and 〈◊〉 him and his Complices out of the Realm qui tantum facinus perpeâ—rare ausi sunt Regem à regno â—ropâ—io reâ—ellerent which Wigorniensis Anno 855. â—â—leâ— Facinus et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante infortunium if the Father would have permitted them to do it He out of the nobleness of his mind satisfiâ—d his Sons desire so that where the Father ought to have reigned by the just judgement of God there the obstinâ—te and wicked Son reigned The King Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father was ordained Bishop of Winchester but his Father dying he was made King by the Prelatesâ— Nobles and People much against his will cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare debuisset because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign Haeredibus aliis deficientibus poâ—â—modum necessitate compulsus gubernacula Regni in se suscepit as Bromton and others expresse it At his death Anno 857. he did by his will lest his Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease give the kingdom of Kent with Sussex and Essâ—x to Ethelbert his second son and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald then he devised certain sums of Money to his Daughter Kindred Nobles and a constant annuity for ever for meat dâ—ink and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim out of every 10 Hides of his Land 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps Almes which sums I never find paid by his Successors as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils of Prelates and Nobles as his forcited Charter and Peter-pence likewise granted by him were upon this occasion as some record that he being in Rome and seeing there outlawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron purchased of the Pope thaâ— Englishmen after that time should never out of their Country do penance in Bonds About the year of our Lord 867. Osbrith King of Northumberland as Bromton records residing at York as he returned from hunting went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard to eat who was then gone to the Sea-coasts to defend it the Ports against Theeves and Pirates as he was accustomed His Lady being extraordinarily beautifull entertained him very honorably at dinner The K. enamored with her beauty after dinner taking her by the hand leads her into her Chamber saying he would speak with her in private and there violently ravished her against her will which done he presently returned to York but the Lady abode at her house weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King whereby she lost her former colour and beauty Her Husband returning and finding her in this sad condition inquired the cause thereof wherewiâ—h she fully acâ—uainting him he thereupon cheered her up with comfortable words saying that he would not love
and other Officers nor burâ—hened with unjust Exactions or Contributions Yea by his large Aâ—mes and Giâ—â—s he â—ent to Rome â— he procured the English School to be fréed from all Taxes and Tributes by the Popes special Bull. And we never read he imposed the least publick Tax upon his Subjects during all his wars and Exigences by his own Regal Power upon any pretext of publick Necessity Danger Defence or Safety of the Realm against the Numerous Invading plundering Danish forces both by Sea and Land Which our late and present Aegyptian Tax-masters may do well to consider In the year of our Lord 894. this King Alfred and Guthurn the Dane gave to the Church of St. Cutbert in Durham all the Lands between Weor and Tyne for a perpetual Succession free from all Custome and secular Services with all Customes Saca and Socua and infaugtheof thereunto belonging with sundry other Privileges which they ordained to be perpetually observed Non solum Anglorum sed et Danorum consentiente et collaudante exercitu by the consent and approbation of the ARMY not only of the English but Danes also Has Leges haec Statuta which proves that it was done by a Parliamentary Counsell then held in both their Armies Quicunque quolibet nisu Infringere praesumpserint eos in perpetuum nisi emendaverint Gehennae Ignibus puniendos anathematizando Sententia omnium contradidit I pretermit the Welsh Synods held under the Bishops of Landaff during King Alfreds Reign as Sir Henry Spelman conjectureâ— in whom thâ— Reader may peruse them wherein the Bishop of Landaff and his Clergy excommunicated some of their petty Welsh Kings for Murder Perjury violating the Churches Patrimony and Injuring the Bishops family who upon their Repentance and Reconciliation gave all of them some parcels of Land to the Church of Landaff The rather because I conceive them fabulous there being no such form of Excommunication used in those daies as Sir Henry Spelman proves nor any such Episcopal Synods held in England under King Alfred himself The barbarous Danes having throughout all England with fire and sword utterly wasted and destroyed all Cities Towns Castles Monasteries Churches put most of the Bishops Abbots Clergy to the Sword and almost quite deleted the knowledge of Learning and Religion out of the whole Nation insomuch that there were very few spiritual persons on this side Humber who could either understand the Common prayers in the English tongue or translate any writing out of latine into English yea so few that there was not so much as one man on the South-side of the Thames that could do it till King Alfred after his Conquest of the Danes in the latter part of his Reign restored Learning and Religion â—gain by Degrees as this King himself records in expresse terms in his Epistle to Bishop Wulsug by way of Preface to his own Translation of Gregories Pastorals into the English Saxons Language King Alfred deceasing his Son Edward surnamed the Elder succeeding his Father in the year of Christ 901 thereupon Prince Aethelwald his Uncles Son aspiring to the Crown without the consent of the King and Nobles of the Realm seised upon Oxlie and Winburne whereupon King Edward marching with his Armie against him to Bath he fled from Winburne to the Danes in Northumberland for assistance who being glad thereof they all make him King and Prince over all their Kings and Captains Whereupon they invading Essex and Mercia King Ed. raised a great Army chased them into Northumberland and harrowed the whole Country to the Lakes of Northumberland where the Kentishmen remaining contrary to the Kings Command and Messengers sent to them after the retreat of the rest of the Army The Danish Army upon this advantage setting upon them they gallantly defending themselves slew their new King Aethelwald with King Eorit and sundry of their chief Commanders and many of their Souldiers though they lost the field This King and Edelfled his Sister Queen of Mercians to prevent the frequent eruptions plunders the Danes repaired many old ruinated Towns and built many new ones in convenient places which they replenished with Souldiers to protect the Inhabitants and repell the Enemies whereby the Common people weâ—e so incouraged and became such good Souldiers that if they heard of the Enemies approach they would fight and rout them Rege etiam Ducibus inconsultis in certamen ruerent eisque semper numero scientia praeliandi praeâ—â—arent it a hostes contempâ—ni militibus Regi risui erant as Malmesbury writes The Country people themselves sighting with the Danes at Ligetune put them to flight recovered all the prey they had takenâ— and likewise the Danes Horses as they likewise did in some other parts Amongst other places this King repaired the walls of Colchester put warlike men in it certum eis stipendium assignavit and assigned them a certain stipend as Matâ— Westm. records neither he nor other our Historians making mention of assigned wages to any other Garrisons or Souldiers in that age At last the Danes in most places throughout England perceiving King Edwards power and wisdom submitted themselves unto him elected him for their King and Patâ—on and swore homage and fealty to him as likewise did the Kings of Scotland Northumberland and Wales In the year of Grace 905. This King Edward assembled a Synod of the Senators of the English Nation as Malmesbury or a great Council of Bishops Abbots and faithfull people as Matthew Westminster and others sâ—ile it in the Province of the Gewisii which by reason of the Enemies incursions had been destitute of a Bishop for 7 years space Whereupon the King and Bishops in this Council taking good advice made this wholsom constitution That instead of 2 Bishops whereof one had his Sea at Winchester the other at Schireburn 5 Bishops should be created ne Grex Domini absque cura Pastorali luporum incursionibus quateretur Whereupon they in this Council elected 5 Bishops to wit Frithstan for Winchester Athelin for Schireburn Aedulâ—e for Wells Werstan for Crideton and Herstan for Cornwal assigning them their several Sees and Diocess and two other â—ishops â—or Dorchester and Cirencester all consecrated by Archbishop Plegmond at Câ—nterbury in one day Wil. of Malmesb. and some others write that this Council was summoned upon the Letter of Pope Formosus who excommunicated king Edward with all his Subjects for suffering the Bishopricks of Winton and Scireburn to be void for 7 years space together But this must needs be a great mistake since Pope Formosus was dead ten years before this Council and before these Bishopricks became void and his pretended Epistle to the Bishops of England makes no mention at all of the king as Sir Henry Spelman well observes In the year 906. king Edward made a Peace and firm agreement with the Danes of Northumberland and east-East-England at Intingford when as some think he and
a cruel death who gave him this ill advice and to pacifie his Brothers â—host and his own Conscience built two new Monasteries at Middleton and Michelresse and there was scarce any old Monastery in England which he adorned not either with buildings or Ornaments or Books or Landâ— to expâ—ate this his bloody crime In this king Aethelstans reign In the year 927. There were fiery Beams and Meteors seen throughout all the Northern parts of England soon after which Athelstan resolved utterly to extirpate the perfidious Nation of the Danes and treacherous Scots which had violated their Agreement made with his Father whereupon he marched with a great Army by Land and Navy by Sea into Northumberland and Scotland wasted and harrowed the Country without resistance forced Guithfrith King of Northumberland out of his kingdom uniting it to his own Realm vanquished and overcame Howel king of Wales Constantine king of Scots Anlafe the Dane and others in a set battel drove them out of their Realms and forced them to submit to him Who upon their submission knowing the chance of war to be variable and pitying the Cases of these down-cast Princes restor'd them presently to their former estates with this Princely Speech That it was more honour to make a King than to be a King yet these petty Kings Princes rebelling afterwards siding with Anlafe against him were all rouâ—ed by Athelstanâ— King Constantine of Scotland with five more of these Kings 12 Dukes and most of their Army slain in one battel principally by the valor of Turketulus and the Londoners An. 837 Whereupon the petty Kings of Wales contracted to pay him a yearly tribute of 20 pound weight of Gold and 300 of Silver and 25000 head of Cattel with a certain number of Hawks and Hounds which no King of England ever exacted or received from them before William of Malmesâ—ury who exceeds in his praises writes that it was truly reported of him amongst the English Quod nemo Legalius vel literatius rempublicam administraverit That no king governed the Commoâ—weâ—lâ—h more legally or learnedly than he being as Ingulphus records guided and directed by Turketulus his Chancellour a man of great integrity honesty and piety of profâ—und judgement whose decrees upon debate were irrefragâ—ble This king Athelstan for the better administration of Jusâ—ice enacted sundry excellent civil and ecclesiasâ—ical Laws recorded in Bromt. Lamb. Spelm. The first of these his Laws were made and enacted in the famous â—ounâ—il of Grately about the year 928 in which the king himself Wulfehelm Archbishop of Canteâ—bury and the rest of the Bishops and all the Nobles and Wisemen which King Ethelstan could assemble were present who all ordained and confirmed these Laws in this great Council as the last Chapter 〈◊〉 inâ—orms us in â—hese words Totum hoc institutum est et confirmatum In magno Synodo apud Grateleyam cui Archiepiâ—copâ—◠〈…〉 et omnes Optimates et Sapientes quos Adelstanus Rex potuit Congregare Or Cumâ—â— Optimates et Sapientes ab Aetheâ—â—tano evocaâ—â— frequentissimi as another Copy renders itâ— which proves that all the Members of this Council were summoned to it by this kings writ and not elected by the peoples sufâ—rages And although the Archbishops Bishops and other Clergy men were the chief advisers of the Ecclesiastical Lâ—ws made in this Council as this Prologue to them attests Ego Aethelstanus Rex ex prudenti â—lâ—â—elmae Archiepiscopi aliorumque Episcoporum et Servorum Dei consilio mando yet they were all enacted and confirmed by all the Nobles and Wisemen in the Council as the premises evidence In this Council the king commandedâ— by his Laws all his Officers that they should demand and exact from his Subjects such things and duties only as they might justly and lawfully receive adding this memorable reason for it Nunquam enim erit populo bene consultum nec digne Deo conserâ—abitur ubi Lucrum impium et magis falsum diligitur Ideo â—eâ—ent omnes amici Dei quoâ— miquum en enervare quod â—ustum est elevare non paâ—i ut propâ—er falsum et pecuniae quaestum se forisfaciant homines erâ—â—â—ere â—apientem Deum cui displicet omnis injustitia Which I wish all our unrighteous covetous â—â—x-maâ—â—ers Excisers and Exacters would now seriously consider Afâ—er which it follows Chrisâ—ianis autem omnibus necesâ—arium est ut rectum diligant ut iniqua condemnent et saltem sacris Ordinibus erecti justum semper erigant et prava deponant Hinc debent Episcopi cum saeculi Judicibus interesse Judiciis ne permittant si possint ut illinc aliqua pravitatum germina pullulaverint And to avoid all arbitrary proceedings oppressions and Injustice in all things this Council by positive Laws ascertains all fines amerciaments imprisonments and corporal punishments for criminal offences from which the Iudges might not vary And withall defines what Armes every man should â—ind in those times of war against the Danes and other Enemies by his positive Law Lex 21. Sax. 16. Omnis homo habebit duos homines cum bonis equis de omni Carucâ King Ethelstane after this Council at Grately what years is not expressed assembled several other Parliamentary Councils at Exeter Fevresham and Thunderfeld wherein he and his Wisemen by common consent confirmed the Laws made at Grately altering some of them in certain particulars and adding some new Laws unto them as you may read at large in Bromâ—on and as the first Chapâ—er and this Prologue to those Laws assure us ` Haec sunt Judicia quae Sapientes Exonâ—ae consilio Adelstani Regis instituerunt iterum 〈◊〉 Fevresham â— et tertia vice apud Thundresfeldiam ubi hoc definitum simul et confiâ—matum est et hoc imprimis est ut observentur omâ—ia Judicia quae apud Gratelâ—yam imposita fuerint praeter mercatum Civitatis et Diei Dominicae The Cause of making these new Laws and confirming the old was a Complaint to the King in the Council at Exeter that the Peace and Laws made at Grateley were not so well kept as they should be and that Theâ—ves and Malefactors abounded as this Prologue manifests Ego Adelstanus Rex notifico vobis sicut dictum est Michi quod pax nostra pejus observata est quam Michi placet vel apud Grateleyam fuerit institutum Et Sapientes Michi dicunt quod hocdiutius pertuli quà m debueram Nunc inveni cum illis Sapientibus qui apud Exoniam fuerint mecum in sancto Natali Domini quod parati sunt omnino quando velim cum seipsis uxoribus pecunia omni re suâ ire quo tunc voluero nisi malefactores requiescant eo tenore quo nunquam deinceps in patriam istam redeant c. In the Council of Fevresham in Kent the King by some of his Wise-Counsellors sent thither to it propounded some things for the weal
confidimus quod pax nostra melior erit quam antea fuit As these passages demonstrate the proceedings of the Parliamenrary Councils in that Age unknown to most for which end I have transcribed them at large so they clearly prove that Theeves or Felons much lesse other English Freemen could not be imprisoned killed put to death fined or ransommed but by special Acts and Laws made in General Parliamentary Councils nor any Laws made enacted or altered in such Coâ—ncils but by the Kings Royal Assent thereto who then frequently summoned thâ—m and all the Members of them by writ and nomination without the Peoples Election Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 5. anâ— some other fabulous Authors relate that in the eighth year of King Aethelstans reign Olaus King of Denmark Golanus King of Norwey and the Duke of Normandy with 8 Dukes and 5 hundred thousand Souldiers arived in England bringing with them out of Africa A Giant called Colybrand the strongest and most famous at that time throughout the World Whereupon King Aethelstan hearing of their comming Congregavit Magnates assembled his Noblemen at Winchester to advice with them how they might resist the Enemies and fight with them in Battel Thaâ— whiles king Aethelstan vacaret tali Coneilio et congregatione poâ—uli sui in Wintonia the foresaid kings came upon him with their Army and besieged him Cum Baronia sua with his Batons in that City for two years space Neither durst the English fight with them by reason of their multitude and Power In the mean time they made this Agreement that king Aethelstan should find out one Champion to fight a single Duel with Colybrand that in all future times the Realm of England should be held of the King of Denmark under a Tribute and if Colybrand were conquered by Aethelstans Champion rhen Olaus should forfeit and disclaim the Realm of England for him and his Heirs for ever and no King of Denmark should afterwards lay claim to the Realm of England nor yet molest it That the king in near one whole years space could not find out a Champion to encounter Colybrand whereupon he and his Nobles were very much troubled At lasâ— God by an Angel from Heaven directed the King to find out Guy of Warwick comming thither as a Pilgrim who undertook to encounter Colybrand and after a sharp battel with him in the view of both kings and their Armies cut off one of his hands and after that his head By which Victory the whole Land of England enjoyed the unviolated privilege of rest and Liberty from the Danish king untill Cnute king of Denmark gained the Realm of England from Edmund Ironside But this Relation being contrary to the truth of History and the Stream of all our Historiographers I shall repute it meerly fabulous though I could not well omit it for that Relation it hath to this my Theame anâ— precedent Propositions William of Malmesbury and others out of him record that Elfrid a Noble man who opposed Aethelstans Title to the Crown though in vain intended to have seized on him at Winchester and put out his eyes but his Treason being discovered before it came to the Accomplishment he was taken and sent to Rome to purge himself by Oath where before the Altar of St. Peter and Pope Iohn the 10 th he abjured the fact and thereupon fell suddainly down dead to the Earth and being carried from before the Altar by his Servants to the English School he there died within three daies after Upon this the Poâ—e â—ent to â—he king to advise what he should do with him and â—hether he should allow him burial with other Christiaâ— Câ—rps The king hereupon assembling a Council of his Nobles to advise about it Optimates Regionis â— the Nobles of the Realm with a great Company of Elfrids kindred earnestly requested of the King with great humility that his body might be committed to Christian Burial The King consenting to their Request acquainted the Pope therewith who granted him Christian Burial though unworthy Hereupon the Nobles adjudged all his Lands and Possessions great and small to the King who by their consent granted and confirmed them all to the Abby of Malmesbury by his Charter wherin he recites Sciant Sapientes regionis Nostrae non has praefatas terras me injustè Rapuisse Rapinamque Deo Dedicasse sed sic eas accepi Quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates Regni Anglorum Insuper et Apostolicus Papa Romanae Ecclesiae Johannes After which reciting the Treachery perjury and death of Elfred with his Condescention to his Nobles and friends request aforesaid he concludes thus Et sic Adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in magnis et modicis Sed et haec Apicibus praenotamus literarum ne quamdin Christianitas regnat aboleatur unde mihi praefata possessio quam Deo et Sancto Peiro dedi donatur nec Justius novi quam Deo et sancto Peiro hanc possessionem dare qâ—i aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt et mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt To which Malmesbury subjoyns In his Verbis Regis sapientiam et pietatem ejus in Dei rebus suspicere par est Sapientiam eo quod animadverterat juvenis presertim non esse Dei Gratiosum de Rapinâ Holocaustum Pietatem eo quod Munus ultione divinâ— collatum Deo potissimum non ingratus rependeret From whence I shall only observe that Elsrid being a Pâ—er of the Realm dying perjured as aâ—oresaid was adâ—udged to forfeiâ— all his Lands for Treason after his death only by his Peers in a Parliamentary Council and that iâ— the king had seized on them without their judgâ—ment it had been an unjust Rapine by his own Confession but being legally confiscated to him by their Judgement it was no Rapine but Iustice for him to seizeâ— and Piety to dispose of them at his pleasure to this Church What Churches and Monasteries he built and repaired throughout the Realm What Lands he restored to St. Augustines Church at Canterbury on the day of his Coronation by the Assent of his Bishops and Nobles though long detained from it and how he gave the Lands of Folcastan in Kent eâ—cheated by the Danes destruction of the Nunnery there to Christ-church in Canterbury you may read in the Marginal Authors William of Malmesbury informs us that Baldwin Earl of Flanders sent Embasâ—adour by Hugh King of France to King Ethelstan to demand his Sister for his Wife brought over with him divers rich presents and Reliques Amongst others the Sword of Constantine the Great the Lance of Charls the Great and one of the 4 Nails that pierced our Saviours body set in plates of Gold A piece of our Saviours Cross inclosed in a Christal Case c. all which he presented to the King and Lady cum in Conventu Procerum apud Abindonium proci postulata
exhibuisset Which intimates that this King consulted with an assembly of his Nobles a-about his Sisters Marriage to the King of France as a mater of Parliamentary consideration Ingulphus Hist. p. 876 877 878. records that Turketulus was his Chancellor and chief Counsellour who affected not Honors and Riches refuâ—ed many Bishopricks offered him by the King Tanquam â—endiculas Satanae ad animas evertendas and would never accept of any Bishishoprick all his life being Content only with his own Lands and Wages That all his Decrees were so just and legal that they remained irrevocable when once made That he was a great Souldier and fought most valiantly against the Danes and often gloried and said He was most happy in this that he had never murdered nor maimed any one Cum pugnare â—ro patria maximè contra Paganos licite quisque possit He esteeming the slaughter of such Pagan Enemies in defence â—f his Country lawfull and no murther nor maim King Aethelstan deceasing without iâ—â—ue his Brother Edmund succeeded him An. 940. who upon the false suggestions of some of his Souldiers and Courtiers dedeprived Dunstan whom he had made his Chancellour and one of his privy Conâ—cil year ranked amongst the Royal Palatines and Princes of his Realm of all his dignities and Offices The very next day after being like to break his Neck as he rod a hunting over a steep Rock had not his horse miraculously stopped at the Rocks brink in his full carier he immediatly sent for Dunstan and to repair the injury done him rod presently â—o Glastonbury and made him Abbot thereof Presently after Anlaâ—fe King of Norwey whom Aethelstan had driven out of the Kingdom of Northumberland came with a great Navy and Army to York being called in by the persidious and rebellious Northumberlanders who instantly revolted to him and elected him for theâ—r King Whereupon he marching Southward wiâ—h a puissant Army purposing to subjugate the Realm of England to himself King Edmund gathering his forces together encountred him and after a bloody battel fought a whole day between them at Leicester with great loss on both sides Odo Archbishop of Canterbury and Welstan Archbishop of York perceiving the danger on both parts and the Destruction of the Realm made this Agreement between them that Anlaffe should quietly enjoy the whole Northeast part of England lying North of Watlingstreet and Edmund all the Souâ—hern part thereof during their joynt Lives and the Survivor of them enjoy the whole Realm after the others decease Bâ—t Anlaffe soon after wasting the Church of St. Balter and burning Tivinagham with fire was presently seised on by Gods avenging Iudgement and miserably ended his life About the year 940. Hoel Dha Prince of all Wales sent for six Laymen eminent for authority and knowledge out of every Kemut or hundred of his Realm and all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors of his Realm digniâ—ied with a Pastoral staff who continuing all togâ—ther in prayer fasting and consultation all the Lent did in this Welsh Paâ—liament make and enact many Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws which they divided into 3 parts and books â—or the better Government of the Realm and Church which you may read in Spelman In the 22 Law whereof they thus determine Tres autem sunt homâ—nes quorum nullus potest per Legem impignoraâ—e contra aliquod Iudicium Primus est Rex ubi non poterit secundum Legem in Lite stare coram judice â—uo agendo vel respondendo per dignitatem naturalem vel per dignitatem terrae ut Optimas vel alius So that by the Laws of those times nor only the Kings of England but even the petty Kings of Wales were by their very Natural and Royal Dignities exempted from all personall Tryals and Iudgements against them in any Courts of Iustice seeing they had no Peers to be tryed by In the year 940 Reingwald or Reginald the Dane comming with a great Navy into Northumberland slew most of the best Inhabitants of that Realm or drove them out of it He likewise seized upon all the Lands of St. Cutbert and gave his Lands to two of â—is Souldiers one of them called Scula who afflicted the miserable Inhabitants with Grievous aud intollerable Tributes whence even unto this day the Yorkshire-men as often at they are compelled to pay Tributum Regale A Royal Tribute endeavour to impose a pecuniary Mulct on the Land which this Scula possessed for the easing of themselves Scilicet Legem deputant quod Paganus per Tyrannidem fecerat qui non legitimo Regi Anglorum sed barbaro et aliegenae Regis Anglorum hosti militabat Nec tamen quamvis multum in hoc Laboraverint Pravam Consuetudinem huc usque Sancto Cuthberto resistente Introducere potuerunt writes Simeon Dunelmensis The other part of those Lands one Onlasbald seised upon who was much more cruel and oppressive to all men than Scula extraordinarily vexing the Bishop Congregation and People of Saint Cutbert and particularly seising upon the Land belonging to the Bishoprick Whereupon the Bishop oft endeavouring by perswasion to draw him to God and entreating him to lay aside the obstinate rigor of his mind and refrain himself from the unlawfull Invasion of the Churches Lands else if he conâ—temned his admonitions God and St. Cutbert would severely avenge the Injuries done by him to them and others He with a diabolical mind contemning his admonitions and Threats swore by his Heathen Gods that he would from thenceforth be a more bitter Enemie towards St. Cuthbert and them all than ever he was before Whereupon the Bishop with all his Monks falling prostrare on the earth earnestly prayed to God and his holy Confessor to annul those proud Tyrants Threats who was then comming into the place where they were praying having one foot within the Door and the other without in which posture he stood there immovably fixed as if both his feet had been nayled being able neither to go out nor come in but standing immovable till being long thus tortured he there gave up his miâ—erable soul in the place with which example all others being terrified would no further presume by any means to invade the Land nor any thing else belonging of right to the Church Anno 941. the Rebellious o Northumberlanders preferring disloyalty before the Fealty which they owed unto Magnificent Edmund King of England elected Anlaff King of the Norâ—eyans for â—heir King Son to the former Anlaff who perishing suddenly for his Sacrilege as aforesaid he and Reginald the Son of Garthfrith after their Baptism breaking their faith and Agreement with King Edmuâ—d by invading his Dominions Edmund thereupon by force of Armes expelled them both out of the Realm of Northumberland and united it to his own kingdom and wrested Lincoln Nottingham Derby Leicester and Stamford out of the hands oâ— the Usurping insolent oppressing Danes with all Mercia subduing and reducing the
moribus ad Nos spectat examen si vivunt continenter si honeste se habent ad eos qui foris sunt sâ— in divinis officiis solliciti si in Docendo populo assidui si victu sobrii si moderati habitu si in judiciis sunt discreti c. Ego Constantini vos Petri gladium habetis in manibus jungamus dextras gladium gladio copuâ—emus ut ejiciantur â—extra castra leprosi ut purgetur sanctuarium Domini et ministrent in Templo filii Levi c. After which directing his speech to Dunstan Aethelwald and Oswald he concludes thusâ— Voâ—iâ—istud committo negotium ut Episcopali censura et authoritate Regia â—urpiter viventes de Ecclesiis ejiciantur ordinatè viventes introducantur Herupon there was a Decree made in this General Council That all Canons Priests Deacons and Sub-Deacons should live chastly that is put away their lawfull Wives vow chastity and become Monks or relinquish the Churches they then held The execution whereof was committed to Oswald and Ethelwald Who thereupon compelled the Clergy in Worcester Winchester and other Churcheâ— to become Monks renuentes verò ab omni beneficio spoliarunt depriving those who refused of all their Benefices and putting Monks into them qui novo quidem splendore vniversam Insulam illustrarunt as our Monkish Writers record or rather novo foetore contaminarunt as others write Iohn Bromton informs us that after the slaughter of the Nuns of Ely by Inguar and Hubba the secular Priests enjoyed that Monastery one hundred years space whom King Edgar de Concilio beati Dunstani Archiepiscopi dicti Eâ—heâ—waldi ac mâ—gnatum Regni in the forementioned General Council expulit fugavit for their dishonest conversation Bishop Oswald having ejected the married secular Priests out of his Church at Worcester and introduced Monks in their places did this year 969. as I conjecture from the premises not 964. as Sir Henry Spelman computes it pâ—ocure King Edgaâ— by the Counsel and assent of his Princes Nobles and Bishops most probably in the forementioned General Council or that of London next ensuing to ratifie this their ejection and confirm the Church of Worcester with all the lands goods ecclesiastical secular things thereto belonging to the Monks of that Church for ever free from all secular serviâ—es and exactions hard or easie and from all siscal duties great and small known or unknown as well of the King or Prince as of their Officers â— exceptis Arcis Pontis extructione et expeditione câ—ntra hoestem And that by the special Charter called Oswald Law subscribed by the King Queen both the Archbishops and 3 Dukes King Edgar Anno 970. or 971. in the 12 year of his reign held another Parliamentary Council at London where himself his Mother Alfgina Prince Edward his Son Kined King of Scots Mascusius his Admiral both the Ahchbishops with the rest of the Bishops and all the Nobles and great men of the Realm were present By his Charters made in and raâ—ified by this Council this King granted and confirmed many and very magnificent Privileges to the Monastery of Glastonbury communi Episcoporum Abbatum Principumque concilio et generali assensu Pontificum Abbatum Optimatumque suorum exempting the Monastery and Monks thereof not only from all Episcopal Iurisdiction but likewise all their Lands from all Tributes and Exchequer businesses for ever Granting them Socam Sacam c. Toll Teâ—meâ— Ita libere et quiete sicut ego habeo in regno meo Eanâ—â—m quoque Libertatem Poâ—estatem quam ego in Curia mea habeo tam in demittendo quam in punienâ—o in quibuslibet omnino negotiis Abbas Monachi praefati Monasterii in Curia sua habeant And which is a Privilege beyond all president Si autem Abbas vel quilibet Monachus loci illius latronem qui ad suspendium vel quodlibet mortis periculum ducitâ—â— in itinere obvium habuerit potestatem habeat eripiendi eum ab imminenâ—i periculo in toto Regno meo The old Charter begins thus In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi Quamvis Decreta Pontificum verba Sacerdotum inconvulsis ligaminibus velut fundamenta montium sixa sunt tamen plerumque tempestatibus turbinibus saecularium rerum Religio sanctae Ecclesiae maculis reproborum dissipatur ac â—uÌ„pitur Iccirco prosutu uÌ„ succedenâ—â—bus posteris esse decrevimus ut ea quae salubri Consilio et communi assensu definiuntur nostris literis roborata â—irmentur c. Hoc iâ—aque Dunstano Doroberniensi atque Oswaldo Eboracensi Episcopo adhortantibus consentiente eâ—iam eâ— annuente Brithelmo Fontanensi Eâ—iscopo câ—terisque Episcopis Abbatibus et Primatibus Ego Edgaâ— divina diâ—poâ—â—â—ione Rex Anglorum c. And it concludes thus Acta est haec Privilegii â—aâ—ina confirmaâ—a apud Londonium Communi Concilio omnium Primatum meorum Then folâ—ow â—he suâ—â—criptions of King Egar Aâ—fgina his Mother Prince Edward Kinred King of Scots Mascusius the chief Admiral both the Archbishops 6 Bishops 8 Abbots 3 Dukes and other Officers Which Charter and Privileges at the Kings request were ratified by Pope Iohn the 13 in a general Council at Rome Anno Dom. 971. by a special Bull that they might remain inviolable yet both the Abbey it self Lands Privileges are long since demolished dissipated annihilated such is the muâ—abiliunity of all sublunary things The self same year Anno 970. King Edgar by his Charter granted and confirmed sundry Lands and Privileges to the Monastery of Medeshamsted formerly demolished by the Danes which Bishop Aethelwold had repaired and named Burgh perpetually exempting it from all Episcopal jurisdiction yoak and exaction Quatenus nec Rex nec Comes nec Episcopus praeter Christianitatem attinentium Parochiarum nec Vicecomes nec ulla alia major minorve persona ulla dominatione occupare praesumat excepta moderata expeditione Pontis Arcisve constructione VVhich Charter was ratified by the kings own subscription both the Archbishops sundry Bishops Abbots Dukes and other chief Officers and the sign of the Cross after each of their Names In the year 973. King Edgar after his seven years penance expired on the Feast of Penâ—ecost in the 30â—h year of his age was solemnly Crowned and consecrated King â— and wore his Crown with great glory at Akemancester alias Bath both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald with all the rest of the Bishops of England ac Magnatibus universis and all the Nobles being there preâ—ent at his Coronation and received the accustomed Gifts usually given to the Nobles being at such inaugurations Soon after the same year this King with a very great Fleet and Army sayling round about the Northern parts of England came to Westchester where his eight tributary Kings or Vice-royes namely Kyneth king of Scots Malcome King of Cumberland Marcus king of Man and many other Ilands and the other 5
if our Monkish Historians may bee credited frustrated this design For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum protelantes sepelierunt â—um fine Regio honore apud Warhamâ— ut sicut vitam ejus extinxerant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent hic vero compertum est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pravum cor hominis et inscrutabile Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide Proditione Gentis suae perfidae thus registred by Henry Huntindon an impartial Historian Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est et plus solito irritatus Genti pessimae malum inextricabile conferre cogitavit et quod facere paraverat non distulit Veneruntque Dani et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli To which William of Malmsbury subjoyns Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatumâ— quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barbaricam Take the summ of his Reign Murther Saintship in these words of Abbot Ethelred Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege Eadgaroâ— in reâ—no terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit Qui injuste ab impâ—â—s interfectus tum 〈…〉 tum ob mortis 〈◊〉 tatem Sancti Nomen et Meritum Deo donante promeruit being afterward translated to Shaftsbury and there honourably enshrined King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April Anno 978. when he had reigned only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Succession thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston by both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald and ten Bishops more in the presence of the Nobles much against Dunstans will And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder being then but a child of ten years old not active to promote this Treacherous plot and so detesting it that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod which made him abhor candles all his life yet Dunstan full of a propheticall Spirit at the very time of his Coronation told him that he and his Posterity together with the whole kingdom should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign using these words then unto him Beâ—ause thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother whom thy Mother murdered therefore hear the word of the Lord Thus saith the Lord The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House nor from the Nation but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life slaying thy séed until thy Kingdom shall be translated to another Realm and Nation whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not quâ— eos in ulâ—imâ—m redâ—gat servitutem who shaâ—â— reduce them into the extremest Bondage for conspiring with thy ignominious Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother Neither shaâ—â— thy fin nor the sin of thy Mother Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell that they might stretch out an hand against the Lords anointed to slay him be expiated but by a long Revenge and much effusion of bloud Which accordingly came to pass and let all others whom it concerns most nearly with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it This Prophecie was presently after seconded with a prodigious Cloud spread and seen over all England sundry nights which appeared sometimes bloudy other times fiery and then changing it self into divers sort of flashings and colours vanished about the morning The very next year following the barbarous Danes invaded England burnt Southampton killing and carrying away Prisoners almost all the Inhabitants thereof after which they infested and wasted the Isle of Teneth and City of West-Chester invading England every year with new forces til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate expelled King Ethelred with his Queen and Children into foreign patts and possessed themselves both of the Crown aud Realm as absolute Soveraigns And here before I proceed further I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Justice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regicides and their Posterities worthy our saddest contemplation King Edgar as I touched before injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and kingdom at first and of his whole Realm if not life too at last But within few years after by Gods avenging hand his best beloved eldest Son and heir King Edward to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death was first opposed in his Succession and soon after most treacheâ—ously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son who invaded the Crown by his slaughter King Edgar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold as you have read to espouse his wife Elfreda Crown her for his best beloved Queen who no doubt was consenting to if not the contriver of his murder as he was hunting in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder kills his own Son and heir King Edward as he came from hunting in a Forest not very far distant from the same place Elfere Earl of Mercia the Queens chief Counseller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward whom he stabbed to death with his own hands as Malmesbury records though to expiate this crime he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shaftsbury-Minster yet by Gods avenging wrath about a year after his whole body was eaten up of Lice and Worms so that he died most miserably Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder soon after the fact was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide that to pacifie the pangs thereof and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel and casting off her royal robes and State entred into the later of them where she afflicted her self with sackcloth fasting weeping and severe penance unto the day of her death bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life The whole English Nation who were either consenters to or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther which they never publikely questioned nor revenged were not only stricken consumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases but uncessantly invaded oppressed spoiled captivated conquered murderated and almost quite extirpated by the barbarous Danes who usurped the Soveraignty over them for three Generations being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man As for King Ethelred himself though then an infant he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood but a Crown of Thorns and Cares living in perpetual warrs cares fears wants distresses being crossed in all his designs warrs by
Duke Leofsi was sent to the Danes â—ho coming to them importuned them that they would accept of a Stipend and Tribute They gladly embracing his Embassy condescended to his request and determined how much Tribute should be paid them for to keep the peace Whereupon â—oon after A Tribute of 24000 pounds was paid them pro bono Pacis for the good of Peace In this Assembly and Council as I conjecture King Ethelred informed his COUNSELLERS who instructed him both in divine and humane things with the sloathfulness negligence and vicious lives of the Secular Priests throughout England and by their advice thought meet to thrust them out and put Monks in their places to pour forth prayers and praises to God for him and his people in a due manner Whereupon he confirmed by his Charter the ejection of the Secular Priests out of Christs-Church in Canterbury and the introduction of Monks in their places and ratified all the lands and privileges formerly granted them exempting the Monastery and Lands thereof from all Secular services except Expeditione Pontium operatione et Arcium reparatione Beseeching and conjuring all his lawfull Successors Kings Bishops Earls and people that they should not be Ecclesiae Christi Praedones sed sitis Patrimonii Christi defensores seduli ut vita et gaudio aeternis cum omnibus Dei sanctis in aeternum fruâ—mini Which Charter was ratified by the Subscriptions of the King Archbishop Bishops Abbots and of several Aeldermen Nobles and Officers and the sign of the Cross. This year Duke Leofsi slaying Esric a Nobleman the Kings chief Provost was judicially banished the Realm by the King for this offence After this Peace made with the Danes Anno 1002. Emma ariving in England received both the Diadem and name of a Queen whereupon King Ethelred puffed up with pride seeing he could not drive out the Danes by force of arms contrived how to murder and destroy them all in one day by Treachery at unawares either by the sword or by fire because they endeavoured to deprive him and his Nobles both of their Lives and the Realm and to subject all England to their own Dominion The occasion time and manner of whose sudden universal Massacre is thus related by Mat. Westminster An. 1012. though acted An. 1002. as all accord and by Mr. Fox and others Huna General of King Ethelreds Militia a valiant warlike man who had taken upon him the managing of the affairs of the Realm under the King observing the insolency of the Danes who now after the peace made with them did so proudly Lord it through all England that they presumed to ravish the wives and daughters of Noblemen and every where to expose them to scorn by strength caused the English husbandmen to soyl and sow their land and doe all vile labor belonging to the House whiles they would sit idely at home holding their wives daughters and servants at their pleasure and when the husbandmen came home they should scarcely have of their own as his servants had So that the Dane had all at his will and fill faring of the best when the owner scarcely had his fill of the worst Thus the common people being of them oppressed were in such fear and dread that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their Doings but also glad to please them and called every one of them in the House where they had rule LORD DANE c. Hereupon Huna goeth to the King much perplexed and makes a lamentable complaint to him concerning these things Upon which the King being not a little moved by the Counsel of the same Huna sent Letters or Commissions unto all the coasts of the Realm commanding all and every of the Nation that on one day after to wit on the Feast of St. Brice the Bishop all the Danes throughout England should be put to death by a secret Massacre that so the whole Nation of the English might all jointly and at one timâ— be freed from the Danish Oppression And so the Danes who by a firm covenant sworn unto by both sides a little before ought to have dwelt peaceably with the English were too opprobriously slain and the women with their children being dashed against the posts of the houses miserably powred out their souls When â—herefore the sentence of this decree was executed at the City of London without mercy many of the Danes fled to a certain Church in the City where all of them were slain without pity standing by the very Altars themselves Moreover that which aggravated the rage of this persecution was the death of Guimild Sister of King Swain slain in this manner in England she was lawfully maried to Count Palingers a Noble man of great power who going into England with her husband they both there received the faith of Christ and Sacrament of baptism this most prudent Virago being the mediatrix of the peace between the English and Danes gave her self with her husband and only son as Hostages to King Ethelred for the security of the peace she being delivered by the King to that most wicked Duke Edric to keep that Traytor within few days after commanded her husband with her son to be slain before her face with four spears and last of all commanded her to be beheaded She underwent death with a magnanimous minde without fear or change of countenance but yet confidently pronounced as she was dying That the shedding of her bloud would bring great detriment to England Henry Huntindon thus relates the story of this Massacre In the year 1002. Emma the Jewel of the Normans came into England and received both the Diadem and name of a Queen with which match King Ethelred being puffed up with pride bringing forth perfidiousness caused all the Danes who were with peace in England to be slain by clandestine Treason on one and the same day to wit on the feast of St. Brice concerning which wickedness we have heard in our infancy some honest old men say that the said King sent secret Letters into every City according to which the English on the same day and hour destroyeâ— all the Danes either cutting off their heads without giving them warning with swords or taking anâ— burning them suddenly â—ogether with fire Vbi fuit videre miseriam dum quisque charissimos hospites quos etiam arctissima necessitudo dulciores effecerat cogeretur prodere et amplexus gladio deturbare writes Malmsbury The News of this bloudy Massacre of the Danes being brought into Denmark to King Swain by some Youths of the Danâ—sh Nation who eâ—caped and fleâ— out of England in a ship moved him to tears Uocatisque cunctis Regni Principibus Wâ—o calling all the Princes of his Realm together and relating the whole series of what was acted to them he diligently enquired of them what they would advise him to do Who all crying out together as with one mouth DECREED That the
bloud of their Neighbours and Friends was to be revenged Where upon Swain a cruel man prone to shed bloud animated to revenge by his Messengers and Letters commanded all the Warriers of his Kingdom and charged all the souldierâ— in â—orein Regions greedy of gain to assist him in this expedition against the English which they cheerfully did he having now a fairer shew to do foully than ever wrong having now made him a right of invasion who had none before Anno 1003. King Swain ariving with a great Navy and Army in England by the negligence and treachery of one Hugh a Norman whom Qâ—een Emma had made Earl of Devonshire took and spoyled the City of Exeter rased the wall thereof to the ground and burnt the City to ashes returning with a great prey to his ships leaving nothing behind them but the ashes After which wasting the Province of Wiltshire a strong Army congregated out of Hamshire and Wiltshire went wiâ—h a resolution manfully and constantly to fight with the Enemy but when both Armies were in view of each other ready to joyn battel Earl Edric their General a constant Traytor to his Country and secret friend to the Danes feigned himself to be very sick and began to vomit so that he could not possibly fight Whâ—re upon the Army seeing his slothfulness and fearfullness departed most sorroâ—full from â—heir Enemies without â—ighting being disheartned by the Cowardise of their Captain Which Swane perceiving he marched to Wilton and Sarisbery which he took pillaged and burnt to the ground returning with the spoil to his Ships in triumph The next year Swane to whom God had designed the kingdom of England as some old Historians write sailing with his Fleet to Norwich pillaged and burnt it to the ground Whereupon Ulfketel Duke of East-England â— man of great valour seeing himself surprized and wanting time to raise an Army to resist the Danes cum Majoribus East-Angliae habito Consilio taking Counâ—el â—ith the Great men of East England made peace with Swane which he treacherouâ—ly breaking within three weeks after suddenly issuing out of his ships surprized pillaged and burnt Thetford to the ground and covering the Câ—untry like Locusts spoyled all things and slaughtered the Country-men without resistance Which Duke Ulfketel being informed of commanded some of his Country-men to break his ships in pieces in his absence from them which they not dared or neglected to do and he in the mean time raising an Army with as much speed as he could boldly marched against the Enemy retuâ—ning with great booties to their Ships where after a long and sharp incounter on both sides the English being over-powered by the multitude of the Danes were totally roâ—ted and all the Nobles of east-East-England there slain in their Countries defence who fought so valiantly that the Danes confessed they had never an harder or sharper battel in Eâ—gland than this The great loss the Danes sustained in it though they got the â—ield and an extraordinary â—amine in England the year following greater than any in the memory of man caused Swane to return into Denmark to refresh and recruit his Army King Ethelred quit of these Enemies Anno 1006 deprived Wulfgate the Son of Leonne whom he had loved more than all men of his â—ossessions and all his honours propter injusta judicia for his unjust judgements and proud works and likewise commanded the eyes of the two Sons of that Arch-Trait or Edric Streona to be put out at Cocham where he kept his Courâ— because Edric had treacherously inticed a bloody Butcher Godwin Porthound whom he corrupted with great gifts to murder the Noble Duke Althelin at Scoborbyrig as he was hunting whom Edric purpâ—sâ—ly invited to a Feast that he might thus treacherously murder him While these things were acting in the month of Iuly the Danes returning with an innumerable Navy into England landing at Sandwich consumed all things with fire and sword taking great booties sometimes in Sussex sometimes in Kent Whereupon King Ethelred gathered a great Army out of Mercia and the West-parts of England resolving valiantly to fight with the Daâ—es who declining any open fight and returning to their Ships landed sometimes in one place sometimes in another and so pillaging the Country returned with the booty to the Ships before the English Army could encounter them which they vexed all the Autumn in marching after them from place to place to no purpose The English Army returning home when Winâ—et began to approach the Danes with an extraordinary booty sayled to the Isle of Wight where they continued till the Feast of Chriâ—ts Nativity which Feast they turned into sorrow For then they marching into Hampshire and Berkeshire pillaged and burnt down Reading Wallingford Colesey Essington and very many Villages Quocunque enim peragâ—bant quae parata erant hilariter comedentes cum discederent in retribuâ—ionem procurationis reddebant hospiti caedem hospitio flammam as Huntindon Bromton and others story As they were returning another way to their ships with their booty they found the Inhabitants ready to give them battel at Kenet whom the Danes presently fighting with and routing returned wiâ—h triumph to their ships enriched with the new sâ—oils of the routed English King Ethelred lying all this time in Shropshire unable to resist the Danes Anno 1007. cum Consilio Primatum suorum as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Polycâ—ronicon and others express it by the Counsel of his Nobles sent Messengers to the Danes â— commanding them to tell them quod sumptus et Tributum illis dare vellent that they wouâ—d give â—hem Coâ—ts and Tribute upon this Condition That they should desist from rapines and hold a firm peace with them to which request they consentedâ— and from that time Costs were given them and a Tribute paid them of thirty six thousand pounds out of aâ—l England Henry Hunâ—iâ—don Brâ—mton thus relaâ—e the business Rex et Senatus Anglorum dubii quid agerent quid omitterent communi deliberatione gravem conventioneÌ„ cum exercitu fecerunt ad pacis observationeÌ„ 36000 mil. librar ei dederunt A clear evidence that this Agreement and Peace was made and money granted and raised in England by common advice consent in Parliament or Council Inâ—renduit Anglia toâ—a velut arundinem Zephiro vibrante collisum Unde Rex Ethelredus confusione magna consternatus pecunia pacem ad tempus quam armis non potuit adquisivit writes Matthew Westminster Rex Anglorum Ethelredus pro bono pacis Tributum 36 mil. librarum persâ—lvit Dacis as Radulphus de Diceto words it After which the King this year made Edric aforementioned Duke of Mercia and that by the Providence of God to the destruction of the English a man of base parentage but extraordinary crafty eloquent witty and unconstant surpassing all of that age in envy perfidiousness pride cruelty and Treason who
Civibus magna ope conantibus dum unusqâ—â—sque sudâ—â—es suos Principi ostentare et pro eo pulchrum putaret emori Hostium pars prostrata pars in flumine Thamesi necuta Hereupon Swain despairing to take the City marched with his torn shattered Army first to Wallingford plundering and demolishing all things they met with in their wayâ— after â—heir wonted manner and at last they came to Bath where Ethelmere Earl of the West Country with all his people came and submitted to him giving him hostages for their loyalty Having thus finished all things according to his desire he returned with his Hostages to his Navy being both called and reputed King by all the People of England London excepted si Rex jure queat vocari qui fere cuncta Tyrannice faciebat â—ite Florence oâ— Worceste Simeon Dâ—nelmensis verâ— caâ—eâ—oâ—sly Nec adhuc flecterentur Londinenses tota jam Anglia in clientelam ejus inclinata nisi Ethelredus praesentia eos destitueret sua as Malmesbury observes King Ethelred being a man given to sloathfullness and through consciousness of his own demerits very fearful deeming no man faithfull to him by reason of the tragical death of his Brother Edwaod for which he felt this Divine revenge not daring to raise an Army not fight the Enemy wiâ—h it when raised Ne Nobiles Regni quos injuste exhaeredaverat lest the Nobles of the Reaâ—m whom he had unjuâ—â—ly dis-inherited should desert and deliver him up to the Enemy declining the necessity of war and of a new siege most unâ—orthily deserted the Londoners his faithfull valiant Subjects and Proâ—ectors in the midst of their dangers Enemies â—lying away secretly fâ—oÌ„ them to Hamshire by secret journies from wâ—ence he sailed to the Isle of Wight Hereupon the Londoners Laudandi prorsus viâ—i quos Mars ipse collata non sperneret hasta si Ducem habuissent Cuâ—us dum vel sola umbra protegerentur totius pugnae aleam ipsam obsidionem etiam non paucis mensibus luserunt Seeing themselves thus unworthily deserted by their Soveraign in their extremities moved by the example of the rest of their Countrymen submitted themselves likewise to King Swain sending Hostages to and making their peace wiâ—h him the rather for that they feared Swains fury was so much incensed against them for his former shamefull repulses by them that if they submitted not to â—â—m of their own accords he would not only spoil them of all their goods but likewise command either all their eyes to be pulled out or their hands and feet to be cut off iâ— he subdued them by force Iohn Speed against the current of other Historians informs us That Swain after his repulse from London having received a certain sum of money went back into Denmark for want of victuals and to recruit his shattered Army whence returning soon after he was immediatly met by the English where betwixt them was struck a sore battel which had been with good success had not the Treason of some hindred it in turning to the Danes King Ethelred therefore seeing himself and the Land betrayed on this manner to those few true English that were left used this Speech as followeth If there wanted in me a fatherly care either for the defence of the Kingdom or adâ—inisâ—ration of Justice in the Commonwealth or in you the carriage of Souldiers for defence of your Native Country then truly silent would I be for ever and bear those calamities with a more dejected mind but as the case stands be it as it is I for my part am resolved to rush into the midst of the Enemy and to lose my life for my kingdom and Crown And you I am sure hold it a worthy death that is purchased for the Liberties of your selves and kindred and therein I pray you let us all die for I see both God and destiny against us and the name of the English Nation brought almost to the last period for we are overcome not by weapons and hostile warr but by Treason and domâ—stick falshood our Navy betrayed into the Danes hands our battel weakned by the revolt of our Captains our designs betrayed to them by our own Counsellers and they also inforcing composition of dishonourable Peace I my self disesteemed and in scorn termed Ethelred the unready Your valour and loyalty betrayed by your own Leaders and all our poverty yearly augmented by the payment of their Danegelt which how to reâ—ress God only knoweth and we are to seek For if we pay money for peace and that confirmed by Oath these Enemies soon break it as a people that neiâ—her regard God nor man contrary to equity and the Laws of Warâ— and of Nations and so fâ—r off is all hope of better success as we have cause to fear the losse of our kingdom you the extinction of the English Nations revenue Therefore seeing our enemies are at hand and their hands at our throats let us by fore-sight and counsel save our own lives or else by courage sheath our swords in their bowels either of which I am willing to enter into to secure our Estate and Nation from an irrecoverable Ruine After which Speech he and his Army retreated and gave way to the prevailing Enemy Swain herepon setling all things according to his own will when as he knew that no man durst resist him commanded himself to be called King of England Dum non fuit alius qui pro jure regni decertare vel se regem confiteri aâ—sus fuisset as Matt. Westminster and others write Such a strange fear and stupidity was then fallen upon Ethelred and the whole English Nation After this Ethelred privily departed from London to Hampton and from thence to the Isle of Weight as aforesaid where advising with the Abbots and Bishops there assembled in Council what course was best to steer he spake thus unto them the History whereof I shall fully relate in William of Malmesbury his words Ibi Abbates et Episcoposâ— Qui nec in tali necessitate Dominum suum deserendum putarent in hanc convenit sententiam Videâ—ent quam in angusto res essent suae et suorum se perfidia Ducum avito extorrem solio et opis egentem aâ—iâ—nae in cujus manu alâ—orum â—olebat salus pendere quondam Monarcham et Potentem modo miserum et exulem dolendum sibi hanc commutationem quia facilius toleres oâ—es non habuisse quam habitas amisisse Pudendam Anglis eo magis quod deserti Ducis exempluâ— processurum sit in orbem terrarum Iâ—â—os amore sui sine sumptibus voluntariam sube untes fugam domos et facultates suas praedonibus exposuisse in arcto esse victum omnibus vestitum deesse pluribus probare se fidem illorum â— sed non reperire salutem adeo jam subjugata terra observari littora ut nusquam sine periculo sit exitus Quapropter considerent in mâ—dium quid
censerent faciendum Si maneant plus a Civibus cavendum quam ab Hostibus forsitan enim crucibus suis novi domini gratiam mercarentur eâ— cerâ—è occidi ab hoâ—te â—iâ—uâ—atur fortunae prodi a Cive addicetur Ignaviae Si ad exteras gentes â—â—giunt gloriae fore dispendium si ad notas metuendum ne cum fortuna colerent animum Plaerosque enim probos et illustres viros hac occasione caesos experiendum tamen sortem et tentandum pectus Richardi Ducis Normannorum qui si Sororem et Nepotes non ingrato animo susceperit se quoque non aspernanter protecturum Vadabitur enim mihi meam salutem conjugi et liberis impensus favor Quod si ille adversum pedem contulerit non deerit mihi animus plaâ—è non deerit hic gloriosè occumbere quà m illic ignominiosè vivere Hereupon he sends Emma his Queen and her children in the moneth of August into Normandy accompanied with the Bishop of Durham and Abbot of Burgh where they are joyfully received by Duke Richard who invites Ethelred himself to honour his Court with his presence who thereupon in Ianuary following passeth over into Normandy and there solaceth his miseries with the curteous entertainment he there found King Swane in the mean time provokes invaded England with ruines and slaughters playes the absolute Tyrant commands Provisions to be abundantly provided for his Army and Navy et Tributum fere importabile solvi praecepit and likewiâ—e commanded an insupportable Tribute to be paid And the like in all things Earl Turkell the Dane commanded to be paid to his Navy lying at Greenwich hired by King Ethelred to defend the English from Foreiners yet both of them as often as they pleased preyed upon and pillaged the Country besides first polling the inhabitants of their goods and then banishing them Provincialium substantiae prius abreptae mox proscriptiones factae In this sad oppressed condition under their New Soveraign to whom they had submitted themselves both Nobles and people knew not what to do Haesitabatur totis urbibus quid fieret si pararetur rebellio assertorem non haberent si eligeretur subjectio placido rectore carerenâ— Ita privatae et publicae opes ad naves cum obsidibus deportabantur Quo evidenter apparet Swanum naturalem et legitimum non esse Dominum sed atrocissimum Tyrannum â—s Malmesbury Matthew Westminster and others record But God who is propitious to people in their greatest extremities suffered not England to lye long fluctuating in so many calamities For this barbarous Tyrant Swane after innumerable evils and cruelties perpetrated in England and elsewhere added this to the heap of his further damnation that he Exacted a great Tribute out of the Town of St. Edmondsbury Anno 1014. which none ever before presumed to doe since it was given to the Church wherein the body of the precious Martyr St. Edmond lieth intombed all the lands thereof being exempted from Tributes Beginning to vex the possessions of the Church and threatning to burn the Town and destroy all the Monks unless they speedily paid him the Tribute he exacted and using reproachfull speeches against St. Edmond as having no holiness in him he was suddenly struck dead and ended his life on the Feast of the Purification of the blessed Virgin Anno 1014. Our Monkish Historians record That on the Evening of the day whereon he held a general Court at Geâ—gnesburgh â—eiâ—erating his menaces against the Town and ready to put them in execution for not paying the Tribute demanded he saw St. Edmond comming alone armed against him whiles he was invironed in the midst of his Danish Troops whereupon he presently cried out with great affright and a lowd voice Help O fellow Souldiers help behold St. Edmond comes to slay me and whiles he was thus speaking being grievously wounded with a spear by the Saint he fell off from his horse and continued in great torment till night and so ended his life with a miserable death Swane being dead the whole Navy and Nation of the Danes Elected and made Cnute his son their King and Lord Majores Natu totius Angliae The Nobles and Senators of all England â—iking nothing â—eâ—s than bondage especially under such new tyrannizing forein Intruders thinking it now or never the time to shake ofâ— their new yoak pronounced their Natural Lord to be dearer to them than any Foreiner Si 〈◊〉 se quam consueverat ageret Whereupon with unanimous consent and great joy and speed they sent mâ—ssengers into Normandy to Ethelred to inform him Nullum eo libentius se in Regem recepturos si ipse vel rectius gubernare vel mitius eos tractare vellet quam prius tractaverat and to hasten his return unto them Who thereupon presently sent over his son Edward qui fidem Principum favorâ—mque vulgi praesens specularetur who together with his Embassadors assured both the Nobles and Commons of the English Nation That he would for time to come be their mild and devout Lord consent to their wills in all things acquiesce in their Counsels and if he had offended in any kinde he would reform it according as they should think â—it and with a ready mind pardon whatsoever had beed contemptuously or disgraceâ—ully spoken or acted by them agaiâ—st him or his if they would all unanimously receive him again as their King into the Kingdom To which they all gave a favourable and satisfactory answer Whereupon a plenary reconciliation was ratified between them on both sides both bâ— words and comâ—act Moreover The Nobles unanimously and fréely agreed and voted That they would never more admit a Danish King into England to reign over them Theâ—e things concâ—uded King Ethelred speedily returns into England where he was honourably and joyfully received by the English And that he might seem to caâ—t off his former sloathfulness he hastned to raise an Army against Cnute who remaining with hiâ— Navy in Lindesey made an agreement with the inhabitants exacting men and horses from them that he might surprise Ethelred at unawares and threatning grievously to punish all such as revolted from him But Cnute being taken in his own craft Ethelred marching thither with a strong army before he was proâ—ided to receive him fled from thence with his Hostages Army and Navy to Sandwich whereupon Ethelred depopulated all Lindesey wasting the Country wiâ—h fire and sword slaying all the Inhabitants as Traitors to him and â—heir Naâ—ive Country Cnute â— by way of revenge humano et divino Iure contempto in insontes grassatus cuts oâ—f the hands and ears and â—â—its the Noses of all the most Noble and beautiful Hostages throughout England given to his father and so dismissing them sailed into Denmark to settle his affairs and augment his forces resolving to return the year following After his departure King Ethelred this very yearâ— Super haec omnia mala Classi quae
of their Native Country King Laws Liberties Properties Estates Lives against forein Invaders and â—â—urpers 2ly Because they more or less relate to my forementioned Propositions touch-the fundamental Rights Liberties Properties of the English Nation 3ly Because they shew forth unto us the true original grounds causes motives necessities and manner of granting the very first Civil Tax and Tribute mentioned in our Histories by the King and his Nobles in their General Councils to the Danish invaders to purchase peace and the true nature use of our antient Danegelt and rectifie some mistakes in our common late Eâ—glish Historians Immediately after King Ethelreds decease Episcopi Abbates Duces et quique Nobiliores Angliae in unum congregati as Wâ—gornienâ—â—s Hoveden Sâ—meon Dunelmeâ—â—is Radulphus de Diceto Bromton â— Or Maxima pars Regni tam Clericorum quam Laicorum in unum congregati as Matthew VVestminster â— Or Proceres Regni cum Clero as Knâ—â—hton expresses iâ— Pari consensu in Dominum et Regem Canntum eligere All the Bishops Abbots Dukes and Nobles of England and the greatest part of the chief Clergy and Laity assembled together in a kind of Parliamentary Counciâ—◠〈◊〉 unanimous consent elected Cnute for their Lord aâ—â— King notwithstanding their solemn Vow and Engagement but the year before never to suffer a Danish King to reign over them Whereupon â—heâ— all repaired to Cnute to Southampton omnemque Progeniem Regis Ethelredi coram illo abhorrentes et abnegando repudiantes aâ— Wigorniensis Huntindon Knyghton and others record and there in his presence abhorring and utterly renouncing and abjuring all the Progeny of King Ethelred they submitted themselves and swore fealty to him as to their only King and Soveraign he reciprocally then swearing unto them That he would be a faithfull Lord unto themâ— both in things appertaining to God and the World which our Historians thus express Quibus ille juravit quod secundum Deum secundum seculum fidelis illis foret Dominus Only the City of London anâ— part of the Nobles then in it unanimously chose and cryed up Ed. Ironside King Ethelreds 3. son by Elgina his first Wife Daughter to Duke Thored as Speed and oâ—hers relate though Matthew Westminstâ—r and others register his birâ—h Non ex Emma Regina sed ex quadam ignobili foemina generatus qui utique matris suae ignobilitatem generis mentis ingenuitate corporis streuuit te redintegrando redemit After Edmonds election he was crowned King by Liuing Archbishop of Canterbury at Kingston upon Thames where our Kiugs in that age were usually crowned No sooner was he thus advanced to the Regal dignity but he presently marched undauntedly into VVest-Sex and being there receiâ—ed by all the People with great gratulation and joy he moâ—t speedily subjâ—cted it to his Dominion Which being divulg'd in other parts many Counties of England deserting Cnute voluntarily submitted themselves unto him such is the fickleness of â—he People unconstancy of worldly power and affairs Cnute in â—he mean time to be revenged of the Londoners for making Edmond King marched to London with his whole Army and Fleet besieged and blocked up the City with his Ships drawn up the Thames on the West-side of the Bridge and then drew a large and deep trench round about the City from the Southside of the River whereby he intercepted all ingress and egress to the Citizens and others whom he shut up so close that none could go in or out of the City and endeavoured by many strong assaults to force it but being still repulsed by the Citizenâ— who valiantly defended the walls he left off the siege with great confusion and loss as well as dishonor Thence he marched with his Army into Dorsetshire to subdue it Where King Edmond meeting him with such forces as he could suddenly raise gave him battel at Penham near Gillingham where after a blâ—udy and cruel encounter he put Cnute and his Army to flight and slew many of them Not long after they recruiting their forces both Armies meeting at Steorstan King Edmond resolving there to give Cnute battel placed the most expert and valiantest of his Souldiers in the front and the rest of the English who came flocking in to him he kept for a reserve in the rear Then calling upon every of them by name he exhorted and informâ—d them That they now fought for their Country for their Children for their Wives for their Houses and Liberties inâ—laming the minds of his Souldiers with his excellent Speeches in this battel with the Enemy he exercised the Oâ—fices of a valiant Soldier and good General charging very couragiously But because that most perâ—idious Duke Edric Almar and Algar and others of the great men who ought to have assisted him with the Inhabitants of Southampton VViltshire and innumeâ—able other English joyned with the Danes the battel continued all day from morning to night with equal fortune till both sides being tiâ—ed out and many of each party slain the night constrained them to march one from another But their bloud not being cold the next day they buckled together again with no less courage than before till at last in the very heat of the battel the most perfidious Duke Edric perceiving the Danes like to be totally routed and the English in great forwardness of victory cut off the head of a Souldier named Osmeranus very like to King Edmund both in hair and countenance and shaking his bloody sword with the half gasping head in his hand which he lifted up on high cryed out to the English Army O ye Dorsetshire men Devonshire men and othâ—r English flee and get away for your head is lost beâ—old here is the head of your King Edmund which I hold in my hand therefore hasten hence with all speed and save your lives Which when the English heard and saw they were more affrighted with the atrocity of the thing than with the belief of the Speaker whereupon all the more unconstant of the Army were ready to fly away But Edmond having present notice of this treacherous stratagem and seeing his men ready to give over the fight hasted where he might be best seen and posting from rank to rank encouraged them to fight like Englishmen who thereupon resuming their courage charged the Danes more fiercely than beâ—ore and bending their force against the Traytor had shot him to death but that he retreated presently to the Enemy the English reviving and manfully continuing the battel again till the darkness of the night caused both Armies voluntarily to retreat from each other into their Tents When much of the night was spent Cnute commanded his men in great silence to break up their Camp and marched to his Ships and soon after whiles King Edmond was recruiting his Army in West-Sex besieged London againâ— whereupon Edmond marching to London with a select company of Souldiers chased Cnute and his Army to their ships removed the
or Orencester not Winchester the 4th year of his reign wherin by the Counsel of Queen Emma and of his Bishops and Barons he placed Monks in the Monasterie of Bederichesiorthe where St. Edmund was interred and endowed the Monastery of St. Edmond with so many farmes and other goods as made it one of the richest in all England as those Historians witness Whose Name and date the ignorant comâ—iler oâ— this Manuscript mistook whose Antiquitie and reputation is very suspiâ—ious as Sir Henry Spelman informs us First because Sir Henry could never gain the sight of it from Sir Edward Cook though he oft-times promised to lend it him to peruse for his satisfaction And that which dares not abide the sight and test of such a judicious learned Antiquary when desired may justly be deemed an Imposture 2ly Sir Henry Spelman conceives the Author of this Manuscript writ not before the end of King Henry the 3d if so soon seeing he calls the Great Council of the Realm so frequently a Parliament which Title was not given it in Manuscripts or Historians till the end of King Henry the 3d. or aâ—ter his reign And Wigorniensis Matthew Westminster Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis all stile it onely CONCILIUM not Parliamentum 3ly Because he certainly mistakes in his Chronology in making Aegelnoth Archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of King Hardecnute when as he died and Eadsi was made Archbishop thereof two years before Hardicnuâ—es reign which Eadsi crown'd him King as Matt. Westminster An. 1038. together with Matthew Parker and Godwin attest And therefore he might as grosly mistake in other things 4ly It appears by the recital it self that it was writ above 130 years at least after this Council under Cnute because it recites it preceeded the Decrees made so long after under Pope Eugenius An. 1150. 5ly The form of the Prologue Haec sunt Statuta c. coupled with ad suum convocans Parliamentum in suo publico Parliamento and aliis Episcopis ipsorum Suffraganeis prove it not to be written before King Edward the first his reign when such phrases came first in vse Sir Edward Cooke himself informing us in his Epistle that in Cnute his reign such State-Assemblies were stiled Uenerandum Concilium Sapientum sic enim apuâ— majores Parliamentum illud Latine redditur 6ly Becauâ—e it â—ubjoins cum quamplurimis gregarâ—s militibus ac cum populi multitudine copiosa as if â—hey had been personally present in this Parliamentary Council as well as the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Dukes and Nobles of which there is not one syllable in our four antient Historians which mention this Council at Cirencester Neither can these Gregarii milites be intended Knights of shires nor populi multitudine copiosa Commoners or Burgesses elected to serve in Parliament by and for the people as Sir Edward Cooke and others fancy there being no mâ—ntion of any such chosen Kngihâ—s of Counties Citizens Burgesses or Commons in that or succeeding ages till about the reign of King Hâ—nry the 3d. but only ordinary Souldiers and the Vulgar sort of people admitted to be present in the Council at the reading and passing of the Charter to St. Edmond as they are now admitted into the Lords House together with the Knights and Burgesses at the beginnings and ending of our Parliaments and upon publike Trials Conferences and Occasions at which times there are more common people ten to one usually present to see and hear what is acted who are no members then there are Members of the Commons House which never sate together with the Lords for ought appears much less in this Parliament as some confidently inferr â—rom this Spurious Aâ—tiquity which Sir Edward Cooke little versed in Antiquities and oft mistaken in them so much magnifies and insists on In the year of Christ 1021. King Cnute uppon occasions and offences taken by him banished Duke Turkell to whom he had formerly committed East England with Edgitha his wife and Hirc Duke of Northumberland out of England Turkell no sooner arived in Denmark but he was there slain by the Dukes of the Country by divine vengeance he being a chief inciter of the death of St. Alphege The English Danes An. 1022. in Colloquio apud Oxoniam celebrato de Legibus Regi Edwardi prâ—mitenendis coucorâ—es facti sunt Unde â—isdem Legibus jubente Rege Cnutone ab Anglica lingua in Latinam translatis tà m in Dania quà m in Angliaâ— propter earum aequitatem à Rege praefato observari jubentur as Mat. Westminster relates Anno 1022. So as he imposed no New Laws on them nor revived old but only by common consent in a Parliamentary Council both of English and Danes King Cnute in the year 1023. did so carefully endeavour to reform all things wherein himâ—elf or his Ancestors had offended as he seemed to wipe away Prioris Injustitiae Naevum the Blot of his former Injustice as well with God as with men And by the exhortation of Queen Emma studying to reconcile all the English to himself he bestowed many Gifts upon them et insuper bonas Leges omnibus et placentes promisit and moreover promised good and pleasing Lawes to all The best means to win and knit the peoples hearts Anno 1024. Cnute leading an Army of English and Danes against the Swedes whereof he lost many in the first battel the next day when he appointed again to fight with them Earl Godwin General of the Enlish Militia without King Cnutes privity resolved with his English forces alone to invade the Swedish Enemies in the night Whereupon using this Speech to his Souldiers ut pristinae gloriae memores robur suum oculis novi Domini assererent c. they alâ— valiantly assaulted the Enemies at unawares put them all to flight slew an innumerable multitude of them and compelled the Kings of that Nation Ulf and Eglaf to yield to terms of Peace Cnute preparing to fight very early the next morning thought the English had been either fled away or revoâ—ted to the Enemies but marching to the Enemies tents and finding nothing but the bloud and carcasses of those the English had slain he thereupon ever after had the English in great esteem who by this their Victory Comitatum Duci sibi laudem paraverunt writes Malmsbury Cnute returning joyfull of this Victory into England and bestowing an Earldom on Godwin for this Service In the year 1027. Cnute hearing that the Norwegians disesteemed Olaus their King by reason of his simplicity bribed his Nobles with great sums of gold and silver to reject Olaus and elect him for their King which they promising to do the next year he failed into Norwey with 50 ships thrust Olaus out of his kingdom by consent of his Nobles and subdued his Realm to himself wheâ—ce returning into England An. 1029. Hâ—conem Danicum Comitem quasi Legationis causa in Exilium misit
express Convenerunt apud Oxoniam ad Colloquium as Mat. Westm. or Placitum magnum as Huntindon and others stile it Proceres Regni Vt de novo Rege creando tractarent ibidem All the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a great Parliamentary Council or Court at Oxford that they might consult about the electiction of a New King which they would not have done had Harold been made King of England before by Cnute in his life time â— Leofric Earl of Chester and the rest of the Nobles on the Northside of the Thames with all the Danish Princes and Londoners who by conversing with the Danes amongst them were corrupted wiâ—h their vices and addicted to their party elected Harold Son of Cnute by his Concubine Algiva whom â—ome aver to be the son of a Tayler for their King But Godwin Earl of Kent with the Princes of the Western part of England contradicting them would rather have elected Harde-Cnute son of Cnute by Queen Emma or one of the Sons of King Eâ—helred and Emma then in Normandy After great strife and debate between the Nobles about the Election because Harold was there personally present but Harde-Cnute then in Denmark and Alfred and Edward in Normandy Harolds party prevailed against Earl Godwins qui tandem vi numero minor cessit violentiae Whereupon Harold was presently crowned King at Oxford by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury though at first he was very unwilling to perform that service For it is reported of him that he having the regal Scepter and Crown in his custody refused with an Oath to consecrate any other for King so long as Queen Emma her children were living for said she Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crown therefore I here lay down upon the Altar neither do I deny nor deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolick Authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither that they consecrate him King therewith as for your self if you dare you may usurp that which I have committed to God on this Table Notwithstanding this great thunderclap being allayed with the showers of Golden promises of his just good and religious government intended though present experience manifested the contrary he was crowned by him Anno Anno. 1035. Henry Huntindon and others write That they elected him King only to keep the kingdom for his Brother Harde-Cnute then in Denmark Harold and the Nobles of West-Sex who opposed his election upon advice taken resolved that Qneen Emma wife of the deceased King should keep West-Sex and Winchester for the use of her Son Harde Cnute and that Earl Godwin should be their Captain in military affairs Roger Hoveden and others record That Harold being elected King by the consent of the major part of the Nobles of England obtained the royal dignity and began to reign quia justus haeres because he was a lawfull heir yet he reigned not so powerfully as Cnute quia justior haeres expectabatur Harde Cnutus because a juâ—ter heir Haâ—de Cnute was expected By reason of this disagreement amongst the Nobles to please both parties the kingdom of England was therupon divided by Lot Harold enjoying the Northern part thereof and Harde-Cnutes friends retaining the Southern part of it for his use No sooner was Harold crowned King but to secure himself the better in his Throne he presently posted to Winchester with his forces where tyrannically and forcibly taking away all the Treasures and goods which Cnute had left to Queen Emma his Mother-in-law he banished her out of England into Flanders some write she was thus banished by the secret Counsel and treachery of Earl Godwin whom she had made General of her forces for her preservation who proved unconstant and a Traytor to her and her children where in this her distresse she was honourably entertained by Earl Baldwin In the year 1036. Alfred eldest Son of King Ethelred comming over to claim his right in the Crown was with his Norman associates betrayed and murdered by the treachery of Earl Godwin of which I finde these several different relations in our Historians Matthew Westminster Ranulphus Cistrensis and others out of them record that Alfred being in Normandy and hearing of the death of Cnute came into England with 23. chosen ships full of Souldiers ut paternum regnum de Iure sibi debitum vel pacificè vel si necessitas cogeret armatorum praesidio obtineret that he might obtain his fathers kingdom of right due unto him either peaceably or if necessity compelled by force of arms Who ariving with his forces at Sandwich Port came as far as Canterbury When Godwin Earl of Kent knew of his comming he went to meet him and receiving him in his fidelity the very next night following compleated â—he part of the Traytor Iudas upon him and his fellow-Souldiers For after kisses of peace given and joyful banquets in the silence of the midnight when as Alfred and his companions had given their Members to sleep they were all taken unarmed in their beds suspecting no harm by a multitude of armed men rushing in upon them and their hands being tyed behind their backs they were compelled to sit down in order one by another Where sitting in this manner nine of them were always beheaded but the tenth dismissed and his life reserved for a â—ime These things were acted at Gildeford a royal Town But when it seemed to be Traitor Godwin that there were more yet remaining alive of them than was profitable he coÌ„manded them to be tithed over again as before and so very few of them remained alive But young Alfred every way worthy of royal honour he sent bound to the City of London to King Harold that therby he might find greater favor with him with those few of his followers who remained undecimated So soon as the King saw young Alfred he caused him â—o be sent to the Isle of Ely and there to have his eyes pulled out of the pain whereof he soon after died but he slew all his Souldiers too perniciously Florentius Wigorniensis Roger de Hoveden Simeou Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Mr. Fox and others relate That the innocent Princes Alfred and Edward sons of King Ethelred came out of Normandy where they had long resided with their Uncle Richard into England accompanied with many Norman Souldiers transporâ—ed in a few ships to conferr with their Mother Emma â—hen residing at Winchester Which some potent men especially Earl Godwin â—s was reported took very unworthily and grievously because licet injustum â—sset although it were unjust they were more devoted to Harold than to Alfred Whereupou Harold perswaded King Harde-Cnute and the Lords not to suffer those Normans to be within the Realm for jeopardy but rather to punish them for example by which means he got authority to order the matter himself Wherefore he met
them on Guild-down and there seised upon Prince Alfred and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold as he had commanded And apprehending all his followers he ransacked some of them others of them he put in chains and afterwards put out their eyes some of them he tormented and punished by pulling off the skin from their heads and cutting off their hands and feet many of them he likewise commanded to be sold and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford with various and cruel deaths whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice seeing â—heir bodies were so cruelly slain in the fields without any fault which Queen Emma hearing of sent back her son Edward who remained with her with greatest haste into Normandy After which by the command of Earl Godwin and some others Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship where he no sooner arived but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out and so being led to the Monastery was delivered to the Monks to be kept where he soon after died and was there interred Some add that after Alfreds eyes were put out his belly was opened and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about till all his intrails were extracted in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 21. relates that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred whom he twice decimateâ— at Gildeford that he â—ipped up their bellies and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes that were reared and pyght in the ground and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae and Speed out of him writes That Harold was no sooner established King but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way and maliciously purposing took counsel how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma that so all occasions of danger against him might at once for all be cut off Many projects propounded this lastly took effect that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred â—o instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Harold against their right The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed This Letter being cunningly carried digested by Alfred as savoâ—ing of no falshood he returned answer he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs which Harold being informed of forelayes the coasts to apprehand him Upon his comming on shore in England Earl Godwin met him and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma but being wrought firm for Harold treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies there tithed and murthered them as aforesaid Henry Huntindon the Chroâ—icle of Bromton William Caxton in his Chronicle and another Historian mentioned by Mr. Fox record that this murther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Alfred and Edward intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother and to make him King of England and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England to the intent he might make Harold his own son by Cnutes daughter or sister maried to him King as some of these affirm Others of them relate that he intended only to destroy Alfred being an Englishman by the Father but a Norman by the Mother whom he foresaw to be a person of such honour and courage that he would disdain to mary his daughter or to be swayed by him and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother and to make him King as being of a more milde and simple disposition apt to be ruled by him Hereupon Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing It fell out that the Messengers sent into Normandy found only Alfred there Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw Ironsides son When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings he thanked God and in all hast sped him to England ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred and many of his fellow-Souldiers of like age who were Normans Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England That Alfred had brought over too great a company of Normans with him and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation amongst them That these ought to undergoe exemplary punishment lest others by reason of their alliance to the King should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English And then posting to Southampton welcomed and received Alfred with much joy pretending to conduct him â—afe to London where the Barons waited for to make him King and expected his comming and so they passed forth together towards London But when they came to Guild-down Godwin said to Alfredâ— Lock round about thee on thy right hand and left and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God presently promiâ—ed that if iâ— happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and acceptable both to God and Man Which words were no sooner uttered but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company and after that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely and there to put out both his eys and to pull out his bowels which they accordingly executed as aforesaid And so died this innocent Alfâ—ed right heir to the Crown through the Treason of wicked Godwin When the Lords of England heard thereof and how Alfred that should have been their Kingâ— was put to deathâ— through the false Treason of Godwin against their wills 〈◊〉 were â—onderâ—ull sorrowâ—ull and wrâ—th and swore before God and Man that he should die a worser Death than did Edric which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside and would immediately have put him to death but that the Traytor fled and escaped into Denmark and there continued 4. yeares and more and lost all his Lands Rents Goods and Chattels in England confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason These Historians though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous barbarous murders by the joynt or separate
treacherie of Earl Godwin and his son Harold Which how fatal it proved to them both by Gods avenging Justice you shall hear in its due place and what divine vengeance it drew at last on the whole English Nation religious and judicious Mr. Iohn Fox informes us in these words This cruel fact of Godwin and his men against the innocent Normans whether it came of himself or of the Kings setting on seemeth to me to be the cause why the justice of God did shortly after avenge the quarrel of these Normans in conquering and subduing the English Nation by William the Conquerour and the Normans which came with him For so just and right it was that as the Normans coming with a natural English Prince were murdered of English men so afterwards the Englishmen should be slain and conquered by the Normans coming with a forein King being none of their natural Country After the bâ—nishment of Queen Emma out of and murder of Prince Alfred in England Harde-Cnute delaying the time in Denmark and deferring his coming inâ—o England thereupon Harold formerly King only of â—he Mercians and Northumbrians that he might râ—ign over all England in the year 1037. A Principibâ—s et omni Populo Rex eligitâ—râ— was elected King by all the Nobles and People Harde-Cnutus verò quia in Denmarchia mansâ—rat et ad Anglian ut rogabatur venire distulit penitus abjicitur as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Bromton Radulphus de Diceto and others inform us After which King Harold degenerating from Cnute his Father in all things took no care at all either of military or civil affairs nor of his own Courtly honour doing only his own will and contrary to his royal estate going more willingly on foot of which he was so swift that he was named Harefoot than riding on Horseback In his dayes there were rendred and paid to 16 Ships from every Port not In-land Towns 8. marks of Silver as in the time of his Father as Henry Huntindon records to which Iohn Speed subjoynes This Dane seeing his hazards prevented sought to secure himself and wâ—th 16 Ships of the Danish Fleet kept the Seas which continued ever in a readiness and wafted from port to port to the maintenance whereof he charged the English with great payments to their no little grudge and reviling whereby he lost the love of his Subjects before it hâ—d taken root in their hearts Neither held he long those disloyal courses for that his speedy death did cut off the infamy of a longer life he dying at Oxford where he was elected King without wife or children to survive his person or revive his name when he had reigned only 4. years and as many moneths Anno 1040. Upon the death of Harold Proceres tam Anglorum quam Danorum in unum concordantes sententiam the Nobâ—es both of the English and Danes assembling together in a Parliamentary Council and concording in one opinion sent Embassadours to Harde-Cnute then at Bruges in Flanders visiting Queen Emma his Mother where he had made great preparation of ships and land-forces to recover the Crown of England which belonged to him both by birth and compact from his brother Harold beseeching him to make hast into England and to take possession of the Crown thereof Whereupon he immediately consenting to the Counsel of the Nobles came speedily into England with 60 as some or 40 ships as others write furnished with Danish Souldiers and Mariners where he was recâ—ived with great joy elected King both by the English and Danes and solemnly crowned at London by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury Soon after he commanded Alfric Archbishop of Yorke Earl Godwin and others to digg up the interred corps of his brother King Harold out of his grave in London and his head to be cut off by the hangman and then both head and corps to be thrown into the Common sink and after that into the Thames And that partly in revenge of the injuries done by him to his Mother Queen Emma in banishing and spoiling her of her money and jewels against all right and justice and partly for his unjust invasion of the Crown of England but in truth as a just retaliation of his barbarous cruelty to Prince Alfred and his Normans For whose treacherous inhumane slaughter King Harde-Cnute deprived Alfred Bishop of Worcester of his Bishoprick whose hands were said to have been in Alfreds bloud And for which murder he likewise looked with an evil eye upon Earl Godwin compelling him to an Oath of Purgation touching the same Whereupon Godwin by his own Oath and the Oaths of most of the Nobles of the Realm his compurgators sworeâ— though most falsly That Prince Alfreds eyes were not put out nor he murdered as aforesaid by his Counsel or consent but what was done therein was only by the command of King Harold which he durst not resist Notwithstanding which Oath to purchase his peace with Harde-Cnute he presented him with a most rich and royal present to wit with a Ship whose stern was of gold with 80 Souldiers placed therein all uniformly and richly suited having on their heads gilt Burgonets on their armes bracelets of Gold on their bodies Habergeons Swords Battel-axes Targets and other arms after the Danish fashion all richly gilt with gilt bosses and darts in their hands Which Present though it pacified the Kings indignation yet it prevented not Gods avenging justice on him afterwards for Alfreds bloud thus partly avenged on Harolds carcasse which was cast into the Thames and mangled according to Hard-Cnutes command and lay floting on the water sundry dayes till a Fisherman in compassion took up his corps and buried it privately in St. Clements Danes Soon after Harde-Cnute in the second year of his reign commanded 8. Marks to be paid to every Mariner Some write 20. others 30. marks to every Shipwright of his Danish Navy besides a vast sum of money to his Land-Army Hujus anno secundo redditus est Census Exercitui Dacorum scilicet 21000 lib. 89 lib. Et posteà sunt redditae 32. puppibus 11000 lib. 48. lib. writes Henry Huntindon Tributum inexorabile et importabile Angliae imposuit ut Classiariis suis per singulas nâ—ves viginâ—i â—ac triginti marcas ex pollicito pensitaret Quod dum importune per Angliam exigitur duo infestius hoc munus exequentes a Wigorniae Civibus extincti sunt as Will of Malmsbury expresseth it Hic etiam contra omnem spem octo Marcas unicuique remigi Classis suae de importabili tributo Angliae solvi fecit So Bromton Which â—lorentius Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Matthew Westminster Polychronicon Caxton Fabian Holinshed Grafton and Speed thus more at large relate Anno 1040. Octo Marcas unicuique suae classis Remigi et 12. unicuique gubernatori de tota Anglia praecepit dependi Tributum videlicet tam grave ut
disclaiming all Danish subjection that especially for the contâ—mpts which the English had very often received from the Danes For if a Dane had met an Englishmâ—n upon any bridge the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a â—oot but stand stâ—ll till the Dane was passed quiâ—e over it And morâ—over if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Dâ—nâ—s they should presently have undergoâ—e great punishments and stripes Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead the English rising up against them drove all the Danes being then without a King and Captainâ— out of the Realm of England who speedily quâ—tting the land never returned into it afterwards And here we may justly stand still a while and contemplate the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity King Cnute as you heard before caused the temporizing English Bishops Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parliamentary Council against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another to renounce cast off and abjure their regall Posterity to make them incapable of the Crowne of England and settle the inheritancâ— of iâ— upon him and his Danish blood Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council of their own accords by a solemn Decree aâ—d Oath abjure renounce and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty which they had formerly disclaimed such are the vicissitudes of divine â—ustice and providence worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live when no man knoweth what changes of like nature one day or year may bring forth The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution turned the mout of all the Castles Forts Garrisons Cities Villages thâ—oughout England as well those of the Royall and Noble blood â— as the vulgar sort and forced them to depart the Realm as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles Procâ—reâ— igitur Anglorum jam DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion for so much of God of his mercy and providence who is the maker of heirs thought good after the woâ—ull captivity of the English Nation to grant them some respite of deliverance in taking away the Danish Kings without any issue left behinde them who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years and from their first landing in the time of King Brictricus wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute they thereupon assembling together in a great Council with a generall consent elected Prince Edward surnamed the Confessor the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred for their King who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPULO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR as Mat. Westminster relates whereupon Edward being then in Normandy where he had long lived in exile being a man of a gentle and soft spirit more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own naturally so averse from all war bloodshed that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown the Lords sent messengers to him to come over and take pâ—aceable possession of the Kingdome of England they having chosen him for their King advising him to bring with him as few Normans as he could and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne Edward though at first he much doubted what course to stear somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers who informed him melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Imperio quà m ignominiosus moriaâ—ur in exiliâ— JURE EI COMPETERE REGNUM aevo maturo laboribus defaecato scieâ—ti administrare principatum per aetatenâ— severè miserias Provinciâ—lium pro pristina aequitate temperare c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges and an oath given for his security he came into England with a small train of Normans where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people Nec mora Gilingâ—am or rather Lâ—ndoniam â— CONGREGATO CONCILIO rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit Dominio palam ab omnibus daâ—o as Malmsbury or electus â—st in Regem ab omni populo as Huntindon and others expresse it After which on Easter day Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester with great pomp by Eadsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury by the unanimouâ— consent of the Archbishops Bishops Nobles Cleâ—gie and people of Englaâ—d to their great joy and content without the least opposition war or blood-shed after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers Our Historians generally record that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury afterwards first Bishop of Wilton when King Cnute had banished and almost extinguished thâ— whole royal issue of the English race almost pâ—st any possibility or probabiâ—ity of their restitution to the Crown which he had forcibly invaded by the sword on a certain night fell into a sâ—d deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the English nation then almoâ—t quite deleted by the Danes and of the miserable condition of England under these forraign usurpers After which falling into a deep sleep he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself holding Prince Edward then an exile in Normandy by the hand and anointing him King in his sight who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be that his reign should be peaceable and that it should continue for 23 years After which Bryghtwold being yet unsatisfied who should succed him and doubting of Edwards off-spring demanded of S. Petâ—r who should succeed him whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer REGNUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI ET IPSE SIBI REGES or REGEM as some render it PROVIDEBIT The Realm of England is Gods Kiâ—gdome and he himself shall provide Kings or a King for himself according to his good pleasure Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MOTHERS WOMB as well as after Hardâ—-Cnute's death Take the relation of it in Abbot Ailreds words and of Brigâ—twolds vision likewise Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti filium suscepisset Eadmundum cognomento Ferreumlatus ex Regina autem Emma Aluredum beatus Edvardus inter Viscera materna conclusus utrique praeferiur agente â—o qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae qui dominatur in
act without their seeking as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interruption and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown to omit all others 6. That Crowns invaded ravished by force of armes and bloodshed are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity that of Curtius being an experimentall truth Non est diuâ—turna possessio in quam gladio inducimur All which we find experimentally verified in this History of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England worthy our special observation King Edw. coming to the Crown was not onely very charitable to the poor humble mercifull and just towards all men but also PLURES Lâ—GES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT quae pro majore paâ—te adhuc in regno tenerentur Whereupon about the year 1043. as the Chronâ—cle of Brompton William Caxton in his Chronicle and Mr. Selden inform us Earl Godwin a fugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred hearing of his piety and mercy resolved to return into England humbly to implore his mercy and grace that he might have his lands again that were confiscated having provided all things for his voyage he put to sea and arrived in Englanâ— and then posted to London UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament here he beseeched intreated his friends kindred who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship who having thereupon taken deliberate counsel among themselves led him with them before the King to seek his Grace But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON of the death of Alfred his brother and using these words unto him said THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN â— THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITâ—ROUSLY SLAIN To whom Godwin excusing himself answered My Lord and King saving your Revereâ—câ— and Grace Peace Lordship I never betrayed nor yeâ— slew your Brother unde super hoc pono me IN CONSIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE whence I put my sâ—lf upon the consideration and judgement of your Courâ— concerning this matter Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE c. Most dear Lords Earls and Barons of the land who are my Liege-men now here assembled you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer Volo quod inter Nos in iâ—ta appellatione RECTUM JUDICIUM DECERNATIS ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACIATIS I will that between us in this appeale you award right Iudgement and do due Iusticâ— COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRACTANTIBUS Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves some among thâ—m were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgemâ—nt herein For some said that Godwin was never obliged to the King so Bromton to Alfred writes Caxâ—on by homage service or fealty and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands But others said Quod Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus BELLUM CONTRA REGEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTâ—ST VADIARE That neither the Earl nor any Baron nor any Subject to the King could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal but ought wholy to put himself in his mercy and to offer him competent amends Then Leofric Earl of Chester or Coventry as Caxton a good man towards God and the world spake and said The Earl Godwin after the King is a man of the best parentage of all England and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred thâ— Kings Brother was slain wherefore I award as touching my parâ— that himself and his son and every of us DUODECIM COMITES the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen shâ—uld go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can carry between his arms offering that to him for his trespasse and submissively deprâ—cating that he woulâ— pardon all his rancour and ill-will to the Earle and receiving his homage and fealâ—y he would restore and redeliver his lands intirely to himâ— Vnto which award THEY ALL ACCORDING they all laded themselves with treasure in the manner aforesaid and gâ—ing to the King declared unto him the order and mannâ—r of their JUDGEMENT or AVVARD QUORUM CONSIDERATIONI REX CONTRADICERE NOLENS QUICQUID JUDICAVERANT PER OMNIA RATIâ—ICAVIT The King not willing to contradict them in any thing thâ—y had judged ratified the same in all things An agreement therefore being made between thâ—m in this manner the Earl presently regained all his lands The generality of our Historians as Bromâ—on confesseth deny that Godwin ever fled into Dâ—nmark or left England for the murder of Alfred they generally affâ—rming that he purged himself thereof though falsly CORAM PROCERIBUS before the Nobles in the reign of Harde-Cnute swearing with his compurgators that he never consented to his death NISI REGIA VI COACTUS but through compulsion by royall violence Recording likewise that after the death of King Harde-Cnute Prince Edward was called out of Normandy and elected King principally by the help and counsel of Earle Godwin himself who as Malmesbuâ—y and others write perswaded him to accept the Crown and precontracted with him before hâ— came into England Paciscatur ergo sibi amicitiam solidam filiis honores integros filiae matrimonium brevi futurum ut se Regem videat qui nunc vitae naufragus exul spei alterius opem implorat Utrinque fide data quicquid petebatur sacramento firmavit If there were then any such Parliament as this then held at London and such proceedings in it concerning Godwin it was most probably in the year 1043â— as I here place it And from these memorable proceedings in it we may observe 1. That there is mention onely of the King Earls and Barons present in this Parliament as members of it not of any Knights of shires Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which there is not one syllable 2. That the Earls and Barons in Parliament were the onely judges in that age in Parliament between the King and his Nobles subjects both in criminal and other causes there decided 3. That Peers in that age were onely tryed and judged by their Peers for treason and capitall offences 4. That appeals of Treason were then tryed in Parliament and the Earls and Barons the sole Judges of them and of what offences were Treason and what not 5. That the Bishops and Clergy in that age had no votes in matters of Treason and capitall offences 6. That the Judgement of Parliament then reâ—ted properly in the Earls and Barons not the King and that their judgement was not repealable by but obligatory to the
Danicos solidarios imposuerat as Brompton renders it in another place Roger de Hunedon Annalium pars 1. p. 441. Rodolphus de Diceto Abbreviatione Chronicorum col 145. â—â—e the same words Ailredus Abbas Rievallis de vita miraculis Edwardi Confessori Col. 383. thus relates it Insuper Tributum illud gravissimum quod tempore patris sui primo classi Danicae pendebâ—tur Postmodum vero fisco regio Annis singulis inferâ—batur regia liberalitate remisit et ab onere hoc importabili in perpetuum Angliam absolvit Vnde sancto huic regi non inconvenienter aptatur quod scriptum est Bâ—â—tus vir qui inventus sine macula qui post aurum non abiit nec speravit in pecuniae thesauris Post aurum non abiit quod potius dâ—spersit nec speravit in thesauris quos in Dei opere non tam minuit quam consumpsit Matthew Westminster records it in these words Anno gratiae 1051. Rex Edwardus A vectigali gravissimo Anglos absolvit quod patre vivente Danicis stipendâ—ariis Triginto octo millia librarum solvi consuevit Henry de Knighton De eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 9. fol. 233 1â— and Higden in his Polychronicon lib. 6. c. 24. f. 254. thus relate it Rex Edvardus absolvit Anglos a Gravi Tributo quod paâ—ur ejus Ethelredus Danicis solidariis solvi fecerat jam per 40. annos duraverat which Fabian in his Cronicle part 8. c. 210. p. 282. Graâ—ton in his Cronicle p. 170. Speed in his History p. 410. Holinshâ—ad and others thus expresse This King Enward discharged English men of the great and most heavy Tribute called Danegeld which his Father Ethelred had made them pay to the Souldiers of Denmark and had then dured 40. years So that after that day it was no more gathered Abbot Iuguphus Historiae pag. 897. thus records it more at large Eodem etiam Anno 1051. cum terra non daret solitâ fertilitate fructus suos sed fames plurimos habitatores devoraret in tantum ut bladuum carentia panis inopia multa hominum millia morierentur miserecordiâ motus super populum piâ—ssimus Rex Edwardus Tributum gravisimum quod Danigelo dicebatur omni Angliae in perpetuum relaxavit Ferunt quidam regem sanctissimum cum dictum DANIGELD cublcularii sui collectum in regis cameram infudissent ad videndum tanti Thesauri cumulum ipsum adduxissent ad primum aspectum exhorruisse protestantem Se daemonem super acervum pecuniae saltantem nimio gaudio exultantem prospexisse unde pristinis possessoribus jussit statim reddere de tam fera exactione ne jota unum voluit retinere quin in perpetuum remisit anno scilicet 38. ex quo tempore Regis Ethelredi patris sui Suanus Rex Danorum suo exercitui illud solvi singulis annis imperavit This History of the Devils dancing upon this Mony is thus more fully related by Roger de Honeden Annaliâ—m pars prior pag. 447. Item de eodem Rege Edvardo quadam die contigit quod cum praedistus Rex Anglorum Edwardus Regninâ comite Haraldo deducentibus aerarium suum intravit ut pecuniam videret magnam quam Regina Comes Haraldus Rege ipso nesciente colligissent ad opus Regis scilicet per singulos comitatus totius Angliae de unaquaque hida terrae quatuor denarios ut Rex inde contra natale Domini pannos emeret ad opus militum servientium suorum cumque Rex intrasset aerarium suum comitantibus Regnia Comite Haraldo videt diabolum sedentem inter Denarios illos ait illi Rex quid hic facis cui daemon respondit custodio hic pecuniam meam dixit Rex conjuro te per Patrem Filium Spiritum sanctum ut indices mihi Quamobrem pecunia ista tua est respondens dixit ei daemon Quia injuste accquisita est de substantia pauperum Illi autem qui illum comitabantur stabant stupefacti audientes quidem illos loquentes neminem autem videntes praeter solum Regem ait illis Rex Reddite denarios istos illis a quibus capti sunt fecerunt sicut praecepit illis Rex which is likewise remembred by Capgrave Surius Ribadeniera and others in the life of King Edward the Confessor From all which relations compared together it is apparent First That Dangeld was a great most heavy and intolerable Tribute first imposed in King Ethelreds reign to pay the Danish Navy and Souldiers then invading England to keep them from plundering and spoiling the people 2. That King Swane the invading and usurping Dane after he had gotten the power of this Realm imposed it annualy on the English and made it any early Tribute to pay his Army 3. That the Danish succeding Kings continued and made it a kind of annual revenue to cloath and pay their Souldiers and Marriners for sundry years together 4. That it was yearly paid unto the Kings Exchequer and reduced to a certainty to wit four pence a year out of every Hide or plough land thorowout England or else twelve pence or two shilings a year as the laws of Edward the Confessor the black Book of the Exchequâ—r and Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossaryâ— Title Danegold affirms 5. That King Edwards Officers after the Danish Kings expired reignes did collect it of the English Subjects without his privitie to cloath and pay his Souldiers and followers 6. That he out of mercy piety conscience and justice to his people not only restored it to them when collected and brought into his Exchequer without retaining one farthing of it but likewise for ever released it to them so that it was no more collected during his reign 7. That Taxes unjustly leavied upon the poor oppressed people are very pleasing and acceptable to the devill himself who claimes the money so collected for his own and that the Collectors and exacters of such Taxes though for the payment of Armies and Souldiers are really but the devils agents and instruments who will one day pay them their deserved wages 8. That heavy oppressions and taxes though for pretended publike necessities continued for many years together ought not onely to be eternally remitted but restored when collected by all conscientious piouâ— righteous mercifull Saintlike Kings and Governours 9. That illegall heavy Taxeâ— imposed by or for invading Usurpers if once submitted to and not strongly opposed by the generality of the people wil soon be claymed lâ—avied as a customary early legall revennue both by the imposers and their successors and hardly be laid down and discontinued again for the peoples ease 10. That this tax of Danegeld amounting but to thirty eight or fourty thousand poâ—nds in one whole year was in truth an heavy and intolerable burden and grievous oppression to the whole Nâ—tion fit to be abolished aâ—d released especially in times
themselves suspected thought it not safe for them to come thither without an armed Guard whereupon they encampâ—d at Brâ—verstone with a great host and there stayed giving out a report among the people that they had therefore gathered an Army together out of Kent Surry Yorkshire Oxfordshire Glocestershire Somersetshire Herfordshire Essâ—x Notinghamshire and other parts that they might curbe the Welshmen who meditating Tyranny and Rebellion against the King had fortified a Town in Herefordshire where Swane one of the Earl Godwins Sonnes then pretended to keep watch and ward against them The King hearing that Godwin and his Sonnâ—s had raised a great Army of men out of all these Counties upon this false pretext presently sent Messengers to Syward Earle of Northumberland and Leofric Earle of Mercia to hasten to him being in great danger with all the forces they could raise Who repairing to him at the first with small forces so soon as they knew how the matter went sending their Officers through their Coâ—ntries together with Earle Ralph in his Countrey speedily assembled a great Army to assist the King ready to encounter these enemies if there were a necessity In the mean time Godwin marching with his Army into Glocestershire sent messengers to the King as Matthew VVestminster and some others story commanding him to deliver up Earle Eustace with his companions the Normans Bonomans who then held the Castls of Dovâ—r to him else he should denounce war against him To whom the King being sufficiently furnished with military forces sent this answer That he would not deliver up Earl Eustace to him commanding moreover Ut qui exercitum contra ipsum collegerat sine eâ—us licentia pacem regnâ— perturbaverat veniret ad eum die statuta sâ—per hac injuria sibi responsurus juri pariturus Godwin and his Sonnes being accused of A CONSPIRACY against the King and made odious to the whole Court by the VVelshmen and Normans so that a rumor was spread abroad that the Kings Army would assault them in the same place where they quartered and were unanimously resolved and ready to fight with Godwins Army being much incensed against him if the King would have permitted them Quo accepto Godwinus ad Conjuratos classicum cecinit Ut ultro Domino regi non resisterent sed si conuenti suissent quin se ulciscerentur loco non cederent profecto facinus miserabile plus quam civile bellum fuisset nisi maturiora consilia interessent writes Malmsbury But because the best and greatest men of all England were engaged on the one side and other it seemed a great unadvisednesse to Earl Leofric and others that they should fight a battle and wage war with their own Countrymen and thereupon they advised That hostages being given on both sides the King and Godwin should meet at London on a certain day to plead togâ—ther which Counsel being approved of and mesâ—engers running to and fro between them hostages being given and received and some small agreement made between them at the present thereupon the Earle returned into VVest-Sax and the King increasing his Army both out of Mercia and Northumberland returned with them to London by agreement between both parties Iterumque praeceptum ut Londini Concilium coageretur and it was again commanded by the King that A COVNCEL or PARLIAMENT as Trevisa Speed and others render iâ— should be assembled at London Swane the Son of Godwin was commanded to mitigate the Kings anger by his flight Godwin and Harold were ordered to come to this Councel with twelve men only in their company and that they should resigne up to the King the services of all the Knights and Souldiers which they had thoroughout England But Godwin and his Sonnes as they durst not wage war against the King so ad Curiam ejus venire Iuri parituri negabant They would not come to his Court to put themselves upon a legal tryall alleadging That they would not goe to a Conventicle of factious persons without pledges and hostages that they would obey their Lord in the surrender of all their Knights services and in all things else without the perill of their honour and safety That if they came thither unarmed they might fear the losse of lifâ— if with a few followers it would be a reproach to their honour But the King being so resolute in his minde that he would not recede from what he had resolved by their intreaties â—pon their refusal to come unto his Court to justify themselves Rex in suo Concilio communi Curiae suae judicio by the common judgement of his Court in this Parliamentary Councel Et omnis exercitus unanimi consensu and by the unanimâ—us consent of his whole Army as Flo-rence of VVorcester and his followers subjoyne banished Godwin himself and his five Sons out of England whereupon prolatum Edictum est A Decree Proclamation was then published that within five dayes they should dâ—part out of England Godwin perceving that his souldiers deserted him some some â—or fear of the Kings Army and displeasure thereupon he and his wife Gâ—va and his three sonnes Swane Gurth and Tosti with his wife Iudith daughter to the Earle of Flanders departed presently out of England by the Isle of Thanet into Flanders to Earle Baldwin with much treasure but his other two soâ—nâ—s Harold and Leofric sailed by Bristol into Ireland Moreover the King put away his Qâ—een Edâ—tha for her Father Godwins sake thrust her into the Abbie of Warwel or Redwel without worship with one maid only to attend her committing her to the custody of the Abbess his own sister taking away all her substance without leaving her so much as one penny ne scilicet omnibus suis parentibus patriam suspirantâ—bus sola sterteret in pluma Harolds Earldom and County wâ—a bestowed on Algarus who ruled it nobly and he with good will resigned it up to Harold upon his returne These things being done William Duke of Normandy came to visit the King with a great multitude of Normans and Souldiers whom King Edward honorably received and magnificently entertained for a season carrying him about to all his royal Castles and Cities and at last sent back into Normandy with many and great presents bestowed on him and his followers De successione autem Regni spes adhuc aut menâ—io nulla facta inter eos fuit writes Iâ—gulphus King Edward In Parliamento Pleno having in Plain or full Parliament as Radulphus Cestrensis Knighton de eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 10. Trevisa and others relate thus banished and outlawed Godwin and his sons in which in condition as some write they continued two ful years Thereupon in the year 1052. Harold and Leofric by way of reveng coming out of Ireland with such ships and forces as they could there raise pâ—llaged the western parts of England â— infesting the shores with continual robberies carrying away rich booties
and slaying such as resisted them Then marching from Severn into the confines of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire they plundered many Towns and Villagâ—s in those parts against whom a great multitude assembled out of these two Counties making head were incountred and routed by Harold many of their chief Officers and others being slain After which they returning to their ships with great booties sailed round about by the shore to Plimoâ—th Upon this King Edward speedily sent forth forty ships well victualed and furnished with choice Souldiers commanding them to watch for and resist the coming and landing of Earle Godwin who without their privity coming with a few ships undescerned out of Flanders practised pyracy and pillaged the sea-coasts of Kent and Sussex and at last came to the Isle of Weight where his two sonnes Harold and Leofric joyning their ships and Forces with his they studiously plotted how they might aveng themselves upon King Edward by sea Griffin King of VVales in the mean time by their instigation depopulating Herefordshire by land slaying many of the Countrey people who resisted him On the Kings part there were about sixty ships assembled together to oppose Harold riding at anchor the Admirals of which Navy were the Earls Odo and Ralph the Kings kinsmen neither was the King himself sloathfull in this necessity lying all night on shipboard and diligently observing the excursions of these Pyrates executing that by sage counsel which by reason of age he could not act with his hand When both Navies were drawn near together and ready to grapple with and encounter each other a thick fogge and cloud sodainly arising blinded the eyes of these furiou persons and restrained the wretched audacity of these mortals so that they could not encounter each other Godwin with his companions being forced by the winds to returne from whence they came After which Godwin and his sonnes by secret messengers drew unto their party an innumerable company of the inhabitants of Kent Essex Sussex and Surry and all the Mariners of Hastings with many Souldiers and having drawn together a very great Army out of those parts who all promised with one voice To live and dye with Godwin forbearing all plunder and depopulation after they met together taking only victuals for their Army when occasion and necessity required and alluring all they could to their party they marched with their forces first to Sandwich Which the King hearing of being then at London speedily sent messengers to all who had not revolted from him to come with all speed to his assistance who delaying overlong came not at the time appointed In the mean while Godwin comes up the Thames with his Navy and Army toward London and pitched his Tents in Souâ—hwark near the City King Edward who was then at London had assembled a great company of armed men together and no small Navy to pursue Godwin and his sonnes both by Sea and Land But because very few with the King or Godwin had courage to fight with each other and the English whose sonnes Nephews Kinsmen and Friends were with Godwin and Harold refused to fight against their own parents kinred of the Kings party thereupon some wise men on both parts diligently endeavored to make a firme peace and reconciliation between the King and Godwin and commanded the Armies and Navies to forbear fighting Godwin being aged and potent both with his favour and tongue to bow the mindes of his auditors very well purged himself from all the things objected against him The next morning Rex habens cum Primaribus suis Concilio the King taking Counsel with his Nobles restored Godwin and all his sonnes except Swane who went on Pilgrimage barefoot to Ierusalem to expiate the murder of Beorne together with the Queen his daughter to their former honours Godwin giving his Sonne VVolnoth and Hake the Son of Swane his hostages to the King for his keeping of the peace and future loyaltie to hâ—m whom the King immediatly sent into Normandy to be kept there A concord and peace being thus made and ratified the King and Nobles omni populo bonas Leges rectam justitiam promiserunt promised good Laws and râ—ght Iusticâ— to all the people then they banished Robert arch-bishop o Canterbury Willâ—am Bâ—shop of London Vlfe Bishop of Dorchester and all the other Normans who incensâ—d and gave the King evill counsel against Earle Godwin and the English and had invented unjust laws and pronounced unjust judgements against them permitting only some few Normans nominated in our Histoâ—ians whom the King loved more than the rest and who had been faithfull to him and all the people to remain in England Not long after VVilliam Bishop of London was for his goodnesse recalled and restored to his Bishoprick but Stigand was made Archbishop of Canterbury in the place of Robert and Osburne and Hugh two Normans by birth leaving their Castles here went to the King of Scots who entertained them and so the land was freed from these forreign incendiaries Normannos omnes ignominâ notatos prolata Sententia in Robertum Archiepisâ— ejusque complices quod statum regni conturbarant animum Regis in provinciales agitantes Upon this sentence denounced Robert and others of them presently fled the Realme of their own accord withoâ—t expecting any actual violence to banish and expell them From all these memorable Historical passages as we may observe the great unconstancy vicissitude and changes of earthly Princes favours worldly honours preferments and popular favour with the great inconveniencies of admitting or advancing forreigners to any places of trust or power under the King or Court so we may likewise conclude that by the Law of that Age. 1. That no Englâ—sh man ought to be condemâ—ned executed imprisoned or put to death upon any great mans bare suggestion no not by the Kings owâ— speciall command which if given ought to be disobeyed in such cases but only by and after a Legall hearing tryall and conviction of the offence 2. That the Kings of England were then sworn and obliged to govern their people by good just and wholesome Laws and Customes not by their arbitrary pleasures powers or commands 3. That the Parliamentary Councels and Nobles in that age were very carefull to defend and maintain the Liberties Rights good Laws and Customs of the people and to prevent and abolish all unjust Laws and Encroachments repugnant to them 4. That Parliamentary Conncels were then frequently summoned by the King upon all publique emergent occasions and differences and to make war and peace either at home or in forreign parts 5. That the Parliamentary Councels of that time consisted of the Earles Barons Nobles and Praelates of the Realme duly summoned to them without any mention of Knights or Burgesses elected and sent to them by the people of which there are no presidents in this Kings reign Enough to prove Modus Tenendi Parliamentum supposed to be made and observed in this age a meere
of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously deparâ—ed from his service and refused to march wiâ—h him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus buâ—ied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satisfie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and abate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed but the King strictly charged them to forbear pluâ—dering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea anâ— he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard â—o the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldieâ—s he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innâ—merable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army wâ—re not come togetherâ— yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlâ—men and Freemen who
victoribus suis participarunt de caeter is in â—orum mores transeuntes Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via semitam sanctitatis trivisse Scio multos Laicos omnis generis conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse facessat ab hac relatione invidia non cunctos pariter hâ—c involvat calumnia Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum boâ—is fovet plaerumque Dei sereniâ—as ita in captivitate bonâ—s cum malis noâ—nunquam ejusdem constringit sevâ—ritas I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation perjury short and troublesom reign tragical death Duke Wâ—lliams claims to and manner of acquiring the Crown of England for this reason especially To refute the common received Error of some ignorant Historians of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age and of fundry temporizing Ignoramusses of my own robe who publickly averr in their Pamphlets Speeches Charges and Discourses that Duke William claimed and obtained the Crown of England only as a Conqueror and thereupon altered the antient Laws Customs of the Realm and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power as a Conqueror thereof Upon which false Ground they inferre That those in late and present Power coming in by the same Title of Conquest may lawfully give new Laws to impose what Taxes Government they please upon the English as well as Scotish and Irish as a meer conquered Nation by their own inherent authority seeing by the Laws of Warr regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will And hereby they justifie all their late Impositions Taxes Excises Sequestration Seisures Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation and many thousand private mens Estates by their Westminster and White-Hall Ordinances Edicts with the changes of our Government new-modellings of our Parliaments and all other irregular proceedings destructive to our Fundamental Rights Laws Liberties Government which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain without grant or consent by any free full lawfull English Parliaments Now to demolish all these their superstructures by subverting their â—alse Foundation of D. Williams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England both before at and after his Coronation as of right belonging to him by the promise gift contract gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side 2. That he alleged this gift and grant of the Crown to him to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury Earls Godwin Syward and other Nobles of the Realm ratified by special Messengers sent unto and Hostages delivered him for its performance and by Harâ—lds own solemn agreement and Oath sent to him by King Edward for that purpose as himself at least suggested to him which designation and grant of King Edward to William was no fiction but a truth confessed by all our Historians and Harold himself who by his answers never denyed but only endeavoured to evade it and voluntarily acknowledged by all the Nobles of England both at his Coronation and in Parliament it self in the 4. year of his reign 3. That after King Edwards decease divers of the Nobles would have elected William King in pursuance hereof but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power without the least right unto it or any election by the Lords or people setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred and thereby prevented Williams election to it 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles Prelates and other English sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown as due unto him promising hostages and their assistance to recover it 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold one after another before his landing insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy he appealed to the Pope and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown who declared his Title Lawfull and Just and thereupon encouraged assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold who would not otherwise depart from it 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right Title and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants as being his by right 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nation would march or engage with Harold against William and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel as conscious of Harolds usurpation perjury and Williams just cause against him however other causes were then pretended and amongst the rest his own Brother-in-laws the greatest Peers of the Realm Earl Morcar and Edwin deserted him in the fight 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain all the Prelates and Clergy generally except Abbot Frederick appeared for him and would not consent to set up Edgar though right heir 10. That after good deliberation all the Nobles Prelates Loâ—doners and others who first appeared for Edgar with the greatest pâ—rt of the Clergy people of the English Nation without the least fight or resistance or before any siege or summons from him together with Prince Edgar himself voluntarily went out and submitted themselves sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign at Berkhamsted and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King at his entry into London 11. That all the Prelates Clergy and Nobility soon after without any coercion upon his foresaid right and Title freely elected and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage and swore new Allegiance afresh unto him as their rightful Soveraign 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings to maâ—â—â—tan and defend the rights persons of all his people to govern them justly c. as became a good King which a King claiming by meer conquest would never do All these particulars are undeniable Evidences that Duke William never made the least pretence claim or title to the Crown and Realm of England only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation but meerly by Title as their true and lawfull King by designation adoption and cognation seconded with the Nobles Prelates Clergy and peoples unanimous election And although it be true that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possâ—ssion of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others
since his reign yet that neither did nor could make him a King by conquest only no more than these other Princes seeing the end of this warr was not against the whole English Nation the greatest part whereof secretly abbetted his interest but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold and his adherâ—nts not to create a Title to the Realm by his and their Conquest but to remove a Uâ—surper who invaded it without and against all right and to gain the actual possession thereof by armsâ— from which he was unjustly withheld by force against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made So that he got not the Right Title but only the actual possession of the Crown by his Sword not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title but as if he had been immediate heir and lawfull Successour to the Confessor who designed him to succeed him For â—uller confirmation whereof I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs 1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London as Mr Cambden informs us said That the kingdom was by Gods providence appointed and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious granted unto him and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his hâ—ir in the kingdom of England 2ly In his Charter to the Church of Westminstâ—r he resolves as much in direct terms where he recites In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devictâ— Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum bâ—neficio concessionis Domini Cognati mei gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM conati sunt auferre c. So that his Title was from Edward though his possession by the sword 3ly In the very Title of his Laws published in the 4th year of his reign which he was so far from altering that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament ratified confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of England upon Oath without any alteration praevarication or diminution he stiles himself or is stiled by the Collector of these Laws HEIR AND COSEN TO Edward the Confessor even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis quas in Anglia tenuit quas WILLIELMUS HAERES cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title Ego Henricus providente divina clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Willielmi magni Regis filius â— QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARIO JURE SUCCESCIT Iâ— REGNUM renouncing all Title by conquest and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right 4ly Earl William himself in none of his Charters Writs Speeches Writings ever stiled himself a Conquerour of England nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest after his inauguration which Title of Conqueror was afterwards out of the flattery or ignorance of the times given unto him by others Therefore the words which the History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy reports he used at his last breath The Regal Diadem which none of my Predecessors ever wore I got and gained by the Grace of God only I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England which all our Historians unanimously contradict affirming that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it at his death upon which Title only he enjoyed it but I commend the same to the eternal Creator whose I am in whose hands are all things For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right but by an humble conflict and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold and after I had either slain or put to flight his favourits and Servants I subdued the kingdom to my self must either be reputed false and fabulous as most esteem them or else have this construction that he gained the actuall possession of it against Harold and his adherents only by the Sword and that he had not an hereditary right thereto as next heir by descent to the Crown but only by adoâ—tion from and as heir by donation to King Edward as next of kin by the Mothers side which he made his only Title 5ly Those antient English Historians who first gave him the name of Conquerour did it not in a strict proper sence as if he were a meer universal Conquerour of the Nation disposing of all mens Estates persons and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure for that he never did but only as one who gained the actual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms conquering them by open battel in the field but still claiming it by gift conâ—ract and designation from King Edward as his Kinsman as an heir who forcibly outs a disâ—eisor and intruder comes in by Tiâ—le and Inheritance only though he gains the possession by force This is evident by the forecited words of Mathew Paris and this passage of Henry de Knyghton not extant in Hygden out of whom he seems to transcribe it Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Ducatum ideo Dux Regnum vero Angliae mero Conquestuâ— in respect of actual possession et clameo subscripto in respect of Title by claim by gift from King Edward Ideo Rex which claim and Title being backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates Clergy Nobilityâ— People and right heir to the Crown himself who all submitted and sware homage fealty and allegiance to him as their lawfull Kingâ— infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Title in a strict legal military sense even in the judgement of those antient and modern Historians who give him that Title but only in regard of Harold and his party and the actual possession which he got by conquest And in this sense alone is that Distick in the Chronicle of Bromton to be understood Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum Bello Conquestor eorum 6ly Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of dâ—cayed Aâ—tiquities learned Mr. Iohn Selden in his Review of the Hist. of Tithes p. 482 483. Sir Iohn Hayward in the liâ—e of King VVilliâ—m the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his first part of his Historical Discoursâ— of the uniformity of the Governmeâ—t of England chap. 44 45 46 55 56. to omit others most fully prove and assert That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England neither was nor properly could be by Conquest but by Title and by the free
Head Whereupon he as Ingulphus records going round about the Land paucos Rusticos relictos excoriavit Mercatores absorbuit Viduas Orphanos oppressit religiosos omnes tanquam conscios thesaurorum innumeris tormentis afflixit plucked oâ—f the Skins of the few Countrymen that were left swallowed up the Merchants oppressed the Widows and Orphans and afflicted all Religious Persons as conscious of hidâ—en Treasures with innumerable torments whence amongst very many evils he did Impoposing a Tribute of a thousand pounds uâ—on Godric the venerable Abbot of Croyland and his miserable Freers he almost undid the Monastery of Croyland For no man after that by reason of the overmuch Poverty of the place would come to conversion Yea Abbot Godric being unable to sustain his professed Monks dispersed many of the Monks amongst their Parents and other Friends of the Monastery through all the Country very few remaining with him in the Monastery â—nd protracting their life in greatest want Then all the Chalices of the said Monastery except 3. anâ— all the silver Vessels besides the Crucible of King Withlasius and other Jewels very precious being changed into Mony or sold for Mony were scarce able to satisfie the unsatiable covetousness of Ceolwulfe the Vice-roy who at last by his Lords the Danes most just in this after all his Rapines and Oppressions of the People by unjust Taxes and imposts was deposed and stripped naked of all his ill-gotten Treasure even to his very Privities and so ended his life most miserably And the Kingdom also of the Mercians at this very time King Alfred prevailing against the Danes was united to the Kingdom oâ— the West-Saxons and remained so united ever after when it had continued a Kingdom from the first year of Penda the first King thereof to the last times of this miserable Viceroy Ceolwulph about 230 years Of which Kingdom William of Malmesbury thus concludes Ita Principatus Merciorum qui per tumidam gentilis viri insaniam subitó efsloruit tunc per miseram semiviri ignaviam omninó emarcuit Anno Dom. 875. though Speed post-dates its period in the year 886. Whence it is observable that unjust Rapines Taxes Oppressions speedily suddenly destroy both Kings and Kingdoms The next year following Anno 876. Halden king of the Danes seising upon the seditions kingdom of Northumberland sibi eam suisque Ministris distrâ—buit illamque ab exercitu suo coli fecit auobus Annis totally dispossessing the seditious murtherous Northumberlanders thereof who but a little before had expelled both their King and Archbishop out of their Realm This Halden and his Souldiers miserably wasted and destroyed the Churches of God in those parts for which the wrath of God suddenly fâ—ll upon Halden who was not only struck with madnesse of mind but with such a most loathsome disease in his body which much tormented him that the intollerable stink tâ—ereof made him so odious loathsome to â—is whole Army that being contemned and cast out by them all he fled away from Tine only with three Ships and soon after perished with all his Plundering Sacrilegious Followers The Danes elected Guthred king in his stead possessing this seditions Realm of Northumberland till diâ—posseâ—â—ed of it by king Edmund An. 944. who then annexed it to his kingdom Our Noble Saxon King Alfred the first anointed king of England as glorious for his most excellent Laws transcendent Justice and civil Government as for his Martial Exploits Victories and for his incomparable Piety and extraordinary bounty to the Clergy and Learned men comming to the Crown Anno Dom. 87â— in the years 873 874 and sundry years following by common consent of his Wise men commanded long Ships and Gallies to be built throughout the Realm and furnished with Mariners to guard the Seas and eucounter the Danish Ships and Pirates which then infested and wasted the Realm from time to time whose forces he often encountred as well by Sea as by Land with various success At last having obtained the Monarchy of all England and received their Homages and Oaths of Fealty to him he appointed special Guardians to guard the Seas and Sea-costs in all places Whereby he very much freed the Land from the Danes devastâ—tions Abouâ— the year 887. even in the midst of his wars when Laws use to be silent he compiled a body of Ecclesiastical and Canon Laws out of the sacred Scriptures and tâ—e Laws which his pious predecessors Ina Ofâ—a and Ethelbert had religiously made and observed antiquating some of them retaining reforming others of them and adding some new Laws of his own by the advice and counsel of his wisemen of the most prudent of his Subjects the observation of which Laws was enjoyned by the consent of them all Wherein certain fines and penalties were prescribed for most particular offences which might not be alâ—ered or exceâ—ded Amongst other Laws as Andrew Horn and others record this King and his Wisemen ordained That a Parliament twice every year and oftner in time of Peace should be called together at London that therein they might make Laws and Ordinances to keep the People of God from sin that they might live in peacâ— and receive right and Iustice by certain customs and Holy Iudgements and not be ruled in an arbitrary manner but by stable known Laws And it was then agreedâ— that the King should have the Soveraignty of all the Land unto the midst of the Sea invironing the Land as belonging of Right to the Soveraign Jurisdiction of the Crown This King by appointing Hundreds and Tithings throughout the Realm with Constables and Tithing men who were to take sureties or pledges for the good behaviour of all within their Jurisdictions or else the hundred to answer all offences injuries therein committed both to the party and king caused such a general peace throughout the Realm and such security from Robbers and plunderers even in those times of war That he would hang up golden bracelets in the High-ways and none durst touch them and a Girâ— might have travelled safely laden with Gold from one end of the Realm to the other without any violence Matthew Westminster and Florence of Worcester record That he spent a great part of his time in Compoâ—â—tione leâ—um Quibus Milvorum Rapacitatem Reprimeretur â—â—mplex 〈…〉 And amongst many other mâ—morable acts of his Juâ—â—ice as he frequently examined the Iudgements and Proceedings of his Iudges and Iustices severely checking them when they gave any illegal Iudgement against Law and Right meerly out of Ignorance of which they were to purge themselves by Oath that they could judge no better so he severely punished them when they thus offended out of Corruption Partiality and Malice Andrew Horâ— in his Mirrour of Iustices records That he hanged up no less than 44 of his Iudges and Iustices in one year as Murtherers and Capital Offenders princicipally for their false Iudgements in condemning
Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn But Guthurn dying in the year 890 full eleven years before this Edward was king could not possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord being 16 years after his decease as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spelman erroneously affirm wherefore I conceive that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in the year 921. when all our Historians record that after king Edward Anno 910. had sent an army into Northumberland against the perfidious and rebellious Danes slain and taken many of them Prisoners and miserably wasted their Country for 4 days space for breaking their former Agreement with him after his Sister Aegelfled An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree and swear that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes Scotch and Welsh in many Battles thereupon in the year 921. the king of Scots with alâ— his Nation Stredded king of Wales with all his people et Regnaldus or Reginaldus Reginald King of the Danes with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumberland of which Reginald then was King comming to King Edward An. 921. submitted themselves unto him elected him for their Father and Lord and made a firm Covenant with him â— And therefore I conjecture that Guthurnus in the Title and Preface of these Laws is either mistaken or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes who had no King in the year 906 that I can read of in our Historians Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice Rex Edwardus vir mansuetus et pius omnibus amabilis et affabilis adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum ut Scotti Cumbri Walenses Northumbri et qui remanserant Daci eum non tà m in Dominum ac Regem quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum iudicabat ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle sed nec posse videretur unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse dico vobis si possem vicem vobis redidissem Quid non posset Rex iu Subditos Dominus in Servos Potens in infirmos Dux in milites Sed quicquid non dictabat aequitas quicquid veritati repugnabat quicquid non permittebat Justitia quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat Sibi credebat impossibile I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda Queen of Mercia Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen or Elwyn his own Neece of the Dominion of all Mercia who held that Kingdom after her Mother seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth and Nottingham first and then disseising her of all Mercia uniting it to his own Realms and removing her thence into West-Sex Magis â—eurans an utilitâ—r vel inutilitèr Quan an justè vel injustâ— Writes Henry Huntingâ—oâ— which inâ—rious action Si violanda sit fides regni caâ—sâ violandae will not excuse The Chronicle of Bromton records that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom more than his Father So Leges condidit he likewise made Laws to goveâ—n it which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels as made at several times but in what year of his Reign this was it informs us not The first of these Laws declaring his zeal to publick Justice according to the Laws then in Force is this Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis ut Justa â—udicia judicent quam rectiora possint Et in judicialâ— Libro stant â— nec parcant nec dissimulent â—pro aliquâ Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitaâ—e et unumquodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur quod tunc recitabitur The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws intimates that they were made by his Wâ—se men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter witness the contents thereof Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae ut investigarent simul et quaererent quomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quà m anteà fuit quia visumest ei quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret et quam ante â—praecepisset Inquisivit itaque qui ad emendationem velint redire et in societate permanero quâ ipse sit et amare quod amat et nolle quod nolit in Mari in Terrâ Hoc est tunc Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui Siquis hoc faciat emendet sicut supra dictum est In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed prima vice 30 s. secundâ fimilitèr ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Regi The last Chapter being the VIII in Bromtons translation but the XI in the Saxon Coppy is this Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum an Hundred Court semper ad quatuor hebdomadas et efficiat ut omnis homo rectum habeat et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem Siquis hoc excipiat emendet sicut antè dictum est King Edward deceasing Aethelstan his eldest Son designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore and soâ—emnly Crowned at Kingston only one Alfred and some factious ones opposed his election pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine whereupon they would have set up his Brotheâ— Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended whom the Generality of the Nobles rejected nondum ad regnandum propter teneros Annos Idonâ—o Aethelstan after his Coronation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Matrimony and fearing Ne per ipsum quandoque Regni solio privaretur lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him hated him extremely and at the sollicitation of some Parasites whereof his Cup-bearer was the chief to be rid of him and this his fear he caused young Edwin attended only with one Page to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea without Sail Oare or Pilate that so his death might be imputed to the waves out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board and so was he drownedâ— But the Page recovering his body by rowing with his hands and feet brought it to Land where it was inâ—erred The King was hereat so â—roubed with a real or feigned contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fratricide and adjudged his Cup-bearer to
Monarchy of all England unto himself extirpating all the Pagan Danes with their infidelity restoring Christianity to its Lustre and the English to their Possessions and Liberties The year following he wasted and subdued all Cumberland and pillaged the people of all their goods And because the people of that Country were perfidam legibus insolitam perfidious and unaccustomed to Laws so that he could not totally subdue and civilize them having harrowed it with his Army and put out the eyes of the two sons of Dummail King thereof he gave the Country to Malcolm King of Scots to be held of himself upon this Condition that he should assist him and defend the Northern parts of England by Land and Sea from the Incursions of invading Enemies This King Edmund after the Conquest and Expulsion of his Enemies by the advise of Dunston and his Chancellour Turketulus made good Lawes and ordinances Ecclesiastical and Civil for the Government of his Realm for which purpose about the year of our Lord 944 he asâ—embled a Parliamentary Council of the Clergy Laity at London to consult and advise with them in the making of his Lawes Which the Proems to them thus expresse Edmundus Rex ipso solenni Pascatis festo Frequentem Londini tam Ecclesiasticorum quam Laicorum Caetum celebravit as one version out of the Saxon Orâ— Congregavit magnam Synodum Dei ordinis et saeculi as anoâ—her â—â—anslation renders it cui interfuit Odo et VVulstanus Archiepiscopi et alii plures Episcopiâ— ut animorum suorum et â—orum omnium qui eis curae sunt consuleretur saluti And this Proem of King Edmund himself thus seconds Ego Edmundus Rex omnibus qui in dâ—tionâ— ac potestate meâ sunt senibus juvenibus clarè significo Me à scientissimis Regni mei in celebri Ecâ—leâ—sticorum quam Laicorum frequentiâ studiose requisivisse quo tandem pacto Christiana proveheretur fides c. Or Mando praecipio omni populo Seniorum Iuniorum qui in Regione mea sunt Ea quae Investigans Investigavi cum Sapiâ—ntibus Clericis Laicis In this Council there were three parcels of Laws made the one meerly Ecclesiastical the other meerly Civil the third mixt of boâ—hâ— And in this Council I conceive the Constitutions of Aâ—chbishop Odo were read and ratified The greatest parâ— of the Civil Laws there made were against Murder bloodshed fighting breach of Peace Theft and Perjury In the last parcel of these Laws cap. 5. The King gives God and them thanks for assisting him in making these Laws in these words Maximas antem Deo vobis omnibus ago gratias Qui me auxilio vestro in hac pacis quam nunc ad prostigandos fures sancivimus Lege adjuvistis ac vehementer conâ—ido eo vos propensius Nobis in posterum opitulaturos quo hujus Decreti observatio magis viâ—ebitur necesâ—aria About the same year 944. this King assembled another Parliamentary Council of his Bishops and Wisemen at Culinton where they enacted 7 other Laws Principally against Theeves together with an Oath of Allegiance to king Edmund thus prefaced Haec est Institutio quam Edmunds Rex Episcopi sui cum Sapientibus suis instituerunt apud Culintoniam de pace Iuramento faciendo The two first of these Laws I shall transcribe as pertinent to my Theam Cap. 1. Imprimis ut omnes jurent in nomine Domini pro quo sanctum illud sanctum est fideâ—iâ—atem Edmuudo Regi Sicut Homo debet esse fidelis Domino suo sine omni controversiâ seditione in manifesto in occulto in amando quod amabit Nolendo quod noluit et antequam Iuramentum hoc dabitur ut nemo concelet hoc in fratre vel proximo suo plus quam in extraneo Cap. 2. Vult etiam ut ubi fur pro certo cognoscetur Tweâ—fhindi et Twifhindi that is meâ— of 600 or 200 s. Land by the year consocientur et exuperent eum vivum vel mortuum alterutrum quod poterunt â—t qui aliquem eorum infaidiabit qui in eâ quaestione fuerint sit inimicus Regis et omnium Amicorum ipsius Et si quis adire negaverit et coadjuvare nolit emendat Regi cxx s. vel secundum hoc pernegat quod nescivit et hundredo xxx s. From whence it is apparent That all Oaths of Allegance and Laws against Theeves and other Malefactors were then made and enacted in Parliamentary Councils assembled for that purpose and all fines for offences imposed and reduced to a certainty only by Parliament And by the last parcel of King Edmunds Laws in Bromton it seems the manner of contracting Marriage was then prescribed and setled by a Parliamentary Council This King Edmund as he gave and restored by his Charters to Christ-Church and St. Augustines in Canterbury several Lands unjustly taken away from them by his Predecessors free from all secular services except expedition and building of Bridge and Castle and ratified the Laws and Privileges of St. Cutberts Church at Durham by consent of his Bishops and Nobles So likewise Anno 944. he granted by his Charter written in golden Characters sundry large Liberties together with the Mannor of Glastonbury to the Abbey of Glustonbury Consilio et consensu Optimatum meorum then assembled in a Paliamentary Council at London ratifying the Privileges granted to the Monastery by King Edmund his Father Eâ—frid Centwine Ina and Cuâ—hred et nè quisquam mortalium scu Episcopus vel Dux aut Princeps aut quilibet ministrorum eorum audeat eam omnino intrare causâ— placitandi vel câ—piendi vel quidquam faciendi quod contrarium fore possit imbi Deo Servientibus Dei indictone prohibuit In the year 945. this King Edmund gave many Lands and Privileges to the Monastery of St. Edmundsbury by his Charters quam subscriptione Episcorum Comitum et Baronum piâ devotione roboravit most probably in the Parliamentary Council of London at Culington where they were all assembled King Edmund in the year 946. celebrating with great Solemnity â—he Feast of St. Augustine which the English accustomed to celebrate every year at Canterbury as some or at Pulcherkirke now at Puckel-Church in Glostershire as others or Michelesberith as Mâ—tthew Wesâ—minster stiles it as he was fitting at Dinner in the Hall amidst his Nobles and Courtiers eâ—pyed a notable Thief câ—lled Leoff whom he formerly baniâ—hed for his theft stand in the Hall Whereupon he not enduring his sight commanded his Butler to thrust that Thief presently out of the Palace who refusing to depart upon the Kings Command and resisting the Butler the King therupon in a rage rising suddenly from the Table took the Thief by the Hair and threw him to the Ground whereupon the Traitor feeling himself hurt and the King lying upon him presently drew out his Knife which he carried
his Predecessors and defrauded the Kingdom of them They adde hereunto that King Edrid had committed all his chief Houshold-stuff Plate Records and tâ—e Treasures of all the Realm with all the Magazines he had gotten to Dunstans custody and laid â—hem up in â—he Monastery at Glastonbury yea he committed his Kingdom body and Soul unto him So as all was wholly in Dunstans power who alone managed all the publick affairs of the Realm and exercised Regal Authority And when King Edred in his sicknesse demanded all his Housholdstuff Jewels Monies and Treasures from him Dunstan pretending to fetch them before he returned with them Dustan heard a voice as our Monkish Writers fable that Edred was dead in the Lord and thereupon detained them in his and his Monks custody being unwilling to part with them to young King Edwin his Successor whereupon he seised on them by force as of righâ— belonging to him and expelled Dunstan with his Monks And so much the rather because Dunstan presumed most impudently and violently to rush into his Bed-chamber and pull him out forcibly thence on the very day of his Coronation contrary to all Christian and Princely â—odesty from the embraces of his beautifull and beloved Alfgina which some Monks and these Historians report to be his lawfull wife â—not his Concubine and not content therewith he excited Odo Archbishop of Canterbury publickly to divorce her from him some say for consanguinity only and others for other Reasons Whereupon the king betaking himself to his Concubines Odo suspended him from the Church excommunicated all his Concubines caused one of them whom the king best affected to be violently fetched out of the Court with armed Men branded her in the forehead with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which she returning into England Odo apprehended her the second time and cut off her Sinews at the Hock-bone All which intollerable Affronts so incensed Edwin that he banished and spoyled Dunstan with his Monks as aforesaid and threatned Odo with severe punishments none others in the Realm but these daring then to oppose him hereupon they formerly and then bearing the greatest sway by way of revenge and to preveut Edwins further fury against them stirred up the Mercians and Northumbrians to reject him and that in a tumultuous manner by force of Arme in which Uproar Edgar gained possession of half his Kingdom Matthew Parker and Sir Henry Spelman out of him subjoyns that by these civil dissentions raised between King Edwin and his Brother Edgar they much weakned the forces of the Realm in many set Battels fought between them till at last Edgar getting the better Convocato ad Branfordiam Regni concilio Fratris Edwini acta et decreta rescendit Assemblong a Council at Brandford he repealed all the Acts and Decrees of his Brother King Edwin restored to the Churches and Monasteries the Treasures he had taken from them recalled Dunstan from his former banishment and made him first Bishop of Worcester then of London and last of all of Canterbury Henry de Knyghton a Canon of the Abbey of Leicester relates out of the History of Leicester Abbey That Edwin being expulsed and shamefully thrust out of his kingdom for his evil life and exorbitant actions done against the Church the Monarchy of England continued void above a year Whereupon many murders and wickednesses were committed and infinite mischiefs happened amonst the people for want of Government until holy men both of the Clergy and People deeply affected therewith humbled themselves and uncessantly repented of their sins and prayed day and night to God that he would hear them and mercifully relieve them in so great necessity giving them such a King who might govern the Realm of England in such sort as might redound to the honour of God and profit of the Realm That God beholding their prayers from on high in the night silence this voice was heard from God That they should crown Edgar King though but then a youth who rejoyced with this Divine Oracle most likely by the Monks and Dunstans Legerdemain the Divine Oracle that uttered it speedily advanced Edgar to be King being but 16 years old and so he was elected and crowned King by a divine Oracle which never hapned to any King of England in former times Upon Edgars Coronation and Dunstans restitution An. 959. K. Edwin reigning in a decayed Estate living in little Esteem and wiâ—hout being desired for very grieâ— thereof as some write he died after he had for 4 years space Libidinosiè simul Tyrannicè lustfully and also Tyrannically depressed the Realm of England Others aâ—firm that he was deprived both of his Life and Kingdom by the Rebellion of his Subjects But his Monkish Oâ—posiâ—es record that he was taken away by an untimely Death by Gods Iust Iudgement in the year of our Lord 959. Whereupon his Brother Edgar ab omni populo electus being elected king by all the people united the kingdom into one and obtained the intire Monarchy of the Realm the kings of Cumberland Scotland and Wales â— voluntarily submitting and doing homage to him without any effusion of blood or war King Edgar About the year of our Lord 963. contrived the death of Earl Ethelwald who as some Authors aver against his trust had cheated him of Elfrida only Daughter of Ordgarus Duke of Devonshire the Paragon of her Sex by disparaging her beauty to the king and marrying her to himself After which the king being extraordinarily ravished with the true reporr and sight of her transcendent beauty thereupon as Bromtons Chronicle relates statim post octo dies Rex Parliamentum suum apud Sarisberiam convocavit Ubi cunctis suis Proceribus congregatis de custodia terrae Northumbriae qualiter contra ingressum Danorum melius posset custodiri tractaverunt inter quos Ethelwolfus ad Custodiam Eboraci patriae adjacentis in illo erat Concilio deputatus A clear Evidence That Matters of defence against Common Enemies and Guardians of the Sea-coasts against the Danes Invasions were then debated and setled by the King and his Nobles in Parl. then usually summoned by our Kings for that end Hereupon Earl Ethelwolfe travelling through the Forrest of Werewell towards his new VVardship was there cruelly assaulâ—ed and murdered by some unknown armed perâ—ons there placed in ambuscado by the king as was commonly reported and as some relate by king Edgar himself who shot him through with an Arrow as they were there hunting together The slain Earls Bastard-Son being â—here present beholding his dead Corps the king demanded of him how such a hunting pleased him who answered very well my Lord and King for that which pleaseâ—h you ought not to displease me which answer â—o pacified this kings swelling mind that he loved no person more entirely all his life than this Young man Tyrannici facti offensam in Patrem sedulitate Regiâ in filium allevans writes
ten thousand pounds in one year at first and then 16000 24000 30000 40000 or 48000 l. at the utmost for several whole years Tribute without any Excise Imposts or other Customs Which meditation me thinks should now induce them to mitigate release cease our long continued uncessant Taxes Excises Imposts or at least to reduce them to the Danes highest annual proportion of 48000 thousand pounds lest the whole Nation and Posterity repute them more oppressive barbarous tyrannical to their Christian Countrymen now than the worst of the forein Pagan Danish Invaders were heretofore and greater present Enemies to their Native Country than the Danes then were to our Progenitors The self same year there being some difference between King Ethelâ—ed and Richard Marquess of Normandy he thereupon slew and pillaged all the English passing through his Country and affronted King Ethelred with frequent injuries Pope Iohn the 15. hereupon sent Leo his Legate with exhortatory Letters to make peace between them who coming with them to King Ethelred on Christmass day Anno 9â—1 the King uâ—on râ—ceit of the Popes Letters Accersitis cunctis sui Regni fidelibus utriusque ordinis Sapientioribus Assembling all the Wisest men of his Realm of both Orders for the love and fear of Almighty God and St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles granted and estabished a most firm peace with all his Sons aâ—d Daughters present and to come and with all his Lieges without guile In pursuance whereof the King sent Edelfinus Bishop of Sherburn with two other persons of quality into Normandy to the Marquess Who upon receit of the Popes Admonitions and hearing of the kings Decree with a willing mind confirwed the said Peace with his Sons and Daughters present and to come and with all his Subjects upon this reasonable condition That if any of them or they themselves should perpetrate any unjust thing against the other it should be expâ—ated with eondign reparation Which Peace that it might remain perpetually firm was ratified by the Oaths of the Commissioners of both parts at Rhoan in March following Here we have a Peace advised ratified by the direction of a Parliamentary Great Council recorded at large by Malmsbury The last clause whereof was this Et de hominibus Regis vel de inimicis suis nullum Richardus recipiat nec Rex de suis sine Sigillo eorum King Ethelred in the year 992. hearing that the Danes intended a new invasion of England and that they had sent a great Fleet to Sea contrary to their former Agreement the year before assembled a Council of his Nobles to consult how to resist them What the result of their consultation was Florence of Worcester thus record Consilio jussuque Regis Anglorum Etheâ—redi Procerumque suorum de tota Anglia robustrores Londoniae congregatae sunt Naves By the Counsel and command of Ethelbert king of England and of his Nobles all the strongest Ships were assembled together at London out of all England which the king furnishing with choice Souldiers made Duke Alfric Duke Thorold Alstan and Aesâ—win two Bishops Admirals over them commanding them if by any means they could to take the Danish Army and Fleâ—t by inviâ—oning them in some part But Duke Alfric formerly banished forgiven and now made chief Admiral turning Traytor both to his king and Country first sends a secret Messenger to the Danes to acquaint them with the designs against them intreating them to prevent the ambushes prepared to surprize them whereby they escaped the hands of the English After which when the English and Danes were ready to encounter each other in a Sea-fight Alfric fled secretly to the Danish Fleet the night before and by reason of the instant danger fled away shamefully with them The kings Navy pursuing them took and pillaged one of the Danish Ships flaying all the men therein But the London ships meeting with the other Danish Pirates as they were flying fought with them slew many thousands of the Danes and took Duke Alfric his Ship with the Souldiers and Armes himself hardly escaping as Wigorniensis and Matthew Westminster relate But Huntind Bromton write that the Danes recruiting their Navy met and fought with the kings Navy slew many of the Londoners triumphantly took whole armed Ships and Duke Alfric who was in them whom the king should not have trusted according to the antient saying Quem semel gravitèr laeseris non facile tibi fidelem credideris For this Treason of Alfric the king cauâ—ed the Eyes of his Son Algar to be put out Unâ—e odium infamia eâ—us â—rudelitatis adaucta est as Huntiâ—don and others observe The next year 993. the Danish Fleet entring Humber wasted the Country of Northumberland and Lindesey burning the Villages slaying the people and pillaging their goods Whereupon great multitudes of the people of thaâ— Country assembling together resolved and hastned to sight with them but when they were ready to giâ—e â—hem battel Frena Fâ—ithgist and Godwin their Captains being of Danish Progenyâ— proving treacherous to their followers perswaded them to fly and fled first themselves Notwithstanding the Country as Malmesbury Speed and others write being unable to digest their intollerable insolence and plunders fell upon the Danes slew many of them and chased away the rest to defend their Lives Liberties and Estates Anno 994. Swane king of Denmark â— and Anlafe king of Norwey with 94 Ships sailed up to London besieged and â—iercely assaulted the City thinking to take it but the Citizens so manfully defended it that they repulsed the Danes thence with great loss Who thereupon turning their fury upon the Counâ—ies of Essex Kent Sussex and Southampton so greivously wasted them with fire and sword burning the Villaâ—es and slaying the Inhabitants that King Ethelred Concilio Procerum suorum by the Council of his Nobles aâ—â—embled together for that end as Wigorniensis Matthew Westminster Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis and others write sent Embassadours to them promising to give them Tribute and Wages and Money upon this condition that they should desist from their cruelty Who thereupon condescending to the kings request returned to their Ships and drawing all their Army together unto Southampton wintered there To whom a Tribute of fixteen thousand pounds was given and paid out of all England that they shouâ—d cease from their rapines and slaugâ—ters of innocent persons Afâ—er tâ—is agreement King Anlaf â—epaired to Andover to King Etâ—elred where he received baptiâ—m Ethelred being his Godfather and bestowing great gifts upon him Hereupon Anlaf entred into a League with him promising to return into his own Countrey and never after to râ—turn into England with an Army Which promise he faithfully observed The Articles of the Agreement between King Ethelred and him are at large recorded in the Chronicle of Bromton Col. 899â— 900. being made by advice of all his Wisemen asâ—embled in a Parliamentary Council as this Title to
them intimates Haec sum verba Pacis et Prolocutionis quas Ethelredus Rex et omnes Sapientes ejus cum exercitu sirmaverunt qui cum Aâ—aâ—anâ— â—t Justino et Gudermundo Stegiari filion venit The Articles of the Peace between them are X. in the Saxon but XI in the Latin Copy The perfidious Danes violating their former agreement Anno 997. came with a great Fleet and Army into the mouth of Severn wasted and laid waste and desolate Northwales and most of the West and South parts of England no man resisting them gaining an extraordinary great booty and Wintring about Tavestock The next year 998. They entring the river of Frome wasted and spoiled Dorsetshire the Isle of Wight and Sussex over and over living upon their spoils whereupon the English many times assembled an Army to resist and expell them but so often as they were about to give them battel Angli aut insidiis aut aliquo infortunio impediti terga verterunt et hostibus victoriam dederunt most of the Nobles of England secretly favouring the Danes and not loving Ethelred quia Alfrida mater sua pro ipso liberius in regno substituendo sanctum Edwardum fratrem suum dolosè â—xtixxerat as Bromton and others atteâ— Anno 999. The Danish â—leet entring the river of Medway besieged Rochester and wasted Kent The Kentish men uniting their forces fought a sharp battel with them wherein many were slain on both sides but â—he Danes winning the field horsed their foot on the horses they gained and miserably wasted all the West part of Kent Which King Ethelred being informeâ— of suorum Primatum Consilio et classem et pedestrem congregavit exercitum by the advice of his Nobles â—e assembled a Navy and foot Army to encounter them But whiles the ships were preparing the Captains of the Army delaying from day to day their begun leâ—yes and undertakings Grievously vexed the People In conclusion neither the Navy nor Army â—id any thing at all for the peoples benefit or defence praeâ—er populi laborem pecuniae peâ—ditionem hostium incitationem as Florentius Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and others observe Hereupon King Ethelred Anno 1000. for the better defence of his Realm resolved to take to wife Emma daughter of Richard Earl of Normandy who was then most valiant and formidable to the whole Realm of France For he saw himself and his Subjects very much weakned and did not a little fear their future overthrow Hoc autem Dei nutu factum esse constat ut veniret contra improbos malum Genti enim Anglorum quam sceleribus suis exigentibus disterminare proposuerat sicut et ipsi Brittones peccatis accusantibus humiliaverant Dominus omnipotens duplicem contritionem proposuit et quasi militares insidias adhibuit Scilicet ut hinc Dacorum persecutione saeviente illinc Normannorum conjunctione accrescente si ab Dacorum manifesta fulminatione evaderent Normannorum improvisam cum fortitudine cautelam non evaderent Quod in sequentibus apparuit cum ex hac conjuntione Regis Anglorum et filiae Ducis Normannorum Angliam JUSTE secundum jus Gentium Normanni et calumniati sunt et adepâ—i sunt Praedixit etiam eis quidam vir Dei quod ex scelerum suorum immanitate non solum quia semper caedi et proditioni studuebant verum etiam quia semper ebrietati et negligentiae domus Domini dediti erant eis insperatum à Francia adventurum Dominium quod et eorum excellentiam in aeternum deprimeret et honorem sine termino restitutionis eventilaret Praedixit etiam quod non ea gens solum verum et Scottorum quos vilissimos habebant eis ad emeritam confusionem dominaretur Praedixit nihilominus varium adeò seculum creandum ut varietas quae in mentibus hominum latebat et in actibus patebat multimoda variatione vestium et indumentorum designaretur Hac igitur providentia cum Legatoriis ad Ducem Normannorum missis Rex Anglorum suae petitionis concessionem obtinuisset Statuto tempore tanto digno ministerio ad Dominam suam recipiendam et adducendam Proceres Anglorum mittuntur in Normanniam quae longo et digno regibus apparatu dirigentur in Angliam Thus Henry Archdeacon of Humindon Radulphus Cistrensis Bromton and others out of them â—rite of this Norman match as the ground-work of translating the Goverment in succeeding times from the Saxons to the Normans for the Saxons sinnes forenamed This same year the Danish Fleet sailing into Normandy and pillaging it King Ethelred hearing oâ— it marched with a great Army into Cumberland and the Northern parrs which had revolted to the Danes and where their greatest Colony was where he vanquished the Danes in a great battel and wasted pillaged most of all the Country Which done he commandâ—d his Navy to sail round about the North parts of Wales and to meet him at an appointed place which by reason of cross winds they could not doe yet they wasted and took the Isle of Man which success somewhat raised and encouraged the dejected spirits of the English and encreased the Kings reputation with them In the years 1001. The Danish Fleet returning from Normandy entred the river of Ex and besieged Exceter which the Citizens manfully defending repulsed them with great loss from their walls Wherewith they being extremely enraged marched through all Devonshire burning the villages wasâ—ing the fieldsâ— and slaying the people without distinction of age or sex after their usual manner Whereupon the inhabitants of Devon Somerset and Dorsetshires uniting their forces in a Body in a Place called Peâ—ho gave them battel but being overpowred by the multitude of the Danes who farr exceeded them both in number and military skill they were forced to â—lie and many of them slain The Danes thereupon getting their horses harrowed Devonshire â—arr worse than before and returned with a great booty to their ships Whence steering their coâ—rse to the Isle of Wight they preyed sometimes upon it sometimes upon Hampshire other times upon Dorsetshire no man resisting them Destroying the men with the sword and the Villages and Towns with fire in such sort ut cum illis nec classica manus navali nec pedestris exercitus certare audeat praello terrestri for which cause the King and People were overwhelmed with unspeakable grief and sadneâ—s In this sad perplexity King Ethelred Anno 1002. Habito consilio cum regni sui Primatibus as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus de Dicetâ— Roger Hoveden and others express it or Consilio Primatum suorum as Mat. Westminster and his followâ—rs relate iâ— â— By the Counsel of the Nobles of his realm assembled together for this purpose at London reputed it beneficial for him and his people to make an Agreement with the Danes and to give them a Stipend and Pacifying Tribute that so they might cease from their mischiefs For which end
to be preserved and educâ—ted Cnute having thus through the flattery perjury and treachery of the Euglish Prelates and Nobles â—ained the intire Monarchy of Englandâ— slew or banished all those perfidious English Sycophants temporizers who had the chiefest hand in this false testimony abjuration treacherous bloudy advice against the Saxon Royal Family â—y whose Couâ—cel he slew or banisheâ— all the blood-royal of the Realm of England that so he mighâ— Iure Haereditario reserve and perpetuate the kingdom to his own Posterity by an hereditary right Duke Edric the principal of them for this and his other Treasons forementioned was deprived of his Dukedom of Mercia and exemplarily executed as a most perfidious Traytor by Cnutes command the first year of his reign and many of his Captains and followers were slain with him of which at large before Morâ—â—m Proditoriâ— pro demeritis accepit laqueo suspensus et in Tamesin fluvium projectus Cum quo plurimis sattellitum suorum similiter occisis eâ—iam inter eos praecipuus et primus Normannus occisus est writes Abbot Ingulphus Turkell Duke of East-England and Hirc Duke of Northumberland were both banished the Realm Duke Norman and Bridric slain and a heavy Tax of 82 Thousand pounds besides 10000 pounds imposed on London alone imposed and levied on the whole Nation Quoniam igitur proprii sanguinis proditores adulantes Regi mentiâ—i sunâ— in caput suum gladiuâ— eorum intravit in cor eorum et à Cnutho quem naturalibus Dominis praetulerunt confractus eâ—t arcus eoruâ— Cum 〈◊〉 Monarchiam Insulae favenâ—ibus illis obâ—inuiâ—â—eâ— Omnes qui primi in illo fuere consilio exterminavit et qâ—oâ—quoâ— de regio Semine â—uperstites reperit vel regno repulit vel occidit as Abbot Ethelred records to posâ—eâ—ity To which Henry Huntindon and Henrâ— de Knyghton subjoâ—n Posteà vero Rex justo Dei judicio dignam retributionem nequitiae Anglis reddidit Ipse namque Rex Cnuâ—e Edricum occidit quia timebat ab insidiâ—s ab eo aliquando circumveniri sicut Domini sui priores Ethelredus Edmondus frequenter sunt circumventi quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit add â—lorentius Wigorniâ—nsis Simeon Dunelmensis Roger de Hoveden and Radulphus de Diceto Turkellum exulavit Hirc fugere compulit Praeterea summos Procerum aggressus Normannum Ducem interfecit Edwi Adeling exterminavit Adelwoldum detruncavit Edwi Churleging exulavit Birdric ferro vita privavit Aethelwardus filius Agelmari Ducis et Brihtricus filius Alphegi Domnaniensis Satrapae sinâ— culpa interfecti sunt Fecit quoque per Angliam mirabilem Censum reddi scilicet 82. some write 72. mille librarum praeter undecies mille libriâ— quas Londinensis reddiderunt Dignum igitur exactorem Dominus Iustus Anglis imposuit for rejecting their own Hereditary Soveraign Line Radulphus Cestrensis englished by Trevisa Fabian and Grafton thus second them Also they swore that they would in all wise put off Edmonds kinn They trowed thereby to be great with the King afterward but it fared farr otherwise For many or the more part of them specially such as Canutus perceived were sworn beâ—ore to Edmond and his heirs he mistrusted and disdainâ—d ever after Therefore some of them were slain by Gods rightfull dome and some banished and exiled and put out of the land and some by Gods punishment died suddenly and came to a miserable end which other of our Historians likewise register I shall desire all such who are guilty of the like Treachery Flattery Practice or Advice against their lawfull Sovereigns royal Posterity advisedly to ponder this sad domestick President in their most retired Meditations for fear they incur the like divine retaliation by Gods rightful doom when and by whom they least â—uspect or fear it King Cnute thus quit of all King Edmonds Sons Brethren kinred and likewise of the greatest English Dukes and Nobles who might endanger his Life Crown and new-acquired Monarchy in the next place contrived how to secure his Empire against Prince Alfred and Edward Edmonds Broâ—hers then in Normandy with Queen Emma their Mother and their Uncle Richard Duke of Normandy a person of great valour power and interest the only person likely to attempt their restitution to the kingdom and Crown of England For which end he by gifts Ambassies and fair promises procures Earl Richards consent to bestow his Sister Queen Emma upon him for his wife who ariving in England in July 1018. was presently maried to this Invader of her former Husbands kingdom his sons royal throne and murderer banisher dishinheriter of his and her royal Posterity whereby her Brother Duke Richards thoughts were wholly diverted from ayding his Nephews to recover their right in England Ex hinc cum Câ—utoni omnia pro voto cessissent timens Ne Haeres legitimus Regnum quod sibi de Iure debebatur aâ—â—quando Normanica fretus virâ—uâ—â— Reposceret â—t Ducis sibi arctius colligaret affectum Emmam â—efuncti Regis relictam duxit uxorem Whereupon De illorum Elfredi Edwardi restitutione RicharduÌ„ avunculum nihil egisse comperimus quia et sororem suam Emmam hosti et invasori nuptam collocavâ—t Ignores majori illius dedecore qui dederit aâ— fâ—minae quae conseâ— serat ut thalamo illius câ—leret qui viâ—um infestaverit filios effugaverit is Malmesbury his observation and censure thereupon Only their Uncle Robert attempâ—ed their â—estitution Congregatis navibus et impositis militibus profectionem paravit subinde jactitans se pronepotes suos coronaturum et proculdudio fidem dictis explesset nisi quia ut à majoribus accepimus semper â—i ventus adversabatur eontrarius per occultum scilicet Dei judicium in cujus voluntate sunt potestates omnium regnorum Reliquiae navium multo tempore dissolutarum Rothomagi adhuc nostra aetate visebantur writes Malmsbury By this match with Queen Emma as Cnute took off Duke Richard from yielding any assistance to his Nephews in hopes his sister might have issue by him to inherit the Crown of Eâ—gland it being agreed between them on the marriage that the issue of Cnute begotten on her should inherit the Crown so it much obliged the English to him and made them more willing to submit to his Government ut dum consuetae Dominae deferrent obsequium minus Danorum suspirarent Imperium the rather because they much honoured and affected her for her manifold vertues of which they had long former experience and likewise because they hoped it might be a meanes to restore Ethelreds issue by her to the Crown again in case she had no issue by Cnute to inherit it which in truth it effected by Gods providence contrary to Cnutes design After this mariage this politick Forein Intruder to establish his Monarchy over England endeavoured to reconcile the English to him by all other
publick means he could devise and that by Emmaes advice 1. By advancing some of the English Nobility to places of Honour and trust as Leoffric whom he made Duke in the place of his Brother Norman whom he had slain with some others and loving them very dearly 2. By granting to the English equal Rights and Privileges with his Danes in Consessu in Consilio in Praelio and favouring and advancing them both alike 3. By favouring and enriching the English Clergy and Church-men and manifesting extraordinaâ—y piety devotion bounty in repairing building endowing Monasteries and Churches throughout the Realm which had been partly decayed parâ—ly demolished and prophaned by his and his Fathers former wars and excursions And by erecting new Churches in all places where he had fought any battel especially at Asâ—hendune and placing Priests in them perpetually â—o pray for the souls of those that were there slain Ita omnia quae ipse et Antecessores sui deliquerunt corrigere satagons prioris Injustitiae naevum apud Deum fortassis apud Homines certè abstulit as Malmsbury relates 4. By â—asing them of his Danish Forces and constant heavy Taxes for their maintenance For by the advice of Emma he sent back all his Danish stipendiary Souldiers to their Native Country and all his Ships but 40 which he retained to transport him into Denmarke the next year To return pay off and disband which forein Forces the English paid him a Tribute of 82. as some or 72 thousand pounds as other Historians record collected out of all England and the Londoners 11 thousand or 10500 marks more Which Tribute I conceive was granted him in the Council of London the year before wherein all the Prelates and Nobles took an Oath Suo exercitui vectigal dare according to their former agreement at Glocester upon the partition of the Kingdom between Edmond and Cnute wherein King Edmond and all the English Nobles and Army ordained that a Tribute should be paid to the Danish Fleet TRIBUTO QUOD CLASSICAE MANUI PENDERETUR STATUTO So that I conjecture it was not imposed on the people by Cnutes absolute power but by common Grant and Consent of a Great Parliamentary Coâ—ncil 5. By ratifying all their former good old fundamental Laws Righâ—s Liberties Privileges which they used enjoyed under their Saxon Kings by enacting other good wholesom Laws repealing all unjust Laws and redressing all exactions and grievances By which means he so obliged the English to him that they cordially assisted him in his Danish wars chearfully obeyed him and never raised any Insurrection or Rebellion against him though frequently absent out of the Realm all his reign albeit he had no Army nor Garrisons to over-aw them In the second year of his reign Anno 1018. King Cnute assembled a Parliamentary Council both of the English and Danes at Oxford wherein they both accorded That King Edgars Lawes should be observed Angli et Daci apud Oxonefordiam de lege Regis Edgari concordes sunt effecti as Florentius Wigorniensis Sim. Dunelmensis and others express it but the Chronicle of Bromton thus Posthaec apud Oxoniam PARLIAMENTUM tenuit ubi Angli simul Dani de Legibus Edgari Regis observandis concordes facti sunt Which Fabian Grafton Speed and others thus express in English He called A PARLIAMENT at Oxford where among other things it was enacted That Englishmen and Danes should hold and firmly keep the Laws of Edgar late King Which Parliament they misplace some in the 3. others in the 15. year of his reign when it was in the second King Cnute sailing into Daenmark in the third year of his reign having there setled his affairs returned into England Anno 1020. about the feast of Easter Apud Orencestriam CONCILIO CONGREGATO as Matthew Westminster or Apud Cirenceastram MAGNUM CONCILIUM HABUIT as Florentius Wigorniensis Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis record it And then held a great Parliamentary Council at Oâ—encester or Cirencester wherein he banished Duke Ethelward And this year as Radulphus de Diceto informs us Rex Canutus CONSILIO CLERI ET PROCERUM by the Counsel of his Clergy and Nobles most likely assembled in this Council at Cirencester and especially of his Queen Emma he placed Monks in the Monastery of Badricesworth wherein the bodie of King Edmond the Martyr resteth removing the Secular Priests from thence Matthew Westminster thus relates it Consilio Emmae Reginae et EPISCOPORUM SIMUL ET BARONUM ANGLIAE Monachos in eo constituit c. Caenobium quoque beati Regis et Martyris Edmundi tot praediis et bonis aliis ampliavit ut omnibus ferè Angliae Monasteriis in rebus temporalibus meriâ—o praeferatur Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to his 9. Reports out of an antient Manuscript of the Abbey of St. Edmonds which he said was in his custody gives us this account of a Parliament held at Winchester in the 5. year of King Cnute his reign Anno 1021. Haec sunt Statuta Canuti Regis Anglorum Danorum Norwegiarum Venerando Sapientum ejus consilio ad laudem et gloriam Dei et sui Regalitatem et commune commodum habito in Sancto Natali Domini apud Winton c. Rex Canutus anno regni sui 5. viz. per centum et triginta annos ante compilationem Decretorum quae Anno Dom. 1150. fuerunt compilata anno septimo Pontificatus Papae Eugenâ—i â—ertii et ante compilationem aliorum Canonum quorumcunque Cunctos Regni sui Praelatos Proceresque ac Magnates ad suum convocans Parliamentum in suo publico Parliamento persistenâ—â—bus personaliter in eodem Wuâ—â—tano et Adelnodo Archiepiscopis et Ailwino Episcopo Elmhamense et aliis Episcopis ipsorum suffraganeis septem Ducibus cum totidem Comitibus necnon diversorum Monasteriorum nonnullis Abbatibus cum quamplurimis gregariis Militibus ac cum populi multitudine copiosa ac Omnibus tunc in eodem Parliamento personalitur exisientibus Votis Regiis unanimiter consentientibns praeceptum et decretum fuit Quod Monasterium Sancti Edmondi c. sit ab omni Iurisdictione Episcoporum Comitatus illius ex tunc in perpetuum funditus liberum et exemptum c. Illustris Rex Hardicanutus praedicti Regis Canuti filius haeres et successor ac sui Patris Vestigiorum devotus imitator c. cum laude et favore Aegelnodi Doroberniensis nunc Catuariensis et Alfrici Eborac Episcoporum aliorumque Episcoporum Suffraganeis necnon Cunctorum Regni sui mundanorum Principum descriptum constituit roboraviâ—que praeceptum That which this Manuscript stiles so often a Parliament held at Winchester in the 5th year of King Cnute of which there is not one Syllable in any of our Historians is as I conceive that which Matthew Westminster Wigorniensis Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis stile CONCILIUM ET MAGNUM CONCILIUM c. held at Cirencester
prius amisisse monastâ—rium suum consequenter manâ—rium ad monasterium quondam pertinens similiter Edmerus miles dominus de Holbrok calumniam movâ—t contra eundem Abbatem monachos suos de manerio suo de Maksey Horsingus de Wathe calumniatus est pro Manerio suo de Badingâ—oÌ„ Siwardus Comes de Manerio suo de Bernack Hugolonus Thesaurarius de Manerio de Helieston alii plures de allis mane iis dicto Monasterio dudum pertinentibu omnes eadem ratione in dicta causa contra Monachos obtinuerunt tam de maneriis quam de Monasterio suo dictus Abbas de Peibec ac Monachi sui nequiter crudâ—liter ejecâ—i sunt ut nunquam alicui veniat damnum solum Cum itaque Abbas Wulgatus conventus suus Monachi scilâ—cet c sic de Monasterio destituti vagabundi in proximo dispergendi in â—mnem ventum pro extrâ—ma miseria fluâ—â—uarent misertus eorum piissimus Râ—x Edwardus Omnes in suam curiam suscepit uâ—quequo eis provideret suam capellam ac aulam quotiâ—ie frequentare imperavit The Abbot of Croyland dying soon after and his pastorall staff by which he was invested being presented by the Prior and two Monks to King Edward the King thereupon immediately invested Wulgatus in the Regiment of the Monastery of Croyland by the delivery of the Pastorall staff unto him seconded with his Charter of donation without any election by the Covent Inter praecipua Monasteria tunc magno nomine praedicabatur Croilandia tot tanta in tempore Danicae Tribulationis in Regis curiam semper manu promptissima effuderat donaria ET TRIBUTA A multis itaque annis retroactis NULLA ELECTIO PRAELATORUM ERAT MERE LIBERA ET CANONICA SED OMNES DIGNITATES TAM EPISCOPORUM QUAM ABBATUM PER ANNULUM ET BACULUM Râ—GIS CURIA PRO SUA COMPLACENTIA CONFEREBAT These proceedings and judgements against the Abbot Monks of S. Pega and Peikirk were the occasion as I conceive of this passage in William of Malmesb. touching King Edwards reign Fuerunt tamâ—n nonnulla quae gloriam tempoâ—um deturbarent Monasteria tunc monachis viduata PRAVA JUDICIA A PRAVIS HOMINIBUS COMMISSA c. Sed harum rerum invidiam amatores ipsum ita extenuare conantur Monasteriorum destructio PERVERSITAS JUDICIORUM non ejus scientia sed per Godwini filiorumque ejus sunt commissa violâ—ntiam qui regis indulgentiam videbanâ— postea tâ—men ad eum delata acriter eorum exilio vindicata To which may be referred that story of Walter Mapaeus in Mr. Cambdens Britannia p. 374.375 of Earl Godwins thrusting the Abbesse of Berkley and her Nunnes out of the Monastery of Berkley which he begged of King Edward by this wile He caused a young Nephew of his feigning himself sick to lie so long in the Nunnery tâ—ll he left the Abbesse and all her Nunnes great with child and then complaining of proving this their incontinency before the King ejected the Abbesse and Nunnes and gained the Nunnerâ— and Manour of Berkley to himself worth 500l revenue Together with this Godwins cheating the Archbishop of Canterbury of his Manour of Boseam in Sussex by a wily word-trap and equivocation recorded by the same authors King Edward Anno 1049. was so deeply affected and ravished with Gods extraordinary mercy towards him in preserving him like another Ioash from the cruelty of the bloody Danes and restoring him beyond expectation to the Crown of England without his seeking or the least effusion of blood after sundry years dispossession by the Danish Intruders that thereupon he vowed a solemn pilgrimage to Rome there to render humble thanks and gifts to God for this signall mercy For diligently having prepared great summes of money to defray his expences with many rich presents he assembled all the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm in a Parliamentary Council acquainting them with this his vow and intended pilgrimage and craving their advice how the Realme might be justly governed preserved in peace and defended in his absence till his returne from Rome Upon which the Nobles after serious consultation considering the great inconveniences and perils that might beâ—all the kingdome by his absence being but newly setled and the manifold dangers that might happen to him in so long a journey and what new troubles and mishaps might befall the Realm if he should miscarry in the way having no issue would by no meanes permit him to undertake this pilgrimage but disswaded hâ—m from it and by common consent at last agreed to send solemn Ambassadours from the King and them to the Popâ— to râ—present the incâ—nveniences and perils that might befall the Realm by his absâ—nce from it and thereupon to procure a dispensation from this his vow and pilgrimage Which the Ambassadours accordingly representing the Pope thereupon dispensed with the Kings vow upoâ— this condition and firme injunction that the King should distâ—ibute to the poore all the expences he had provided for his journey and should eiâ—her build a new or repaire an old Monastery in honour of S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles and endow it with sufficient revenues to maintain the Monks confiâ—ming by his Apostolicall Authority all the lands or revenues which the King or any other should conferre upon that Monastery and whatever priviledges he would think fit to grant thereunto pertaining to the honour of God and denouncing an eternall malediction against the infringers of them The Ambassadours returning with this dispensation St. Peter revealed to one Vlsin a Monk and Anchorite that his will was that the place called Westminster then lying ruinous shâ—uld be restorâ—d which vision when he had related to the King and his Couâ—cil REX TOTIUS REGNI CONSILIO The King by the advice of the whole Realmâ— assembled in a parliamentary council rebuilt the foresaid place and endowed and enlarged it with very ample possessions rents and liberties The passages of this story being very memorable and pertinent to my discourse I shall present you with them at large in the words of Abbot Ailred who thus records them Succedentibus prosperis Rex beatus nequâ—quam sui sponsionis est oblitus nec in die bonorum immemor â—uit malorum Sed cogitans recogitans quanta sibi fecerit Dominus qui ditavit egenum sublimavit humilem inglorium coronavit parat reddere vota quae distrinxerunt labia ejus Parat sumptus separat donaria VOCATISQUE TOTIUS REGNI PRIMATIBUS habuit cum eis hujusmodi vel DE STATU REGNI vel DE SUA PEREGRINATIONE SERMONEM Benedictus Dius qui magnificavit misericâ—rdiam suam facere nobiscum qui visitavit in virga iniquitates nostras in verberibus peccata nostra pietatem suam non amovit à nobis Ecce quomodo deposuit potentes exaltavit humiles quomodo esurienâ—es implevit bonis divites
conquestis dicitur tamen quod beatus Edwardus eo quod haerede caruit Regnum legavit Willielim Bastardo Duci Normannorum Sed hoc robore asseruitur caruisse quiâ— hoc fecit in lecto Lethalf et sine Baronagii sui commnni consensu By all which Testimonies as likewise by the express relations of Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 144 145. Richard Verstegan his Restitution of decayed Antiquities Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britanniae p. 88. Mr. Seldens Review of his History of Tithes â— p. 482 483. it is apparent that King Edward whiles he was in Normandy before he was King upon Duke Williams repairing into England to him after he was King by several Messengers and Hostages sent to him in his old age and in his very death-bed appointed Duke William to be both his successor and heir to the Crown of England and that Harold either voluntarily as purposely sent by King Edward or craftily upon pretence he was sent by him to work his own enlargement and his Nephews or upon Williams motion to him voluntarily swore that he would faithfully preserve the Crown and Realm of England for him after King Edwards death who had appointed him to succeed him as his heir next kinsman by the mothers side and that he intended to dishinherit his Cosen Edgar Atheling of it though nexâ— heir to it by reason of his minority unfitness and indisposition both of body and minde to sway the Scepter of the Realm King Edward having finished his Abby of Westminster and endowed it with ample lands and privileges by three several Charters by the advice and assent of all his Bishops and Nobles as aforesaid Anno 1066 caused it to be solemnly consecrated on Innocents day with great solemnity but falling sick in the midst of these festival Solemnities of its dedication he betooâ— himself to his bed where continuing speechlesse for two days space together on the third day giving a great groan and arising as it were from the dead he related to those then about him a Vision he had seen touching the State of England Namely that two religious Monks he had formerly known in Normandy dead many years before were sent unto him with this message declaring the Corruptions and Vices both of the Clergy Nobility Gentry and People of England and the judgements ready to fall upon them for the same Which Matthew Westminster thus relates Quoniam Primores Angliae Duces Episcopi Abbates non sunt Ministri Dei sed Diaboli tradidit Deus hoc regnum uno anno et die uno in manu inimicâ— Daemonesque terram hanc totam pervagabunt Abbot Ailred thus records it Impletum dicunt Anglorum nequitiam iniquitaâ— consummata iram provocat accelerat vindâ—ctaâ— Sacerdotes praevaricati sunt pactum Domini polluto pectorâ— manibus iniquitatis sancta coâ—â—rectant non Pastores sed Mercenarii exponunt lupis oves non protegunt lac lanam quaerunt non oves ut detrusos ad inferos mors pastores depascat et oves Sed et Principes terrae infideles Sociae surum PRAEDONES PATRIAE quibus nec Deus timori est NEC LEX HONORI quibus veritas oneri JUS CONTEMPTUI CRUDELITAS DELECTATIONI Itaque NEC SERVANT PRAELATI JUSTITIAM nec subditi disciplinam Et ecce Dominus gladium suum vibravit aroum suum tetendit et paravit illum ostendeâ— deincâ—ps populo hinc iram indignationeÌ„ immissiones insuper per Angelos malos quibus traditi sunt anno uno diâ— uno igne simul et gladio puniendi The King groaning and sighing for this calamity that was ready to fall upon his people demanded of the Monks Whether if they repented of their sins upon his admonition to them God would not pardon them and remove his judgements as he did from the Ninivites They replied That God would by no means receive them into his favour because the heart of this people was hardned and their eyes blinded and their ears deafned that they would not hear reproof nor understand admonition nor be terrified with threatnings nor provoked with his late benefits The King thereupon demanded Whether God would be angry for ever Wheâ—her he would be any more intreated and when they might hope for a release of so great calamities To which they replyed That if a green tree cut in the midst and carried a great space from the stock could without any help reunite it self to the root and grow again and bring â—orth fruit then might the remission of such evils be hoped for The veritie of which Prophecy add our Historians the Englishmen experimentally felt namely That England should be an habitation of strangers and a Domination of Foreiners because a little space after scarce any Englishman was either a King a Duke Bishop or Abbot neither was there any hope also of the end of this miseâ—y King Edward after his relation of this Vâ—sion to the Nobles and Prelates then about him yielded up the Ghost and died without issue on Epiphany Eve An. 1066. and was solemnly interred the next day in Westminster Abbey the royal line of the Saxon Kings ending in him which had continued from Cerdic the first King of the West-Saxons for 571. years without interruâ—tion except by some Danish Usurpers who for the Sins of the English reigned for some years over them with rigour and were soon cut off by death CHAPTER 6. Comprising the Historical Passages relating to the Parliamentary Councils Lawes Liberties Properties Rights Government of England Anno 1066. under the Short reign of the Usurper King Harold till the Coronation of King William the First falsly surnamed The Conquerour though never claiming the Crown by Conquest but Title KIng Edward deceasing without any issue of his body to succeed him refusing all carnal copulation with his Queen either out of a vowed virginity as most Historians conclude or out of a detestation of Earl Godwins Trayterous race quod Rex Religiosus de genere proditoris haeredes qui sibi succederent corrupto semine Regio nolueâ—rit procreari as Ingulphus Matthew Wâ—stminster and others record thereby exposed the kingdom for a prey to the ambitious Pretenders aspiring after it Upon which consideration praesentiebant plures in ejus morte desolationem Patriae Plebis exterminium totius Angliae Nobilitatis excidium finem libertatis honoris ruinam as Abbot Ailred informs us The English Prelates and Nobles being then all assembled at Westminster to the solemn consecration of the Abbey were much perplexed and the generality of the people exceedingly grieved at his death For although he were Vir propter morum simplicitatem parum Imperio idoneus yet he was Deo devotus ideoque ab eo directus Denique eo regnante nullus tumultus domesticus qui non cito comprimeretur nullum bellum forinsecus omnia domi forisque quieta omnia tranquilla quod eo magis stupendum