Buckler of the Commonwealth 5 Ferdinand King of Spain layeth claim unto the Kingdom of Naples p. 56 57 He excuseth the breach of the League between France and Spain p. 98 His ingratitude to Gonsalvo 238 Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions 6 Flemmings that they had just cause to rebel against Spain p. 16 17 The Flemmings and French more boldly then justly accused of rebellion 2 Earls of Foix heretofore of great power in France p. 37 The Earldom of Foix given to the Earl of Candale by the King of France 38 France divided into many opinions p. 6 France hath in former times rebelled against their Kings p. 19. The principal Kingdom of Europe for antiquity good Laws c. p. 19. Not subject to the Roman Empire p. 35 36. Hath been dispos'd of by Will and Testament as well as other Nations p. 35 36 Anciently divided into four Kingdoms p. 53 Cannot be lawfully Excommunicated by the Pope p. 248 249 France and England 195 Francis the first of France entreth into a League with the Turks 139 Francis Sforza is won by promises to take part with Philip Maria Duke of Milan 242 Frederick King of Naples entertained by Lewis the French king 95 Frederick Duke of Austria unlawfully chosen to the Empire 251 The Emperours Frederick the second and the third oppose the Pope and are excommunicated p. 174 Frederick the third freed from the Castle of Vienna by George king of Bohemia 252 The French king's prodigality in spending the Revenues of the Crown excus'd p. 168 His imputed wantonness proceeded from corrupt education 169 G GAleotto Malatesta made Lord of Armino Pescaro and Fano by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Gantois rebel against Lewis the last Earl of Flanders p. 229 They take Bruges and put the Earl to flight 230 Gargoris king of Crete his several cruelties to his Grandchild Atis 89 90 Gaston Lord of Bearn maketh the Earl of Foix his sole Heir 37 Gavel-kind a Law peâ—uliar but to some parts of Kent 29 Germany pestered with sundry religions 6 A German Writer's testimony alleg'd concerning the vices of Mary Queen of Scots 190 191 Geytel de Veronio hath la Marca given him by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Golden Bull forbiddeth the choosing of above four Emperours in one House 254 Gonsalvo beateth the French out of Naples 57 Government strangely interchanged amongst several Nations 9 The Government of the Low Countries taken upon him by the Duke of Alenson 106 Great to whom given as an attribute or Sir-name 8 Guicciardine as well a Lawyer as Historian 30 Guido Earl of Flanders denied his liberty by the King of France 123 Guido Polenti made Duke of Camerino by Lewis the Emperour 53 The Duke of Guise chief head of the Leaguers in France p. 20 His proceedings and policies p. 21 His subtle practices against the French King p. 157 He is murthered in the Kings presence 158 The Guisards of France condemned of ambition and treason p. 140 141 The probability of their ruine p. 144 145 Their rash proceedings after the Duke's death p. 146 147 Their accusations of the French King refuted 151 152 H HAnnibal the pattern of an expert General p. 5. His praise p. 69 His oversights ibid. He fights the Romans with a very inferiour number 78 Harold 's injuries to William Duke of Normandy the occasion of his invading England 220 221 The Emperour Henry the third restoreth Peter King of Hungary his enemy to his Kingdom 95 Henry the second King of England his humiliation to the Pope for the death of Thomas Becket 180 Henry the third King of England sollicited by the Pope to aid him against Conrade the King of Sicily p. 55. 56 His complaint against Pope Innocent to the General Councel at Lyons 180 181 Henry the fifth King of England his Title to the Crown of France p. 29 The Frenchmens objections answered p. 30 31 32 c. His success in France 10 Henry Base Brother to Peter King of Castile aided by the Kings of France and Portugal p. 15 He driveth his Brother from the Kingdom 60 61 Henry Earl of Richmond recovereth the Kingdom of England 221 222 Henry Dandolo the Venetian Ambassadour his eyes plucked out by William King of Sicily 209 Sr Henry Cobham 's opinion concerning Henry the third King of France 189 170 Hephestion the pattern of a faithful Counsellor 5 Herculâ—s the Chastiser of Tyrants and Defender of the weak and helpless 108 Hugh Capet by what means he attained the Crown of France p. 25. His practises imitated by the Duke of Guise 150 Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham his great riches 185 The Hugonots subversion endeavoured by the Guisards 158 165 I AJacobin Fryar murthereth King Henry the third of France 159 Jamâ—s king of Aragon and Sicily leavâ—h his kingdoms to his second Son Alphonsus 39 James Prince of Scotland detained prisoner by Henry the first king of England 209 Jealousie the overthrow of divers great Princes 238 Imbert leaves the Dolphiny to Philip de Valois 50 The great Injuries done by the House of Austria to other Princes 254 255 Interviews between Princes many times dangerous 209 Joan Queen of Sicily adopteth Lewis of Anjou 54 John king of England first an enemy afterwards reconciled to the Pope p. 178. He enjoyeth all the Benefices Bishopricks and Abbeys of his Realm p. 187 He is questioned by the French king for the death of his Nephew Arthur p. 199 And forfeits his Estates in France for not appearance 199 John Balliol 's Title to Scotland preferred before Robert Bruce by Edw. the first king of England 196 The Italian Princes hardly able to help the Spaniard 138 Pope Julius cited by the Colledge of Cardinals to appear at the Councel of Pisa 206 Justifiers of bad causes for gain or bribery 189 Justinian the Emperour his ingratitude to Narses 238 K KEmitius king of Scotland by what means he prevailed with his Nobles to fight against the Picts 50 L LAdiflaus king of Hungary dissembleth his grief for the murthering of the Earl of Cilia 161 A League with Turks more allowable then with the Guisards of France p. 140 141 Leagues may be broken upon just cause given p. 98 And are usually broken upon advantages p. 98 99 101 The League between the Pope Spain and Venetian against the Turk 137 The Leaguers in France their proceedings and policy 19 Lewis the Meek his war against Bernard king of Italy unjust p. 28 His cruel usage of him 163 Lewis Do-nothing deposed by the Nobles of France 41 Lewis Oultremer condemned for his discurtesie to Richard Duke of Normandy 97 Lewis the Emperour his humanity to Frederick his Competitor 200 Lewis the eleventh king of France payeth a yearly revenue to the king of England and his Counsellors p. 43 he chose rather to satisfie the demands of his Nobles then to hazard a war with his subject 236 Lewis king of Bohemia brought up by the Marquess of Brandenburgh in all kind of delights 169
them in their Necessities yet he stâ—ndeth in doubt that if he should send any great supplies and God should bless them with any extraordinary Fortune that the Duke of Mayne should be chosen King he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help and therefore when he hath once succoured them he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the Duke of Mayne is constrained to forget that he is Lieutenant General of the Crown of France and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for Aid of the Duke of Parma which carried the â—itle but of a Lieutenant unto his Master in one Province And truly it is reported that the King of Spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of Iury where he received a great overthrow so grievously but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie as that they were enforced to present him a Blank and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand These faint proceeding of the King of Spain these apparent coutentions betwixt the Leaguâ—res themselves and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the Warrs in France if the now King had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them But I shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken in another place And therefore to proceed according to my purpose If you consider that the Etolians and Arcadians warrâ—d a long time together for a wild Boare that the Carthaginians held long Warrs with the People of Piraca for a Sea-Rovers ship that there were mortall Wâ—rrs betwixt the Scots and Picts for a few Doggs which the one Nation had taken from the other And that the wars betwixt Charles Duke of Burgondy and the Switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which Mr. de Romont took from a Switzer who passed therewith through his ground you shall easily perceive and see how ready Princes are to take very light occasions to war one against another And this ready desire accompanieth most commonly those Princes who have valiant hearts good occasions and ready means to be revenged on their Enemies It is therefore to be thought that the now king of France who is endowed with all the perfections and vertues which the Almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon Princes will not suffer the king of Spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same He is valiant and wise and undoubtedly he will follow the Life and Actions of his Predecessors of which Pipin made wars with the Venetians because they favoured the party of Nicephorus Emperor of Greece against Charles the great his Father Philip sirnamed The Fair warred against Adolph the Emperor because he had taken money of the king of England to make wars against France Philip Augustus denounced wars against France unto Iohn king of England because he killed his Nephew Arthur And Clovis the first of that name warred with Alurick king of the Visgots because he harboured and received the Exiles of France and had suborned certain men to come and kill the French king within his own Realm And hath not the king of Spain deserved much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of France since he sendeth aid not to the Enemies but to the Subjects of the king of France since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him since he hath not killed his Nephew but his own Son since he not onely receveth the Exiles of France but counselleth the good Subjects thereof to become bad and the most obedient to rebel against their king and hireth not strangers but his own natural Subjects to come and murther the French king in his own Palace But it may be said that the Spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the Frenchmen out of his kingdom by sending his Forces into theirs and by nourishing and continning the Civâ—l Wars in France To this I answer That the Leaguers begin now to lose their credit that their Forces and Strength declineth that their Towns and Partners leave them and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate M. Coriolanus they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury in England M. Coriolanus taking in evil part that the Romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them joyned with their Enemies and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own Country but being intreated by his Wife and his Mother he returned into his Country and recovered whatsoever he or his Enemies had taken from Rome By whose Example if the Guisards being now so weakned as they are will not learn to submit themselves unto their Princes mercy they must fear and be afraid when they hear that the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury after that they had deprived one king of his Royal Seat and Scepter and placed another in the same were both cruelly murthered in the Field although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common People and the other by reason of his Offices had all the chief Forces and strength of England as well by Land as by Sea at his disposition and commandment Now if these two Earls had no better end but to be slain in the Field although they were the mightiest and best beloved Rebels that ever were in the world What assurance can the Guâ—sards of France have of their good fortune What hope in the multitude of their partners and their fellows in Arms What confidence in the favour of fortune which never was nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy Their glory therefore cannot continue long their Alliance shall not greatly avail the Spanish king and the remembrance and memory of this their Rebellion will alwayes remain fresh as well in the hearts of our after-comers as in the mindes of our selves and our children because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do unâ—o them then the benefits they receive from others How can the Frenchmen then forget the subtilty and cunning which the Spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of Naples the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto Francis the first to make him resign the Sovereignity of Flanders the injury and injustice used by Ferdinando king of Castile when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of Navarr and the unlawfull violence of the Spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan And remembring all this can they want good occasion to exercise all kinde of Hostility against the Spaniards as soon as it
rage and fury to Bruges where the Earl lay with his Forces who with an Army of Forty Thousand at the least set presently upon them with a full resolution to kill every Mothers Son of them But God who saved the Children of Israel from the persecution of Pharaoh unto whom they had humbled themselves and drowned the Persecutors in the Red-Sea vouchsafed to be their Protector and gave them such Courage such Fortune and good success that they overthrew the Earl and made him hide himself in a poor Cottage under an old womans bed ransacked his Houses took Brugeâ— and most of the Cities and Towns of Flanders and sent their unfortunate and unmercifull Earl to beg aâ—d into France from whence he returneth with great help and findeth them more insolent rebellious and obstâ—nate then ever they were To be short the Earl is driven to offer conditions of peace A mean and base Citizen named Leo fearing that if a Peace were concluded he should be severly punished changed their mindes that were inclined to Peace This Leâ— died not of a natural death but of poâ—â—on given hâ—m as it was thought by the Earls means Then was there great hope to mitigate the rage of the common people and yet the war ceased not The cause of the continuance was that the Nobility favoured the Earl and began to malice and menace the Common People and the Magistrates of Bruges in a Tumult that was betwixt the Gentlemen and the Weavers of the Town shewed themselves more favourable unto the Gentlemen then unto the Weavers of this small Cause followed so great a War as continued above seven years and consumed above two hundred thousand Flemings In those Wars sometimes Iames Artevild other times Philip Artevild sometimes Basconius other times Francis Agricola all base men and of no accompt before they began to be Rebels so ruled the people that they led them whither they would and how they would Artevild imposed upon them what Tributes soever it pleased him Basconius hung up so many of them as but once spake of Peace Artevild was served in Plate of Silver and Gold like an Earl Feasted the Dames and Ladies as an Eâ—rl Swore his Subjects and was sworn unto them as an Earl Contracted Amity and Alliance with the King of England and used his help as an Earl Briefly lived with far greater Magnificence then an Earl Agricola wanted not his commendation He was adored like a god preferred before the Duke of Burgondy who for his valâ—ur was called Philip the audacious both for Valour and Wisdom promised to be made Duke and in all respects more honoured then the Duke Artevild had one named Carpenty to extol his Vertues to recommend him to the people And Agricola used Besconius for his Instrument who so delighted the peoples ears that they would willingly hear no sâ—und no voyce but his It was he that when Artevild was slain brought Agricola into favour and credit It was he that when the people was dismaid and out of courage because of Artevilds death put them in heart and made them more couragious then ever they were It was he that perswaded the relenting Commons that Artevild lost the field and his Army by indiscretion and rashness and that Agricola would easily overcome their enemies by valour and wisdom The like instruments unto these had the Duke of Mayn at Paris where he had never obtained so much as he did of the people nor contained them so much in their devotion had he not used the maliciâ—us help and furtherance of Marteau Campan Nally Rowland and Bassy the Clerk the Ministers of his fury and mislâ—aders of the ignorant rude and seditious Commonalty By this you may see how one mutinous Subject begets another By this you may observe and note that if Princes could be content to yeeld somewhat unto such mutinous Subjects and now and then wink at their follies pardon their boldness and pacifie their rage and anger they might live in quiet and save the lives of many of their loving Subjects And by this you may perceive that Princes by Civil Wars incur the hatred and malice of their loving Subjects which sometimes taketh such deep roo in their hearts that it is hard yea almost impossible to root it out And lastly By that which followeth you may understand that when a multitude of Subjects are discontented it is far better to pacifie and reconcile them with courtesie and gentleness then to provoke and punish them with rigor and cruelty For the Prince that either openly or secretly practiseth the death of his Subjects and delighteth to see them massacred and murthered very seldome or never escapeth himselfe unmassacred The Emperor Caligula caused many of his Subjects to be done to death some for his pleasure and others without any just occasion especially those that reprehended his actions or disliked his Government He thought by these murthers to dispatch all those that hated him and supposed that when they were dead he might reign and rule at his pleasure but he was greatly deceived for the more he caused to be killed the more he displeased and if he slew one Enemy that one begat him ten far worse Adversaries insomuch that seeing himself hated of all the people he wished as you have heard that all the Subjects of Rome had but one head that he might have cut it off at a blow and in the end when it was too late he perceived that the people multiplied daily and had infinite heads and he himself but one of which he was deprived sooner then he thought he should have been Maximinus the Emperor who was so strong of body that with the blow of his fist he could strike out the tooth of an Horse and with his hands break in sunder an horse-shoo presuming on his strength and the multitude of his Souldiers cared not whom he put to death wrongfully but after that he had murthered above Four thousand Gentlemen without any due observance of Justice and Equity he himself was murthered by his own Soldiers who hated his barbarous cruelty more then they honoured his Imperial Majesty I might trouble you with many examples like unto these as with the Emperors Nero Vitellius and Gallienus But I must proceed Briefly to my purpose As the people therefore live still and live to revenge the wrongs and injuries done into them so contrariwise Princes die and their Quarrels their Designs and their Purposes many times die with them for their Successors are not alwayes of their minds nor of their Humors but oftentimes govern themselves otherwise then they did and taking a quite contrary course unto theirs most commonly break the Laws they have made distress the persons whom they advance and exalt them whom they depress In regard whereof it is usual amongst wise Courtiers not onely to pleasure him that ruleth but also him that shall succeed the Ruler and as Pompey said unto Sylla More do adore the Sun rising then the Sun
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
England but because England holpe France in their wars against them What pretence had they to conquer Scotland but that Scotland succoured England Why hindred they the Switzers going into France with intention to conquer France but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confederates sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend brought into bondage for whose liberty they would seem to fight and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn So to be short they cunningly enlarged their Confines by seeming to be careless of Conquests made themselves Monarchs by pretending to suppress Tyrants and did wrong unto all men by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man This cunning in aspiring unto Forrain Dominions begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity continued in the riper years thereof and practised even until their declining Age was not only proper unto them but passed as their Empire did from them unto other Rulers by what name or title soever they were called taking advantage of the time omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious their Cause was never unjust and the voluntary Aid given unto them never was honourable unto him that aided them yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation but also of other Regions Realms and Dominions are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age be it in Might in Power in Authority or in Goodness who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours did as our Princes do now not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours by whose decay and downfall they might rise and aspire unto higher Authority Neither hath the League of Amity the bond of Kindred and Parentage the duty of children to their Parents the affection of one Brother to another moved Princes to withdraw their helping hand succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all or some of those Bands rebelled against their Sovereigns Iames King of Scotland being not only in League with Henry the seventh being King of England but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him as his Vassal did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man named Perkin who was suborned by Margaret Dutchess of Burgondy to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine Daughter unto Alexander Earl of Huntley and his own neer Kins-woman and with him and for him invaded England Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King Richard Earl of Poictou because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour although by the death of the young King Henry he was become his eldest Son to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father Robert Son unto William the Conqueror having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others so far that he loathed to be commanded by others Rebelled against his Father and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father but also assisted by him until he took his Father Prisoner Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers protected and succoured by them which either were or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers Henry base Brother unto Peter King of Castile knowing that his Brother for his evil and licentious life was generally hated of all his Subjects Rebelled against him and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal deprived him of his Life and Crown Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother ayded by two Kings who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper The Marquess of Villona and the Archbishop of Toledo both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel King and Queen of Aragon and of Castile Rebelled against them both and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal Here you see the Kinsmen Rebelling against their own blood ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Conâ—ederate And seeing all this how can you marvel that in this Age against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance Or if there be any the same is long since dissolved and resolved into hatred and enmity For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England and of the late French King by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity Yet you know and shall hereafter see that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives have changed his love into hatred and his good will into malice So that it is no marvel since every injury asketh a revenge every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Adversary and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines and for the maintenance of his Estate as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him If the Spaniard who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instruments or if the Queen of England who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending or in recovering his own doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Provinces for indeed they are not his Subjects and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence The Third Point whereat they wonder dependeth somewhat upon this Point which is Why the Flemmings being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe the one in hatred of the Spaniard Rebelleth against the Spaniard and the other at the Instigation of the Spanish King beareth Arms in his behalf against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign But if it
late French King and still continue their open Revolt and unlawful disobedience against his right Heir and lawful Successor Neither can any man deny that all they that took part with Lewis surnamed the Meek against Bernard King of Italy were also most famous and disloyal Traytors For Lewes being younger Brother unto Pipin who dyed before his Father Charlemain and left Bernard King of Italy his sole Heir had no right to the Crown of France so long as the said Bernard his eldest Brothers Son lived for that as well in the Succession of Crowns and Kingdoms as of private mens Lands and Inheritances the eldest Brothers Son and Heir is always to be preferred before his Uncle And for as much as Lewis having taken his Nephew Bernard in the field Prisoner did not only detain him and his chief Councellors in hard Prison but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death Those Subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and unjust actions because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wicked in their wickedness must needs be accounted as wicked as the present Subjects of France who consented unto the cruel Massacre of their late King Again all those French Subjects who bore Arms against Edward the Third in the behalf of Philip de Valoys were in as high degree of Rebellion as these latter Rebels And so likewise were those who stood with Charls the seventh against Henry the fifth and sixth of England For the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these English Kings from the Succession as lawful Heirs to the Crown of France was the Law Salique which as they then pretended excluded not only women but also other Heirs males descending from the woman from the Inheritance of the Crown Which Law was no sufficient bar because it was undoubtedly a local Law made in Salem a Town about the River of Rhine in Germany at what time the French Kings were both Kings of France and Emperours of Germany and therefore as all other local Laws are was tyed to the Inheritance of that Town only and could not stretch her Forces to forrain Countries or to the succession of Kingdoms no more then the Law of Gavelkind being peculiar not to all but to some part of Kent is of full strength and full force in other places of England Besides it is confirmed that there was never any such Law in France by the Testimony of the Duke of Burgundy who when as Philip surnamed the Long was created King never left to cry out against his Creation and to profess openly That the Kingdom belonged of right unto Ioan Daughter unto Hutine sometimes King of France before that Philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the Country of Burgundy in Dower with his eldest Daughter I could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any Salick Law in France were it not that Du Haillan a French Chronicler in the first Volumn of his History easeth me of that pain and cleareth that point so plainly that he being a Frenchman and refuting a Law suggested not only to be a Law but also one of the chief Pillars and Maintainers of the ancient Dignity of the Crown of France cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly But although I let pass Ed. 3. his Title as the less valuable because it was impugned and weakned by the only Allegation of that Law yet I must enlarge somewhat more Henry the fifth his Right because the same in my simple conceit and opinion was far stronger then Edward the Thirds For Henry the fifth considering that because his Predecessors did always from the time of Edward the third lay continual claim unto the Crown of France and that therefore the Kings or rather Usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto because they not having bonam fidem a point requisite in Prescription by reason that they knew the right to be in Kings of England rather then in themselves could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said Crown demanded the same by force of Arms of Charls the sixth and drave him to such extremities that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible Forces was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of Peace with him The principal Articles of which Peace were That the said Charls the sixth should during his life continue King That he should dis-inherit his Son and Heir who was afterwards Charles the seventh That the King of England should take to Wife Isabel Daughter unto the French King and in regard of that Marriage he proclaimed Regent of that Kingdom during Charles his Father in laws life because he was sometimes Lunatique and Heir apparent to the Crown after his death And lastly that the Nobility and Peers of France should not only consent thereunto but also take a solemn Oath which was accordingly performed and executed to maintain every point of those Articles and uphold and assist Henry the fifth and his lawful Heirs and Successors against Charles Son unto the French King the rather because his Father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto dis-inherited the said Charles and by the last Will and Testament made when he was in perfect sence and memory ordained and constituted the said Henry his sole and lawful Heir of the Crown But the Frenchmen have their Objections to all that is said the which I cannot lightly pass over because I know you are desirous to hear their Exceptions and also what may be replied in Answer to their Allegations But I may not dwell long upon every particular Point because my leisure will not serve me and it is not pertinent to my first purpose They say first That their Kingdom goeth not by Dissent and Inheritance from the Father to the Son but by succession which is grounded not upon Law but upon a Custom by vertue whereof the next of the Blood Royal be he of the farthest degree that may be of Kindred succeedeth not as a lawful Heir but as a Successor by Custom not newly invented but of long continuance even from the time of the first King Pharamond Which objection I mean briefly to Answer before I will proceed to any others Guicciardine who wrote an Universal History of all things that hapned in his time not only in Italy but also in all other places of Europe although he was a very perfect and learned Lawyer yet when he had occasion to touch any Point of Law he handled not the same Lawyer-like but passed it over lightly setting down his opinion of the Case in as few words as he could possibly because if he had done otherwise he knew that he should not observe the Laws and Bounds whereunto Histographers are tyed and bound In like manner although these Questions are meerly civil and ought to be handled by me as a Civilian yet because I purpose
tell â—im mâ—st part of his secrets and to be short she being seconded by the Gentleman and others whom he and the pity they had of the poor estate of the Country had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven to direct him in all his doings and by her perswasions left his Love and followed this maiden to the wars who being always accompanied with good Captains and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him at the first sped very well in many things which she attempted and especially in raising our siege at Orleans where I have seen her picture in brass mounted upon a very large brazen horse and there is yearly as I have said before a solemn Feast and procession kept in remembrance of her that she drave the Englishmen from thence The Dolphin being thus animated by her and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while proceeded so manfully that he never left until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France So he by her sped not ill but she for him had no good end for being in the end taken by the Englishmen and arraigned at Roan upon divers articles of witchcraft was found guilty and there burnt for a witch A strange metamorphosis and not so strange as ridiculoâ—s But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do which were almost impossible to be done by a few only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess who counselled him to put those things in execution and promised him good success in those enterprises you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks that he grew to the credit and reputation of a God by as mean a device as this for he carryed a shew of holiness was better learned then their Teachers were had the gift of Eloquence secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God and that whatsoever he Preached unto them was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon â—is shoulder ever when he Preached unto them and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear as though it did whisper something into his Ear Whereby he won such credit that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland that when he had oftentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them he invented a policy never used or heard of before he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of matters of weight and held them in consultation until night then he provided a great and costly Supper which of set purpose he caused to continue until the night was very far spent insomuch that they being overcharged with meat and drink fell all asleep then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown made of fish skins with the scales still remaining upon them who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood because that it as the scales of the fish do in the dark maketh a kinde of glittering able to astonish those who never saw the like and in the other hand a great Oxes horn out of which the man speaking should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man These men so apparel'd entring into the Counsellors chambers spake in a great and grave voice and said That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven to tell the Scottish Nobility that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and possession of the Picts When they had thus said every one of them as he was taught hid his staff under his Gown and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner that it seemed unto the beholders that as the glittering so they suddenly vanished away In the morning the Nobility met together and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night he wondred thereat as though he had not known thereof telleth them he had the like vision but thought not good to acquaint them therewith lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them should by revealing the same before it was time unto over many greatly offend his heavenly Majesty but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended The Nobility confirmed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report yeilded presently unto his Counsel and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts But now from these by-tales again to my purpose which I might dilate and beautify with examples confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom but your own reason and experience is able to assure you thereof and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh you know that our Kings eldest Son during the life of his Father ever sithence that Wales was first conquered by England was called the Prince of Wales And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France have bin called Dolphins of France since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois King of France with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life when he was dutiful and retained after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers after his decease for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France because our King was then entituled by that name but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and rightful King of Portugal of his Kingdom calling him still by the name of Don Antonio as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent and the Leaguers call the now King of France not by the name of
Popes actions I have acquainted you with many Devices great Subtilties and fine policies but the finest deceits are yet behind For is it possible to have a better means to overthrow and ruinate a Princes Enemies then to make them perish without laying hands upon them without effusion of blood without spending of money without imploying his own Force and Authority There is no Victory but is honourable and yet of all Victories that is most commendable which is purchased with least effusion of blood or spending of money The Pope therefore aiding himself with this kinde of policy whenas some Prince or other being mightier then he will not bow under his yoak against whom he dareth not make open Wars he seeketh by all means possible to bring him into hatred with some other Prince he slandereth him spreadeth evil rumors and reports of him taketh away his good name scandalizeth his person and imploreth the Aid and Assistance of all Christian Princes against him he giveth his Kingdom to him that can or will invade the same he declareth him to be an Hereticke he depriveth him of his Scepter he taketh all his Titles from him he commandeth his Subjects not to obey him he suborneth his own Children to rise up in Arms against him he procureth his Subjects to seek his overthrow he causeth another to be crowned in his place and he excommunicateth both him and his Kingdom And if neither the Forces of his Enemies nor the rebellion of his Subjects the confederacy of many Princes against him nor the pollicies whereof we have spoken be able to supplant and suppress him then he procureth some one or other to kill him or to deliver him by some Treason into the hands of his Enemies Truly these are strange policies cruel devices and such kind of revenge as a man shall hardly find to have been practised by secular Princes and therefore that my words may carry the more credit since they tend to the discredit of the holy Father of Rome I will prove by the Testimony of authentical Histories all that I have said Boniface the eighth sollicited the King of England to wâ—rr against Philip the faire King of France And Pope Benedict who cared not whâ—t it cost King Philip so that his Popedome might bee honoured by the Holy Warrs which the said King had promised to make against the Turk defamed him through all the world calling him disloyall false and forsworn Prince Pope Hildibr and sowed great dissentions and immortal warres betwixt the Princes of Germany and the Emperor Henry the 4. and commanded the Electors to chuse another Emperor in his place and when that would not prevaile he suborned the Son to beare armes against the Father and to deprive him of the Empire Alexander the third procured the Millanois and other Cities of Italy to rebell against Frederick the Emperor and Alexander the sixt took the name and Title of most Christian King from Charles the eighth of France and gave it unto the King of Castile It is written that Innocent the fourth held a Councell at Lions in France and with the helpe of the Frenchmen thrust Fredericke the second from the Empire and caused Henry Landsgrave of Thuring to bee chosen in his place And we find in diverse true Histories that Pope Pascall Gregory the 7. Victor the 3. and Vrban the 2. had great variance and contention with the Emperor Conrad and Henry his son for the Collations and Installations of Bishops And when they could not otherwise huâ—t them they excommunicated both the Father and the Son But I have to tell you a more strange History a more wicked Action and such a one as beseemed not a Christian much less the Pope who calleth himself the Father of all Christians And that is an History of Alexander the 3. who was so furious indiscreet and frantick in prosecuting the hatâ—ed which he bore unto the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa that besides other malitious and wicked meanes by which he sought to have him killed whiles the good Emperor was busied in warring against the Turk for the good and benefit of all Christendom he sent word unto the Turk that he should look for no peace at the Christians hands so long as the Emperor lived and that therefore it behooved him to look for some meanes to surprise and kill him and to the end the Emperor should not escape the Turks hands unto whom hee was not known hee sent him his picture whereby the Turk found a way within a small time after to tâ—ke him Prisoner And although the Emperor feigned himself to be the Emperors Chamberlain yet that could not helpe him For the Sultan conferred him with the Picture which the Pope had sent him and thereby knew him And when the Emperor was sett at Liberty not without great charges to himself and greater detriment to the whole State of Christendom he assembled the Princes of Germany together and there shewed them the Popâ—s letters and likewise the Picture which he had sent to the Sultan There wanted no good will in Gregory the 7. that the Emperor Henry the 4. was not killed in hearing Mass by a great Stone which hee had caused to bee â—ung so cuningly and artificially right over the place where the Emperor should heare Mass that while he was upon his knees and at his devotion it should have fallen down upon his head but it pleased God to preserve the Innocent Emperor and to suffer the Store to fall upon the chief Workemans head whiles hee was making tryall of his skill and cunning What shall I speak of his unsatiable desire of Revenge who so much forgat God and the reverence which his best Predecessors bore unto the Sacrament of the Altar that he caused the same to be poysoned and a good Emperor to be poysoned therewith But what do I trouble you with Forreign examples with old and ancient Histories since we have some of later time some â—igher unto us some domesticall Testimonies which do sufficiently witness the Fury Enmity Hatred Cruelty and Tyranny of Popes Can any man desire a better proof of the Popes Avarice then the History of King Iohn This King as our Chronicles testifie was somewhat too severe to his Clergy and over-hard to the Nobility of his Realme insomuch that boâ—h rebelled against hâ—m and had their recourse for their better Ayd unto the Popes Holiness who presently excommunicated him and commanded all Christian Princes and especially the King of France to invade his Country The French King obeyeth this commandement and sendeth his Son Lewis with a great Army into England where he is received with great honor and aided by the rebellious Barons with all the helpe and power that they could make for him The King perceiving that he was too weak to encouunter with his own Subjects and with the Forreign supplies that were sent â—hâ—m and thinking that it was best for him to seek for helpe at his hands by whom he was hurt
The same King seemed in appearance to be offended with his Lord Chancellor for concluding the Truce with the French King and therefore took the Seal from him and caused a new to be made proclaiming through all his Dominions that not any thing sealed with the old Seal should stand in force both for that his Councellors had wrought more indiscreetly then was convenâ—ent and because the same Seal was lost when his Vice-Chancellor was drowned wherefore all men were commanded to come to the new Seal that would have their Charters and Writings confirmed The same King having levied two shillings once before of every Hide of land levied 5 s. of every Hide of Land for a Subsidie rating every Hide to certain hundred acres Lastly the same King caused Turneys to be exercised in divers places for the better trayning of men at Arms in Fâ—ats of Arms whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting license to his Subjects so to Tuâ—ney every Earl paid for his license twenty Marks every Baron ten Marks and every landed Knight four Marks and those that had no land two Marks Now from this King unto others King Iohn in the year 1204 levied a Subsidie of two Marks and an half of every Knights Fee belonging as well unto Spiritual as unto Temporal men the which exaction must needs be very great considering that there were better then forty thousand Knights Fees in England and that every shilling then was worth three shillings in these dayes according to the rate which Sir Thomas Smith maketh in his Book de Republica Anglorum Henry the third revoked all lands granted in his Minority unto his Servants and called to an accompt all his Officers displaced some fined others sold his Plate and borrowed so much money as he could get of the Londoners of Priors Abbots and of the Jews of one of which named Aaron it is written that he had at one time above 30000 Marks Henry the third again obtained certain Authentick Seals of the Prelates of England and sealed therewith certain writings and instruments wherein it was expressed that he had received certain sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their Churches of these and the Merchants of Florence and of Sienna whereby they stood bound for repaiment by the same Instruments made by him their Agent in their names The Pope yeelded his consent unto this shift because it should go unto the discharging of the kings debts into which he was run by bearing of the charges of the Wars whereof I have made mention in another place against the king of Sicilie The same Henry caused a Proclamation to be made that all such as might dispend 15 l. in land should receive the honour of Knighthood and those that would not should pay their Fines and five Marks were set on every Sheriffs head for a Fine because they had not distrained every person that might dispend 15 l. land to receive the order of Knighthood as was to the same Sheriffs commanded The same Henry in the Forty fourth year of his Reign had granted him a Scutagium or Escuage that is fourteen shillings of every Knights Fee The same Henry in the second commotion of the Earl of Glocester engaged the Shrines of Saints and other Jewels and Relicks of the Church of Westminster for great sums of money wherewith he got Aid out of France and Scotland Briefly the same Henry caused all the weights and measures throughout all England to be perused and examined and laid great Fines on their heads that were found with false Weights and with false Measures Edward the second for his defence against the Scots had the sixth penny of temporal mens goods in England Ireland and Wales And Edward the Third for the recovery of France besides other Subsidies took the ninth Lamb Fleece and Sheaf of Corn through England Riâ—hard the Second had a Mark of the Merchants for every Sack of their Woolls for one year and six pence of the buyers for every pound of Wares brought in from beyond the Seas and here sold. He had likewise towards his charges for the Wars of France a Noble of every Priest Secular or Regular and as much of every Nun and of every married or not married man or woman being sixteen years old four pence and forty shillings of every Sack of Wooll of which ten shillings to be imployed at the â—ings pleasure and thirty shillings to be reserved for his necessity In the 24. year of Henry the Eighth his Reign when his Majesty married with her Highness Mother the Lady Ann Bullein Writs were directed to all Sheriffs to certifie the names of all mâ—n of 40 l. lands to receive the honour and order of Knighthood or else to make a Fine It is written by Philip de Comines that our Kings when they wanted money were wont to feign that they would go into Scotland or into France with an Army and that to make great sums of money they would levy men and pay them for a matter of two or three months within which space they would again dismiss their Armies although they had taken money of their Subjects enough to maintain them for a whole year or more and many times they had money of the King of Scotland or of France towards the charges of their Wars It is written by du Haillan in the Tenth Book of his French History that Iohn King of England being in great want of money enjoyed for six years together all the Bâ—nefices of his Realm and all his Bishopricks Abbeys and Monasteries wherewith he defraied the expences of his House and of his Armies which he might do very well because the Revenues of such Benefices as Italian Priests enjoyed sometimes in England came by just computation to above seventy thousand Marks by the year And it was declared in a Parliament held in the 11. year of King Henry the Fourth his Reign that the King might have of the temporal possessions Lands and Revenues which were lewdly consumed by the Bishops Abbots and Priors of England so much as would suffice plentifully to finde and maintain 150 Earls 1500 Knights 6209 Esquires and an hundred Hospitals more then were at that time The same King Iohn accused sometimes one sometimes another Nobleman of England that they lost his Towns and Cities beyohd the Seas by their negligence and fined them at great sums of money Thus I have with as much brevity as might be waded through the several reigns of most of the longest-lived Kings of our Realm and have set you down about thirty sundry and divers kinds of ways which they have used to make money in time of their want and necessities of all which her Majesties greatest enemies cannot truly shew or prove that her Highness in thirty six years that her Grace hath now reigned ever used as much as one and if it may please those that being Fugitives abroad and most envy and malign her peaceable and
his own laws made the Earl of Pembroke whose name was Odomar Valentinian Governor of Scotland and to the end they should have no Memory no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty he transferred a Seate of Stone whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation out of Scotland into England and the same remainth at thâ—s day at Westminster Now to leave these and the like Testimonies because they carry the lesse credit for that they are reported by our own Historiographers I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories First it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories Next it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantageâ— And who will think that when we were so often provoked so many times deceived so throughly informed of our Right that we would not claime our Right Againe at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce it is written that Ericus King of Norway sent certain Ambassadors wiâ—h Letters of Commissiâ—n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Margaret sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots in which Letter he acknowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scotland for not obeying our Kings Or why should it be recorded that two Kâ—ngs of Scotland Carried at severall times the Sword before King Arthur and king Richard at their Coronations Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire Naples and Sicilie unto Rome Burgondy and Navarr unto France the Duâ—edom of Moscovia aâ—d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Polâ—nâ—a Portugall unto Spaine and Austria unto Bohemia Or lâ—stly why may it not be thought that as these Kingdoms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknowledg their Ancient Soveraigne so Scotland ought to do the like Our Fortune seldome failed us against them They never used us so kindly nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely that they Resigned their Right and Title unto Scotland as other Princes have done But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority as a Frenchman contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England maketh himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself by reason of his offence unto our Jurisdiction And this is so true that a very mean man being a Judge if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence Example will make this matter more cleer For Example sake then grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punishment the question may be whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent For the Negative it may be said that Par in parem non habet protestatem much lesse an Inferior against his Superior and that an Archdeacon is Oculus Episcopi and Major post Episcopum and therefore can have no Authority over a Bishop yet it is resolved that if the Bishop be a stranger and not a Bishop of the Diocesse the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop and the reason of the diversity is because his own Bâ—shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father Now since it is certaine that where there is the like reason there the like Law shall be I may boldly infer by this Law that the Scottish Queâ—n offending within her Majesties Dominion may be punished by her Grace although she were her farr better I might here before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown tell you that she committed many things both before and after her Imprisonment that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome But although when I tâ—uched the duties of Vassals in some part I promised to touch the same in this plâ—ce more largely yet for brevitie sake I must omit this large discourse and only tell you that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him at his Instigation on the person of his Nephew Arthur and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance or insufficient Answer unto that Crime so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Parâ—icide laâ—d to her charge our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have taken notice thereof but also have punished the same For albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman her grace might ex eo capite in my simple opinion lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky and the reason why they proceeded against him was the hainousness of the Fact and for that his Wife although she were not so was their naturall Subject And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm wherein me thinketh they have small reason For sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my reâ—edy here why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods And if in a Civill action of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas they can 〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons within some Shire in England when indeed the same Lyons which they meane and where the Bond was made is in France why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Inferiority unto our Queen She was deposed and therefore no longer a Queen This point hath in it two very strange points It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth should lose the same before his death But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution I will forbear to speak thereof untill
exactions as Slaomire King of Abredites and others for corruption as Adolph the Emperor But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touchstone of Law I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful For all these crimes in private men are not capital and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes How many judges take Bribes and are not deposed How many Magistrates are negligent and are not punished How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not removed How many rich men offend in Adultery and are not censured briefly How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther and are not condemned In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field is seldom executed In Italy many are vilely murthered and the Murtherers are not always punished And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned sometimes because the Malefactors are descended of notable parents whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent You have heard how Dunorix was spared although he were a Traytor for Diviaticus his Brothers sake and our Chronicles report that Henry the Third having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies would have hanged them all had not his Council perswaded him to save them because in executing them he might displease their friends who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses Shall mean personages vile murtherers private men escape unpunished and must the Law be executed with all severity upon Princes They are in higher places their actions are beheld of all men and most men are lead by their example True but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist and it was long before Saul was removed by David But how then May Princes offend as often as they will and never be punished No Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyrannies No May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours untrue unto their Confederates Enemies unto the common peace and never to be reprehended No What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appetites and restrain their Insolency Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes the one made by Conrad the Emperor and the other by Otho the Third Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace to maintain Law and Equity and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points should suffer death Othon his Law was much to the same effect but he added That the Prince offending in any of these three points should besides the loss of life lose all his States and Dominions and be held for a common enemy and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity But in these days Princes neither are nor will be nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad that may be releived and succoured at home The course is ordinary the remedy easie if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course Every Country hath its Parliament every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates there may their Griefs be heard their Wrongs red ressed and their Princes repressed And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority for they which attribute most unto the people take not every confused rude and tumultuous multitude for the people but a choice company of the wisest Nobility and of the most grave honest discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty It must not be such base and busie companions as was Iack Straw in England Nicholas Rency in Rome Iaques Artevilla in Flanders George Zechius in Bohemia Anthony Bavadella in Spain and William Siler in Switzerland that must presume to controll mighty Kings or to alter well governed States For such petty Companions are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues then to consider with discretion that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of and that divers abuses are committed which the Officers that commit them keep as long as they can possible from their Princes knowledge which abuses should be quickly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them These Companions consider not that there is an High Court of Parliament unto which Princes either can be contented or be constrained to submit themselves and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely so they speak reverently any thing that may benefit their Country I said reverently because methinks it is not tolerable that any Subject be he never so great and mighty should use unreverent speeches unto his King secretly much less in an open Parliament as did Richard Earl Marshal of England unto King Henry the third who when the King called him in choler and perhaps not without occasion Traytor gave him the lye in the Parliament House and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm he could not hurt him And when the king answered he could intercept his victuals and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Provision he replyed that if he sent any to intercept his victuals he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came Such an audacious and unreverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God for a Patron of his Country for a Protector of their Liberty and being carried from them unto others may draw them like a company of mad-men to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline and without ever considering whereabout they go to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country But it may be said that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient but telleth him not how he shall come by it so I talk much of a Parliament but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Parliament especially when a Prince without whose consent and commandment the same cannot be called knoweth or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice I cannot but acknowledge this difficulty and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great it is better to suffer them with patience thâ—n to seek to reform them by violence But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured I hold the same for a most unfortunate unhappy and
the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken if such a Prince be severely punished for since he first violateth these Laws himself he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law for the shortning of so unthankfull a Guests life especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously But it was never seen say the Scotish Queens friends that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects or passing by another Princes Realm as the Scotish Queen did to go into another Country was detained prisoner It is a thing never heard of never practised in any Age or by any Prince were he never so barbarous never so void of Humanity This is a vehement Objection but not so vehement as ridiculous For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking them leave and license and the Prince that shall presume to come into another Princes Country without his leave is thought too indiscreet and unwise although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull It is written of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat came into England to demand aid of our King the cause of his coming was very just and equitable but when landed at Dover word was sent him by our King that he had done unadvisedly and otherwise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave it was held for a manifest sign of great pride and contempt Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and commendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by another Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had And yet as he returned although he was disguised in apparel to the end he might not be known and pass safely he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Austria and held a long time in prison by him and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor And albeit that the Pope and other Princes considering that he was unlawfully detained became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland when his Uncle being Governor of the Kingdom had murthered his Elder brother and purposed to have made him away also was sent by his father into France or into England with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness The young Prince after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas not brooking them very well commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first to whom he shewed his Fathers letters The King having perused them called his Councel together they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince some think it good to send him into France others whose opinion was followed perswade the king to detain him as prisoner I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity King Richard was a valiant a mighty and a notable wise Prince His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment Briefly neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison nor practised any treacherous wayes to be revenged of his Detainers The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied The cause of his flight was just and honest and the detaining of him prisoner waâ— rather hatefull then honourable and yet this poor Prince carried himself not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France where he might have easily escaped from his keepers or quickly haâ—e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty he continued stâ—ll a faithfull prisoner And was so far at all times from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used and in requital of that courtesie when as Henry the sixth Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner was driven out his kingdom he not onely haâ—boured him but also helped to restore him to his kingdom The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there confuteth this foolish this fond this ridiculous and childish Objection It is written of a King of Navarre that when he had occasion to come into England in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us and to fight for us he not onely demanded leave but also durst not adventure to come before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops Earls and Barons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England And surely Princes have great reason to require such Assurance since many Kings and Princes have been in great danger to be killed yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovisâ—us so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders so was the Duke of Burgundy muâ—thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France And these examples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such Enterviews or if they must needs meet they cause places to be made of
himself Monarch of all the world all the Princes of Christendom fearing his over growing greatness began to consult and take advice how they might bridle his ambition and hinder the proud and insolent projects of his aspiring and imperious minde But the Princes of Germany who had greatest occasion to fear him most were the fiâ—st that bended all their thoughts and all their cogitations to move the rest of the Princes and Potentates of Europe to joyn with them in League and Amity against him Then were there sent Ambassadors unto the King of England France and Denmark Then were there Letters written unto the Swiâ—zers Then were Letters dispatched to the Duke and Seigniory of Venice to desire help against the Emperor and to distract the Venetians from the League of Amity which they had with him and to intreat both the Venetians and the Switzers not to suffer any Forces to pass by their Dominions which should be sent out of Italy unto Caesar. Then did as many Princes as were not in League with the Emperor shew themselves forward in this honourable Action and those who for their Leagues sake could not openly assist the Confederates against Caesar exhorted others to joyn with them against him and to make them more able and willing to enter into the action they lent or paid them great sums of mony which they owed unto them Then since it behoveth Princes in wisdom and policy to keep their next neighbours as weak as they may since the Spaniard before the king of France changed his Religion pretended to war against him for no other causeâ— but to inforce him thereunto and now continueth his Wars and aiâ—ing his Rebels although the French king is of himself become a Catholick which proveth manifestly that it was not Religion but ambition that moved him to aid and assist those Rebels since it is apparent to the World that he onely disturbeth as I have said the peace and quietness of all the world and causeth the Turk to insult as he doth upon Christian Princes since both Othon the Third and Conrad the Emperors Laws injoyn all Princes as it hath been shewed upon other occasion to bend their Forces and to bandy themselves with main might against such a Prince and such a disturber of common peace as the Spaniard is I see no reason why the Princes of Christendom as well Friends as Foes unto him should not all joyntly and with one consent inforce him to contain himself within his bounds and limits and to succour and assist him against the common Adversary of Christian Religion who of late hath given the Christians no small overthrow The Popes of Rome were wont when Christendom stood in no greater danger of the Turk then it doth at this present to send their Ambassadors from Prince to Prince to reconcile them if they were at variance and to exhort them to imploy the uttermost of their powers against the professed Enemy of Christendom It is written that Paulus Tertius a Poâ—e that was ninety years old when he departed this world not long before he diâ—d considering the great danger and peril that was likely to fall upon Christendom by reason of the pride and ambition of the great Turk and the unnatural discord and dissention that was betwixt â—rancis the first and Charles the fifth sent his own Nephew the Cardinal Fernese unto them to make a friendly composition and agreement betwixt them The like Atonement might the present Pope make betwixt the French king and the Spaniard who hath now no other pretence to fight against France but that the king thereof although he is become a Catholick yet he remains Excommunicate a pretence both vain and frivolous because the kings of France and the Peer thereof and also all his Officers cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the Pope as it may appear by the priviledges granted unto divers kings of France by many Popes as namely by Martin the third and fourth Gregory the eighth ninth tenâ—h and eleventh Alexander the fourth Clement the fourth and fifth Nicholas the third Urban the fifth and Boniface the twelfth The which Priviledges are to be seen in the Treasury where the kings Charters are usually kept And when the Pope shall interpose his Authority many other Princes shall likewise labour to make them friends as of late years the King of Denmark was a Mediator of peace betwixt him and our gracious Sovereign And if when this motion shall be made unto him he will neither regard the Authority of the Intercessors nor respect the manifest eminent danger of Christendom but still continue and follow his ambitious nature and unchristian course then will it be a sit and convenient time to implore and imploy the aid and assistance of his near and dearest friends against him then because â—insmen forsake even the next of their own blood when they will not yeeld unto reason and friends many times fall unto variance when they are put in mind of old quarrels and antient injuries it will not be amiss to revive the memory of old and new wrongs and indignities offered by the house of Austria unto their Neighbors their Allies their Kinsmen their Friends and other Princes that now either fear or favour them Then would it be shewed that all the Emperors and Princes of that Family have neither regarded consanguinity of blood or alliance of Friendship nor the wealth of their Subjects nor the bonds of Equity and Reason but have always preferred their private gain before the Commonweal their own interest before their â—â—insmens and Friends commodity and advantage their own will and pleasure before all Law and Justice briefly their subtil devices and deceits before plain dealing and sincerity Then to begin with the infancy of their Family it would be made known that when they were but poor Counts of Hapsparge they encroâ—ched upon their Neighbours they wronged and oppressed the simple and well-meaning Switzers over whom they tyrannized so long that at length by common consent and by a general Revolt against them both they and their Officers were violently driven out of the Country Then would it be declared that Rodulph the first Emperor of their House obtained the Empire by plain deceit and cunning and so carried himself therein that he sought his own commodity more then the wealth of the Empire and shewed many evident signs and arguments of loathsom and detestable ingratitude For whenas the Empire had been void almost Twenty years and divers Compeitors affected the same as Henry of Thyringia and VVilliam Earl of Holland Alphons King of Castile and Richard Brother unto the King of England and all those Corrivals had almost wasted themselves and their friends in seeking for the place and in maintaining themselves therein The Electors being over-wearied with the length and troubles of this tedioâ—s Competency sent Conrade Archbishop of Coruge unto Othagarius King of Bâ—hemia to pray him to accept the Empire but he thinking himself not sufficient
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
Lewis Prince of France repuls'd from England with dishonour 217 Lewis of Anjou adopted by Joan queen of Sicily 54 Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan maketh use of an Army of Turks 139 Lewis Adolistz hath the Cities of Faenza and Imola conferr'd upon him by the Emperour 53 The Low Countries a considerable advantage to the king of Spain 123 M MAhomet how he grew to the credit and reputation of a God 50 Manlius being in trouble the Romans put on mourning weeds 5 Marcus Aurelius leaveth the Empire to his son Commodus unwillingly 39 Marcus Coriolanus reconciled to the Senate of Rome by the mediation of his wife and mother p. 1 His death bewailed ten moneths by the Roman Dames p. 5 His reconcilement to his Country proposed to the Guises for imitation 148 Marcus Marcellus the Sword of the Country 5 The Marquess of Mantua won by promises to take part with the Duke of Milan 242 The Marquess of Pescara hardly disswaded from siding with Charls the fifth The Marquess of Villona rebelleth against the king of Aragon and is aided by Alonzo of Portugal 16 Martin Scala made Lord of Verona and Vincenza by the Pope 53 Mary Queen of Scots her practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 107 Several arguments made in her behalf by her friends p. 191 Answered p. 192 193 c. Masistias death greatly bewailed by the Persians 5 Matthew king of Hungary striveth for precedency with Ladislaus of Bohemia 195 Maximinus his great strength 231 The Duke of Mayne displeased with his brother the Duke of Guise 's proceedings p. 22 He and the Marquess du Pont Competitors 146 The Country of Mayne quitted by the king of England 45 Menemus Agrippa's discreet Oration appeaseth the rage of the common people 235 Merouingians Charlemains and Capets the three races of the French kings 36 Monastical Lives voluntarily assumed by divers Princes 215 The Murthering of the Duke of Guise excused 160 161 162 c. N NAtions have their several qualities according to the Climate they inhabite 9 The Nature of the Italian and Spanish Souldiers 114 Navar conquered by the King of Spain p. 58 A member of the Kingdom of France 59 New exactions cause rebellion in the place where they are levied 6 Pope Nicholas the third useth all means to diminish the French King's power 276 247 Mr de la Noves opinion concerning the strength of the French King 77 O THe Obizes and Estentes made Dukes of Ferrara by the Pope 53 Olaus and Eustus kill the Ambassadour of Malcolm King of Scots 209 Open Enemies less dangerous to Princes then deceitful friends 106 Othagarius King of Bohemia refuseth the Empire p. 249 The Electors offer it to Rodolph Master of his Palace ibid. Othagar maketh war against him and is slain by reason of Milotas trechery 251 Otho the third the wonder of the world 5 Otho Duke of Saxony subdueth Berengarius and is made Emperour 173 Otho 's law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 The Oversight of the King of France after the murthering of the Duke of Guise 145 P THe Duke of Parma politiquely diverted from claiming his right in Portugal 68 Pope Paul the third's distaste against the Emperour Charls the fifth 100 101 The Persians poll themselves and their Beasts for the death of their King Masistias 5 The Marquess of Pescara disswaded from following Charls the fifth 243 Philip the long bestoweth upon the Duke of Burgundy the County of Burgundy 29 Pipin 's politique designs to gain the Crown of France 26 Pius quintus entreth into a League with Philip of Spain and the Venetians against the Turk 137 Poictou quitted by the King of England 45 Poland infected with sundry heresies p. 6 The kingdom of Poland after much entreaty accepted by the French king Henry the third p. 151 152 The Polanders chuse another king in his absence 154 The Pope 's power small at the beginning p. 172 By what means advanced to such a height p. 172 173 c. He flies to the king of France for aid against the Lombards p. 173 A perpetual sower of dissention between the princes of Christendom p. 177 A procurer of much bloodshed in France and England p. 178 179 Not able to yeild the Spaniard any great help 137 Portugal how it cometh of right to belong unto the kingdom of Spain p. 59. The several Competitors for that kingdom p. 60 The Author's opinion concerning this claim 60 A Prerogative belonging to Princes to sit Iudge in their own causes 213 Pride of the House of Austria by what means it might be pull'd down 255 The Prince of Conde and the King of Navar joyn with Duke Casimir 155 Princes degenerating from their Ancestors may easily be driven from their Crowns p. 6 Princes ought to submit to the observance of their own laws p. 41 They ought to revenge injuries done to private subjects p. 163 Princes of small jurisdiction as absolute as those of greater 164 The Prodigality of divers Emperours 168 Publique Declarations the usual means of promoting or justifying any designe 241 Q QUarrels with Neighbour Princes to be composed before new enterprises are undertaken 216 R REbels favoured and maintained by Princes of other Nations 13 15 Rebellions upon what small occasions they have broke out 239 Richard the first ransomed by the Clergie and Commonalty of England p. 5. He is taken prisoner by Leopold Archduke of Austria 208 Richard the third's suspicion of Henry Earl of Richmond 68 Robert King of France leaveth his Kingdom to his second Henry 39 Robert Rudolphy his practises against Queen Elizabeth at the suggestion of Spain and Rome 106 107 Rodolph of Hapspurgh bestows the Kingdom of Austria upon his son Albert p. 53 He obtaineth the Empire by cunning p. 249 Divers great Competitors at the same time p. 249 He resigneth the Exarchat of Italy to the Pope 254 Romans in enlarging their Dominions what colourable pretences they had p. 15 Courted or feared by all other Princes or States p. 64 65 Their many and mighty victories 74 75 Romulus his policy to augment the City of Rome 65 S THe Salique Law belonged only to Salem a Town in Germany where it was made p. 29 No lawful pretence to exclude Edward the third and Henry the fifth from the Crown of France 28 29 The Earl of Salisbury 's example a warning to the Guisards 148 149 Sardanapalus the pattern of a lecherous and effeminate Prince 5 The Saxons and Danes conquer England rather by subâ—ilty then force 220 Scipio the pattern of a chaste Captain 5 The Scots and Picts invade Britain in the absence of Maximinian 98 Sejanus his greatness and authority under the Emperour Tiberius 23 Servilius judgeth gentle means the best to appease the peoples rage 233 Sigibert eldest son of Dagobert contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasie 39 Sir-names given to Princes upon several occasions p. 8 The Sir-name and Title of a God given to Demetrius by the Athenians 5 Wicked or foolish Sons succeed wise
short time Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point That either in or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth we flourished and possessed most in France and lost all or most part of all in the time of his Son Henry the sixth The ways how this came to pass were many I have reduced them unto four and twenty the least of every of which was and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom not gotten by Conquests which are easily recovered but descending by Inheritance which are hardly lost The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France was the death of King Charls the sixth for when he was dead many of the French Nobility which before either for fear of the English puissance or for the love which they bore unto King Charls favoured and furthered our part revolted from us unto the Dolphin his dis-inherited Son and it is usual in Factions the head of one side being dead or suppressed the residue be so weakned or feared that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries or else make their peace with them with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly as was seen by the death of Pompey whose Adherents fled unto Caesar or sought his favour after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy our principal Aider and Abettor who was highly discontented with us because that Humphry Duke of Glocester either blinded with ambition or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet sole Heir unto the County of Holland had married her notwithstanding that her Husband Iohn Duke of Brabant and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy was then living The third Cause was the liberty of Iames King of Scotland who being Ransomed with courtesie and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth was no sooner in his own Country then he forgot his Oath and allyed himself with the French King The fourth was the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany and his Brother from us unto the French King The fifth Cause was the dissention betwixt the Bâ—shop of Winchester and the Duke of Glocester who governed the young King for appeasing whereof the Duke of Bedford Regent of France was called home The sixth the liberty of the Duke of Alancon who being Ransomed in the Regents absence did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power The seventh the death of the Earl of Salisbury and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline The eighth was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies The one That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a Frenchman then unto an English Prince although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England and seeing their offer refused grew as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion so wilful obstinate and desperate that we could never get their Town but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same that even until this day as I saw of late years my self they yearly celebrate this day as Festival to our great dishonour whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces The other That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was then to suffer it to yeild unto him although it were as I have said to our own use and advantage began by little and little to remove his affection and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us The ninth The often conveying of Forces out of England into Holland and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant who as mortal enemies warred one upon the other for the cause above mentioned and also into Bohemia by the Bishop of Winchester for the Pope Martin who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia The tenth The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put tryal of his cause to the hazard of a Battel The eleventh The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject the said Regent left divers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dolphin and return to Paris The twelfth The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford then Regent and the Cardinal of Winchester proceeding of this cause especially for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France affirming the chief Ruler being present the Authority of the substitute to cease and to be derogate The thirteenth The death of the Dutchess of Bedford Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes The fourteenth The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford who coming from Paris of purpose to St Omers a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet and end all contentions betwixt them both thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first as Son Brother and Uncle unto Kings And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place would not vouchsafe him that Honour but offered to meet him half way which the Duke of Bedford refusing they departed the Town discontented and without seeing one another and never after saw and conâ—erred together The fifteenth The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasioâ— and won partly by the outcries of his own people overwearied with wars and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings joineth with the French King The sixteenth The death of the Duke of Bedfore who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France by reason of his long continuance in the one and conversation with the other died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne and presently after many French Noblemen and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke with-drew themselves from the English Faction The seventeenth The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in England occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset that before his coming into France Paris and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin The eighteenth The sending over but of hundreds yea of scores where before thousands were sent to keep
only true and faithful unto him but also so discreet and wise that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching not only over the Subjects committed to their charge in holding them low and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence but also over the Princes which confine with the Governments in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel by whose advice they are directed in matters of great weight These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people upon which officers the fault is layed if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him if no excuse can pacifie the complainants mitigateth the rigour of the exactions or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy who if he shall see no other way to content them or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience yeildeth somwhat to their petition and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time or the extremity of his expences or the severity of their officers dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him and sendeth the Petitioners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spaniard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace in quietness and in dutiful obedience It is written that his Father Charls the fifth fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon might in time find some friends to help him or his issue if he should so marry that he might have any to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon married him unto Germana widow unto the said Ferdinando but barren and past children reaping of this marriage two benefits and both of great weight and consequence For whereas the said Duke by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King had made the Emperour somwhat beholden unto him he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue The Spaniard not by mariage but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his humour kept him alwaies so busied that he could never attend to the conquest of Portugal which of right belonged unto his Son rather then unto the King of Spain And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando by giving him a barren wife of all possibility to have any lawful issue and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right Again it is written of Richard the third and also of Edward the fourth Kings of England that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany by whom he was only sustained and succoured might in process of time find some Friends at home or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad to help him to recover the Crown of England whereunto he always laid claim did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke but they could never prevail and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate And Richard the third according as he doubted was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl In like manner the Spaniard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country and acknowledging him for King live under his obedience but he could never prevail and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life He is not now so low so poor so bare so destitute of all friends so void of all hope but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him It is an infallible rule in policy that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assurance of his Estate as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him or unto any of his by Don Antonio or by his children For as the loss of the Battel at Canna deferred the Victories that Hannibal might have had against the Romans and his abode at Capua where his Souldiers learned to be effâ—minate and forgot to be right Souldiers took away all hope to subdue the Romans so the overthrow received by Dâ—n Antonio within his own Kingdom when he was possessed thereof made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same And the late repulse taken at Lisbona when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men that not with much great strength then he had then from hence it would be an easie enterprise to recover that Kingdom which opinion I list not to controll for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers especially in matters concerning martial affairs And yet I fear me that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal with an English Army of greater strength of better provision of sounder bodâ—es and of more convenient furniture then the last was the Commanders of such an Army should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army so long the like success as hapned unto the first will follow the latter You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home that hath not been subject unto