Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	earl_n	king_n	normandy_n	5,572	5	11.1107	5	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A34711	A discourse of foreign war with an account of all the taxations upon this kingdom, from the conquest to the end of the reign of Queen Elizabeth : also, a list of the confederates from Henry I to the end of the reign of the said queen ... / formerly written by Sir Robert Cotton, Barronet, and now published by Sir John Cotton, Barronet.	Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.	1690 (1690)	Wing C6488; ESTC R9016	65,651	106

it hath blessed both us and that Kingdom with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forraign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forraign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiory the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdom and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperial Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majesty and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King John did Normandy and Edward the second resigned to his Son the Duchy of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regality but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the second who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the seventeenth of Richard the second the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unless the King might not do Homage they held it so bas● supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdom of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government as in 17 H. 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britains are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms than ever any of our Ancestors had To which in answer nothing can be more full than laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suit these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equal worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdom we had ever Ports to land at and Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Duchy of Britain that so he might have there an easie footing Thus by leave of his Confederates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any Army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficulty is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Class● Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitassocia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circum spexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestors Advantage personal was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable the a●… the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederates Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work on the opportunity of any dissention ministred or by Pension and Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Dukes of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000 l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldom had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousie of those Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe

Confederates our Kings held formerly for mutual Aid were of such consequence in all their affairs that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories As the first and third Edwards the fifth and eighth Henries Whereas Henry the sixth that was of all the rest left most naked to himself although the greatest otherwise in opportunity lost all the purchase of his Ancestors in the end It is not amiss in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy to lay down successively first with whom we tyed that knot of love then what were the motives or assurances and lastly whether the same in both is left to our occasions and will now or no. Henry the first but to assure his own possessions beyond Sea adscivit in praesidium Comitem Britanniae Theobaldum Comitem Blesensem called to his aid the Earl of Britain and Theobald Earl of Bloys Henry the second did the like with Robert Earl of Flanders And again cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae Baronibus Castellanis caeteris hominibus Comitis with Theodoric Earl of Flanders the Barons Governours of Castles and other the Subjects of the said Earl who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua sicut Domino pro feodis quae de ipso teneant upon a summons as well as their own Lord for the Fees which they held of him Baldwin Earl of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui subsidii quod sine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum of mutual aid that he would not come to agreement with the French King without Richard King of England And the Britains relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeserunt forsaking the King of France did joyn with King Richard Between King John and the Earl of Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii contra Regem Francorum of mutual assistance against the French King The like with the City of Doway and Earl of Holland Hen. 3. anno 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French and Fernand Earl of Flanders with a Pension annual of five hundred Marks And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo against all the men in the World To whom he remained so constant that an 8. and 10 Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King but ad preces instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England Edward 1. an 13. by a pretence of intermarriage drew Florence Earl of Holland from the French to his party and the year following by the mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earl of Flanders who in an 20. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earl of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundy with a yearly donative of 30000 l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Francie against the French King He had Guido Earl of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000 l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an 24 25 and 31. of his Reign retaining the Earl of Gueldres by pay of 1000000 l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000 l. the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000 l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300 l. Turonensium in his service the same year And in anno 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earl of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward the second had auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoesibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses And in anno 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders John Protector of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000. other armed men Edward the third had by the Marriage of Philip the Earl of Henault and Holland her Father assured to him and retained John of Henault and his Followers qui venerunt in auxilium ad rogatum Regis who came to assist the King at his call with a Salary of 14000 l. yearly Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Challenge to the Kingdom of France he made up to his party Lodowick the Emperour who the better to countenance his enterprise elected him Vicarium Imperii Vicar of the Empire Reginald Earl of Gueldres Lewis Marquess of Brandenburg Conrade Lord of Hard who served him with fifty men at Arms the Cardinal of Genoa and his Nephew who aided him with Gallies the Magistrates of Colen Bruxells Lorrain and Mechlin and Jaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction who having quitted all duty to the banished Earl submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward the third who to free them of two Millions of Crowns wherein as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation took upon him the Title of King of France and imployed John Duke of Brabant and Lorrain William Marquess of Juliers and the Earl of Henault and Holland his assured Friends Procuratores suos ad vendicandum Regnum Franci● his Procurators to claim the Crown of France These his Allies not long after meeting him at Tournay with one hundred thousand men as Robert de Artoys did with fifty thousand at S. Omers against the French King And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise weaving into his Faction and support more and more as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave By colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicily in the eighteenth year the Duke of Millain and the King of Castile for mutual aid and Simon Butangre Duke of Genoa and his Subjects for hire and reward In the ninteenth year the questionable Title of the Duchy of Britain assured him of John de Montford against whom the French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Duchy In anno 24. he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses and in the thirtieth made a convention of Peace mutui auxili cum Rege Navarre and of mutal aid with the King of Navarre In the thirty seventh with Peter King of Castile and in that and the one and fortieth an alliance of Aid and Amity he entred with the Duke of Britain and anno 45. again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earl of Flanders and Duke of Brabant and an 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugal Richard the second reneweth in anno 1. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew as he had done anno 2. with Lewis Earl

two Millions and eight hundred thousand pounds by Subsidies Tenths and Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewels and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by th●… many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of o●… best Fortunes The Journey of Cales defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000●… And our times of most advantage by Prizes between anno 30 and 34 of the Queen wherein we received but 64044 l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yea● to 275761 l. As to the greatest Loss expence of Christian Blood it may well susfice to bemo●… with Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Blood Spilt on the Fields and Floods Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summs exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Duchi● of Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with unaccountable Treasure exacted sive per fa● sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin To the same end by Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy three times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man thirteen Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerful Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King John as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son feeling a burden more than benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth the judgement in Council was That the keeping of it would be no less of expence than to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry John Duke of Bedford then Regent this Duchy cost the Crown of England 10942 l. yearly In an 10. ●…t appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Crom●…wel Treasurer of England that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminster the entertain●…ent of the Garrison and Governour was de●…rayed the Rents of the Duchy not supporting ●…he charge ordinary When Richard Duke of York was in the fifteenth year of Henry the sixth ●…egent the certain Expence over-ballanced the Receipt 34008 l. And an 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Parliament that Normandy was not able to maintain it self But thus it continued not much longer for this Crown was both eased of the Duchy and Charge shortly Of the Principality of Aquitain the Duchy of Gascoign Guien and the Members I find the state thus in record In the twenty sixth of Henry the third there was issued from the Treasurer and Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for payments in Gascoign besides an infinite proportion of Victuals and Munition thither sent To retain this Duchy in Duty and possession this King was inforced to pawn his Jewels being are alieno graviter obligatus Thesauris Donativis Tallagiis extortionibus in Anglia consumptis very much indebted and having spent all his Treasures Grants Tallages and other Extortions in England Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum forced an acknowledgment from him of 40000 Marks And a Story of that time saith of anno 38. Ille per multos labores expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae with a great deal of toile and expence he unprofitably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign of which the Labour was more than ever the Benefit could be And thus it appeareth to have continued for an 17. of Edward the second the money disbursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595 l. 9 shillings 7 d. besides 29660 Quarters of Grain and of Beeves and Bacons an infinite proportion In the first of Edward the third the issues of Gascoign were 10000 l. above the Revenues The Signiories in Aquitain cost in eight years ending the thirty sixth of this King 192599 l. 4 shill 5 d. de receptis forinsecis only it was delivered in Parliament an 1 Rich. 2. that Gascoign and some few other places that were then held in France cost yearly this Crown 42000 l. And in the seventeenth of this King a Parliament was summoned for no other cause especial than to provide money to clear the annual expences of those parts The charge of Bordeaux but one Town surmounting in half a year all Rents and perquisites there 2232 l. As Fronsack in Aquitain 5787 l. for double that time when the intire Duchy exceeded not 820 l. in yearly Revenues The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry the fourth was 2200 l. annually out of the Exchequer of England By accompt Aquitain besides Guien 6606 l. was the first of Henry the fifth in surplusage of charge 11200 l. and the Town of Bordeaux the five first years of the same King 6815 l. In the eleventh of Henry the sixth Sir John Ratcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis c. 2729 l. and for expence in custody of Fronsack Castle only he payed 666 l. 13 shill the profits of the Duchy no wayes able to clear the Accompts The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britany may in a few Examples appear Henry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Britanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri quod jam per triennium comprobavit that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britany which he had found to be true upon three years tryal and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari to tire himself farther with such toil some expences The Town of Brest cost Richard the second 12000 marks a year and it stood him in an 9. in 13118 l. 18 shill For Callis I will deliver with as much shortness as may be from the first acquisition until the loss in every age the Expence for the