Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	earl_n	king_n	normandy_n	5,572	5	11.1107	5	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A34727	Warrs with forregin [sic] princes dangerous to our common-wealth: or, Reasons for forreign wars answered With a list of all the confederates from Henry the firsts reign to the end of Queen Elizabeth. Proving, that the kings of England alwayes preferred unjust peace, before the justest warre.; Answer to such motives as were offer'd by certain military-men to Prince Henry	Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.; F. S. J. E. French charity.	1657 (1657)	Wing C6505; ESTC R221452	67,013	112

assurance of their own quiet nor we of their Amity And it was not the least Argument from Conveniencie in the detention of Callis after the 8 yeares expired of Re-delivery used by the Chancellour of France That we should gain much more in assured peace which we could never have so long as we were Lords of that Town then by any benefit it did or could yield us It was never but a Pike and Quarrell between the two Realms For upon every light displeasure either Princes would take by and by to Callis and make war there God hath made a separation naturall betwixt both Nations a sure wall and defence Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos That is the English were divided from all the world But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges it is not amisse to touch by way of comfort that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered and also that other of burthen still though much lightened untill conformity of Affections and designs of Councells shall further effect a Remedie The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in 20. Edward 3. was 3129. l. for three yeares In the end of Richard 2. entrance of Henry the 4. 10153. l. And 11. of Henry 6. the Custodie of the Marches 4766. l. In the 2. Mariae the annuall Charge of Barwick was 9413. l. And in an 2. Elizabeth 13430. l. And an 26. 12391. l. The Kingdome of Ireland beyond the Revenues was 29. E. 3. 2285. l. An. 30. 2880. l. and an 50. 1808. l. All the time of Richard 2. it never defrayed the charges And came short in 11. Henry 6. 4000. Marks of annuall issues The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus proficuis in all the rents and profits yearly by Accompt of Cromwell Lord Treasurer not above 3040. l. But passing over these elder times in the Reign of the late Queen when the yearly Revenue was not 15000. l. the expence for 2. years ending 1571. amounted to 116874. l. In anno 1584. for lesse then 2 yeares came it to 86983. l. The charge there in two years of S. Iohn Parrots government ending 1586. was 116368. l. In anno 1597. the Receipt not above 25000. l. the issue was 91072. l. And when in 35. Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdome exceeded not 27118. l. the Disbursments in 7 moneths were 171883. l. The Charge 1601. for 9 moneths 167987. l. And for the two yeares following accounted by the allayed money 670403. l. And in the first of the King 84179. l. Whose government although it hath blessed both us and that Kingdome with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forreign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forreign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiorie the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassallage then which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch his Kingdome and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperiall Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a Subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majestie and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King Iohn did Normandy and Edward the 2. resigned to his Son the Dutchie of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regaltie but be in dishonour As appeareth in Henry the 2. who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the 17. of Richard 2. the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unlesse the King might not do Homage they held it so base supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territorie those subordinate Dutchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdome of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14. Edward 3. and 8. Edward 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdome of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provinciall Government as in 17. of Henry 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our Money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suum quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britans are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facilitie and assurance of Successe in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms then ever any of our Ancestours had To which is answer nothing can be more full then laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suite these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to

them of equall worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intite Kingdome we had ever Ports to land at Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward 3. when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Dutchie of Britain that so he might have there an easy footing Thus by leave of his Confederats in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficultie is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevaile then Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classi Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitas Socia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circumspexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestours Advantage personall was either A Party found made Confederates For the Persons considerable they are the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederats Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work upon the opportunity of any dissension ministred or by Pension Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Duke of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confoederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earle of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000. l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyaltie Edward 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldome had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousy of those Princes Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune THe Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutuall Aide were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first the 3d. Edwards the 5 th and 8th Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestours in the end It is not amisse in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tied that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own posses sions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aide the Earle of Britain and Theobald Earle of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earle of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earle of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earle who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earle of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutuall aide that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King Iohn and the Earle of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutuall assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earle of Holland Henry 3. an 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earle of Flanders with a Pension annuall of 500. Ma●ks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes hom●nes in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10. Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of inter-marriage d●ew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who is an ●0 assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earle of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgund●e with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae against the French King He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare And in an 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward 2. had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in an 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000 other armed men Edward the 3. had by the Marriage of Philip the Earle of Henault Holland her Father assured to him and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis who came to assist the King

then this Scoffe That England was Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be wed gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament 22. Edward 3. 4 and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home and 〈◊〉 some 〈◊〉 Relief The Treasue Henry the 8. spent in aide of Munimi 〈…〉 recovery of Verona nullum alin● factu●● nisi damnum dedecus peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo per solveret unless the King would forthwith pay him down a great summe of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effected having spent the Treasure of his Father and the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him inter Moysem Christum Mahumitem betwixt Moses Christ and Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam nescio Which way to turn me I know not For 2. Millions of Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay not without suite of his own he delivered it with little or no recompence rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity of 100000. Crowns What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for 3173478. l. 15s. 4d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars this State received of inrichment it seemeth so mean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time Thus by reason of warre besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions and 800000. l. by Subsidies Tenths Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes The Journey of Cales defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between anno 30. and 34. of the Queen wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse expence of Christian Blood it may well suffice to be moan with Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summes exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Dutchie or Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with uncountable Treasure exacted sive per fas sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathethered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin The same end by Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man 13 Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King Iohn as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son feeling a burden more then benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth the judgement in Councel was That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly In an 10. it appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Cromwell Treasurer of England that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminister the entertainment of the Garrison and Governour was defrayed the Rents of the Dutchy not supporting the charge ordinary When Richard Duke of York was in the 15. year of Henry the 6. Regent the certain Expence overballanced the Receipt 34008. l. And an 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Dutchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchie of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the 26. of Henry 3. there was issued from the Treasurer Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for paiments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victualls and Munition thither sent To retain this Dutchie in Duty and possession this king was inforced to pawn his Jewells being aere alieno graviter obligatus Thesauris Donativis Tallagiis extersionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Sweepings in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgement from him of 40000. Marks And a Story of that time saith