JOHANNES SELDENUS Armig TRACTS Written by JOHN SELDEN OF THE INNER-TEMPLE Esquire The First Entituled JANI ANGLORVM FACIES ALTERA rendred into English with large Notes thereupon by REDMAN WESTCOT Gent. The Second ENGLAND's EPINOMIS The Third Of the Original of ECCLESIASTICAL Jurisdictions of Testaments The Fourth Of the Disposition or Administration of Intestates Goods The Three last never before Extant LONDON Printed for Thomas Basset at the George in Fleet-street and Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in S. Paul's Church-Yard MDCLXXXIII THE Reverse or Back-face OF THE English JANUS TO-WIT All that is met with in STORY Concerning the COMMON AND STATUTE-LAW OF English Britanny From the first MEMOIRS of the two NATIONS to the Decease of King HENRY II. set down and tackt together succinctly by way of Narrative Designed Devoted and Dedicated to the most Illustrious the EARL of SALISBURY Written in Latin by JOHN SELDEN of Salvinton Student of the Inner-Temple in LONDON and Rendred into English by REDMAN WESTCOT Gent. Haec facies Populum spectat at illa Larem London Printed for Thomas Basset and Richard Chiswell MDCLXXXII To the Right Honourable and truly Noble Lord Robert Earl of Salisbury Viscount Cranborn Baron Cecil of Essenden Knight of the Illustrious Order of the Garter Lord High Treasurer of England Master of the Court of Wards and Privy Counsellor to His Most Excellent Majesty JAMES King of Great Britain France and Ireland Heartily according to his high desert I devote and dedicate AND as it were with consecrated Flowr and crackling grain of Salt I offer up in Sacrifice I am not in condition to do it with a costly Victim or a full Censer GREAT SIR deign with favour to receive these scraps of Collection relating intirely what they are and as far as the present Age may be supposed to be concerned in ancient Stories and Customes to the English-British State and Government and so far forth to Your most Honoured Name Which Name of Yours whilest I one of the lowermost Bench do with dazzled eye-sight look upon most Noble Lord and great Support of your Country I devoutly lay down Upon its ALTAR This small Earnest and Pledge of my Obedience and Duty THE TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE TO THE READER Reader THOU canst not be such a Stranger to thy own Countrey as to need my commendation of the Learned Worthy and Famous AUTHOR of these following Sheets or that I should tell thee what a Scholar a Philologer a Humanist a Linguist a Lawyer a Critick an Antiquary and which proves him an absolute Master of all these and many other Knowledges what a Writer the Great SELDEN was Since it is liberally acknowledged by every body that knows any thing not only at home but abroad also among Foreigners that Europe seldom hath brought forth His Fellow for exquisite Endowments of Nature Attainments of Study and Accomplishments of Ingenuity Sagacity and Industry And indeed to save me the labour of saying any more concerning this Non-pareil in all kinds of Learning His own WORKS which are now under a Review and will e're long be made Publick in several Volumes will sufficiently speak his Character and be a more prevailing Argument to indear Him to thy good Opinion and firm Acquaintance than mine or any other Words can My business now is only to give thee some Account of the Author's design in this little Treatise and of those measures I took in Translating Him that is in restoring him to his own Native Language though his great Genius had made the Latin and several other Tongues as natural and familiar to Himself as the English was To speak first of the Author I do take this Piece to have been one of his first Essays if not the very first wherein he launched into the World and did not so much try the Judgement as deservedly gain the Approbation of the Learned which was certainly one Reason why though the whole matter of the Book be of an English Complexion and Concern yet he thought fit to put it forth in a Latin dress That this was his first Specimen or at least one of the first I gather from the time of his Writing it viz. in the Six and Twentieth year of his Age when I suppose he was not of any very long standing in the Temple I mean in all likelihood whilst he was on this side the Bar. For having fraught himself with all kind of Learning which the University could afford him which could be we must imagine no small time neither as I may be allowed to guess from that passage of his in this Book where he so affectionately recognizeth his Duty and Gratitude to his dear Mother OXFORD who if she had no other Antiquity to boast of is and ever will be Famous for This Her Scholar our great Antiquary who hath also such a Monument to be seen in her publick Library as will make her Glory and his Memory ever to flourish I say having after some competent time taken leave of Academical Institutions and being now engaged into the Study of Law he thought he could not do his Profession a better service than by looking back into former times and making a faithful Collection of what might be Pertinent and Useful to bring down along through all Changes and Vicissitudes of State the Light and Strength the Evidence and Reputation of old Institutes and Precedents to our present Establishments under our Gracious and Happy Monarchy May It as it is in its Constitution to the English people Gracious so be ever in its Success to It self and consequently to Us all Happy Here then thou wilt find the Rights of Government through all Ages so far as our Histories will help us Here thou wilt see from the first our KING setled in his just Power even in his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction against the Papal Usurpation one shrewd Instance whereof is the forbidding Appeals to the Pope at such a time when the Popish Religion was at its Zenith in this Island that is when People in all probability were most Ignorant Here thou wilt easily be brought to acknowledge the Antiquity and Usefulness of Parliaments though under other Names till after the Conquest when all the Barons that is as that Title did at first import all Lords of Mannors all Men of Estate assembled together for the determination of publick Affairs which Usage because it produced too numerous and cumbersome a confluence was afterwards for better convenience retrenched into a popular Election by the Kings Writ to chuse some of the Chiefest to act for all the rest And sure enough if we in Duty keep up the Royal Prerogative and our Kings as ever they have done and ever I hope will in Grace and Clemency oblige the Peoples Consent in their Representatives we shall alwayes have such Laws such a Government such a Correspondence betwixt Prince and Subjects as must according to the Rules of Humane Prudence adding our Piety to it make this Kingdom of Great
fancy of the Clerks or Notaries However the last words which are the close of these Grants and Patents are not to be slighted These we may see in that of Cedwalla King of the South-Saxons made to Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in the year 687. thus For a further confirmation of my grant I Cedwalla have laid a Turf of the Land aforesaid upon the holy Altar of my Saviour And with my own hand being ignorant of Letters have set down and expressed the mark or sign of the Holy Cross. Concerning Withred and a Turf of Land in Kent Camden has the same thing And King Ethelulph is said to have offered his Patent or Deed of Gift on the Altar of the holy Apostle St Peter For a conclusion I know no reason why I may not set underneath the Verses of an old Poet wherein he hath comprised the instrument or Grant of founding an Abby which Ethelbald King of the Mercians gave to Kenulph Abbot of Crowland Verses I say but such as were made without Apollo's consent or knowledge Istum Kenulphum si quis vexaverit Anglus Rex condemno mihi cuncta catella sua Inde meis Monachis de damnis omnibus ultrà Vsque satisfaciat carcere clausus erit Adsunt ante Deum testes hujus dationis Anglorum proceres Pontificesque mei Sanctus Guthlacus Confessor Anachorita Hic jacet in cujus auribus ista loquor Oret pro nobis sanctissimus iste Sacerdos Ad tumbam cujus haec mea dona dedi Which in Rhyme dogrel will run much after this hobling rate If any English vex this Kenulph shall I King condemn to me his Chattels all Thenceforth until my Monks he satisfie For damages in Prison he shall lye Witnesses of this Gift here in Gods sight Are English Peers and Prelates of my Right Saint Guthlac Confessor and Anchoret Lies here in whose Ears these words I speak yet May he pray for us that most holy Priest At whose Tomb these my Gifts I have addrest Thus they closed their Donations or Grants thus we our Remarks of the Saxons being now to pass to the Normans THE SECOND BOOK OF THE ENGLISH JANUS From the NORMAN Conquest to the Death of King Henry II. CHAP. I. William the Conquerour 's Title He bestows Lands upon his followers and brings Bishops and Abbots under Military Service An account of the old English Laws called Merchenlage Danelage and Westsaxen-lage He is prevailed upon by the Barons to govern according to King Edward's Laws and at S. Albans takes his Oath so to do Yet some new Laws were added to those old ones WILLIAM Duke of Normandy upon pretence of a double Right both that of Blood inasmuch as Emme the Mother of Edward the Confessor was Daughter to Richard the first Duke of the Normans and withal that of Adoption having in Battel worsted Harald the Son of Godwin Earl of Kent obtain'd a large Inheritance and took possession of the Royal Government over all England After his Inauguration he liberally bestowed the Lands and Estates of the English upon his fellow-soldiers that little which remained so saith Matthew Paris he put under the yoke of a perpetual servitude Upon which account some while since the coming in of the Normans there was not in England except the King himself any one who held Land by right of Free-hold as they term it since in sooth one may well call all others to a man only Lords in trust of what they had as those who by swearing fealty and doing homage did perpetually own and acknowledge a Superior Lord of whom they held and by whom they were invested into their Estates All Bishopricks and Abbacies which held Baronies and so far forth had freedom from all Secular service the fore-cited Matthew is my Author he brought them under Military service enrolling every Bishoprick and Abbacy according to his own pleasure how many Souldiers he would have each of them find him and his Successors in time of Hostility or War Having thus according to this model ordered the Agrarian Law for the division and settlement of Lands he resolved to govern his Subjects we have it from Gervase of Tilbury by Laws and Ordinances in writing to which purpose hè proposed also the English Laws according to their Tripartite or threefold distinction that is to say Merchenlage Danlage and Westsaxenlage Merchenlage that is the Law of the Mercians which was in force in the Counties of Glocester Worcester Hereford Warwick Oxford Chester Salop and Stafford Danlage that is the Law of the Danes which bore sway in Yorkshire Derby Nottingham Leicester Lincoln Northampton Bedford Buckingham Hertford Essex Middlesex Norfolk Suffolk Cambridge Huntingdon Westsaxenlage that is the Law of the West-Saxons to which all the rest of the thirty two Counties which are all that Malmesbury reckons up in Ethelred's time did belong to wit Kent Sussex Surrey Berks Southampton Winton Somerset Dorset and Devon Some of these English Laws he disliked and laid aside others he approved of and added to them some from beyond Sea out of Neustria he means Normandy which they did of old term Neustria corruptly instead of Westrich as being the more Western Kingdom of the Franks and given by Charles the Simple to Rollo for his Daughter Gilla her portion such of them as seemed most effectual for the preserving of the Kingdoms peace This saith he of Tilbury Now this is no rare thing among Writers for them to devise that William the Conqueror brought in as it were a clear new face of Laws to all intents and purposes 'T is true this must be acknowledg'd that he did make some new ones part whereof you may see in Lambard's Archaeonomia and part of them here subjoyned but so however that they take their denomination from the English rather than from the Normans although one may truly say according to what Lawyers dispute that the English Empire and Government was overthrown by him That he did more especially affect the Laws of the Danes which were not much unlike to those of the Norwegians to whom William was by his Grand-father allied in blood I read in the Annals of Roger Hoveden And that he openly declared that he would rule by them at hearing of which all the great men of the Countrey who had enacted the English Laws were presently struck into dumps and did unanimously petition him That he would permit them to have their own Laws and ancient Customs in which their Fathers had lived and they themselves had been born and bred up in forasmuch as it would be very hard for them to take up Laws that they knew not and to give judgement according to them But the King appearing unwilling and uneasie to be moved they at length prosecuted their purpose beseeching him that for the Soul of King Edward who had after his death given up the Crown and Kingdom to him and whose the Laws were and not any others that were strangers
came in his way as he was passing by holding up their Ploughshares in token that their Husbandry was running to decay for they were put to a world of trouble upon occasion of the provisions which they carried from their own quarters through several parts of the Kingdom Thereupon the King being moved with their complaints did by the resolved advice of his Lords appoint throughout the Kingdom such persons as he knew were for their prudence and discretion fit for the service These persons going about and that they might believe their own eyes taking a view of the several Lands having made an estimate of the provisions which were paid out of them they reduced it into a sum of pence But for the total sum which arose out of all the Lands in one County they ordered that the Sheriff of that County should be bound to the Exchequer Adding this withal that he should pay it at the Scale Now the manner of paying the tryal of the weight and of the metal by Chymical operation the Melter or Coyner and the surveyor of the Mint are more largely handled and explained by my self in some other work of mine 13. That he might the more firmly retain Kent to himself that being accounted as it were the Key of England 't is the famous Mr. Camden tells the Story he set a Constable over Dover-Castle and made the same person Warden of the Cinque Ports according to the old usage of the Romans Those are Hastings Dover Hith Rumney and Sandwich to which are joyned Winchelsey and Rye as Principals and other little Towns as Members 14. To put the last hand to William I add out of the Archives this Law not to be accounted among the last or least of his William by the Grace of God King of the English to all Counts or Earls Viscounts or Sheriffs and to all French born and English men who have Lands in the Bishoprick of Remigius greeting This Remigius was the first who translated the Episcopal See from Dorchester to Lincoln Be it known unto you all and the rest of my Liege Subjects who abide in England that I by the common advice of my Arch-Bishops and the rest of the Bishops and Abbots and all the Princes of my Kingdom have thought fit to order the amendment of the Episcopal Laws which have been down to my time in the Kingdom of the Angles not well nor according to the Precepts of the holy Canons ordained or administred Wherefore I do command and by my Royal Authority strictly charge that no Bishop or Arch-deacon do henceforth hold Pleas in the Hundred concerning Episcopal Laws nor bring any cause which belongs to the Government of Souls i.e. to spiritual affairs to the judgment of secular men but that whosoever according to the Episcopal Laws shall for what cause or fault soever be summoned shall come to a place which the Bishop shall chuse and name for this purpose and there make answer concerning his cause and do right to God and his Bishop not according to the Hundred but according to the Canons and Episcopal Laws For in the time of the Saxon Empire there were wont to be present at those Country Meetings the Hundred Courts an Alderman and a Bishop the one for Spirituals the other for Temporals as appears by King Edgar's Laws CHAP. V. William Rufus succeeds Annats now paid to the King Why claimed by the Pope No one to go out of the Land without leave Hunting of Deer made Felony AFter the death of William his second Son WILLIAM sirnamed RVFVS succeeded in his room All Justice of Laws as Florentius of Worcester tells us was now husht in silence and Causes being put under a Vacation without hearing money alone bore sway among the great ones Ipsaque majestas auro corrupta jacebat that is And Majesty it self being brib'd with gold Lay as a prostitute expos'd to th' bold 15. The right or duty of First-Fruits or as they are commonly called the Annats which our Kings claimed from vacant Abbies and Bishopricks Polydor Virgil will have to have had its first original from Rufus Now the Popes of Rome laid claim to them anciently a sort of Tribute which upon what right it was grounded the Council of Basil will inform us and by what opinion and resolution of Divines and Lawyers confirmed Francis Duarenus in his Sacred Offices of the Church will instruct us 'T is certain that Chronologers make mention that at his death the Bishopricks of Canterbury Winchester and Salisbury and twelve Monasteries beside being without Prelates and Abbots paid in their Revenues to the Exchequer 16. He forbad by publick Edict or Proclamation sayes the same Author that any one should go out of England without his leave and Passport We read that he forbad Anselm the Arch-Bishop that he should not go to wait upon Pope Vrban but that he comprehended all Subjects whatsoever in this his Royal order I confess I have not met with any where in my reading but in Polydor. 17. He did so severely forbid hunting of Deer saith William of Malmesbury that it was Felony and a hanging matter to have taken a Stag or Buck. CHAP. VI. Henry the First why called Beauclerk His Letters of Repeal An Order for the Relief of Lands What a Hereot was Of the Marriage of the Kings Homagers Daughter c. Of an Orphans Marriage Of the Widows Dowry Of other Homagers the like Coynage-money remitted Of the disposal of Estates The Goods of those that dye Intestate now and long since in the Churches Jurisdiction as also the business of Wills Of Forfeitures Of Misdemeanors Of Forests Of the Fee de Hauberk King Edward's Law restored WIlliam who had by direful Fates been shewn to the World was followed by his Brother Henry who for his singular Learning which was to him instead of a Royal Name was called Beau-clerk He took care of the Common-wealth by amending and making good what had slipt far aside from the bounds of Justice and by softning with wholsome remedies those new unheard of and most grievous injuries which Ralph afterwards Bishop of Durham being Lord Chief Justice of the whole Kingdom plagued the people with He sends Letters of Repeal to the High Sheriffs to the intent that the Citizens and people might enjoy their liberty and free rights again See here a Copy of them as they are set down in Matthew Paris HENRY by the Grace of God King of England to Hugh of Bockland High Sheriff and to all his Liege people as well French as English in Herefordshire Greeting Know ye that I through the mercy of God and by the common advice of the Barons of the Kingdom of England have been crowned King And because the Kingdom was opprest with unjust exactions I out of regard to God and that love which I bear towards you all do make the holy Church of God free so that I will neither sell it nor will I put it to farm
the whole Book p. 13 CHAP. X. The Druids reckoning of time An Age consists of thirty Years What Authors treat of the Druids Their Doctrines and Customs savour of Pythagoras and the Cabbalists They were the eldest Philosophers and Lawyers among the Gentiles Some odd Images of theirs in Stone in an Abby near Voitland described p. 15 CHAP. XI The Britans and Gauls had Laws and Customs much alike and whence that came Some things common to them both set down in relation to the breeding of their Children the Marrying of their Wives the Governing of their Families burning Women that killed their Husbands and burning some Servants with the dead Master for company Together with some Remarks of their publick Government p. 16 CHAP. XII Women admitted to publick debates A large commendation of the Sex together with a vindication of their fitness to govern against the Salick Law made out by several examples of most Nations p. 18 CHAP. XIII Their putting themselves under protection by going into great mens service Their Coins of money and their weighing of it Some sorts of flesh not lawful to be eaten by them p. 21 CHAP. XIV Community of Wives among the Britans used formerly by other Nations also Chalcondylas his mistake from our Civil Custom of Saluting A rÄ—buke of the foolish humour of Jealousie p. 22 CHAP. XV. An account of the British State under the Romans Claudius wins a Battel and returns to Rome in Triumph and leaves A. Plautius to order affairs A Colony is sent to Maldon in Essex and to several other places The nature of these Colonies out of Lipsius Julius Agricola's Government here in Vespasian's time p. 24 CHAP. XVI In Commodus his time King Lucy embraces the Christian Religion and desires Eleutherius then Pope to send him the Roman Laws In stead of Heathen Priests he makes three Arch-Bishops and twenty eight Bishops He endows the Churches and makes them Sanctuaries The manner of Government in Constantine's time where ends the Roman account p. 27 CHAP. XVII The Saxons are sent for in by Vortigern against the Scots and Picts who usurping the Government set up the Heptarchy The Angles Jutes Frisons all called Saxons An account of them and their Laws taken out of Adam of Bremen p. 29 CHAP. XVIII The Saxons division of their people into four ranks No person to marry out of his own rank What proportion to be observed in Marriages according to Policy Like to like the old Rule Now Matrimony is made a matter of money p. 30 CHAP. XIX The Saxons way of judging the Event of War with an Enemy Their manner of approving a proposal in Council by clattering their Arms. The Original of Hundred-Courts Their dubbing their Youth into Men. The priviledge of young Lads Nobly born The Morganheb or Wedding-dowry p. 32 CHAP. XX. Their severe punishments of Adultery by maiming some parts of the body The reason of it given by Bracton The like practised by Danes and Normans p. 33 CHAP. XXI The manner of Inheriting among them Of deadly Feuds Of Wergild or Head-money for Murder The Nature of Country-Tenures and Knights Fees p. 36 CHAP. XXII Since the return of Christianity into the Island King Ethelbert's Law against Sacriledge Thieves formerly amerced in Cattel A blot upon Theodred the Good Bishop of London for hanging Thieves The Country called Engelond by Order of King Egbert and why so called The Laws of King Ina Alfred Ethelred c. are still to be met with in Saxon. Those of Edward the Confessor and King Knute the Dane were put forth by Mr. Lambard in his Archaeonomia p. 37 CHAP. XXIII King Alfred divides England into Counties or Shires and into Hundreds and Tythings The Original of Decenna or Court-leet Friburg and Mainpast Forms of Law how People were to answer for those whom they had in Borgh or Mainpast p. 39 CHAP. XXIV King Alfred first appointed Sheriffs By Duns Scotus his advice he gave Order for the breeding up of Youth in Learning By the way what a Hide of Land is King Edgar's Law for Drinking Prelates investiture by the Kings Ring and Staff King Knute's Law against any English-man that should kill a Dane Hence Englescyre The manner of Subscribing and Sealing till Edward the Confessor's time King Harold's Law that no Welch-man should come on this side Offa's Dike with a weapon p. 41 CHAP. XXV The Royal Consorts great Priviledge of Granting Felons Estates forfeited to the King Estates granted by the King with three Exceptions of Expedition Bridge and Castle The Ceremony of the Kings presenting a Turf at the Altar of that Church to which he gave Land Such a Grant of King Ethelbald comprized in old Verse p. 43 THE CONTETNS BOOK II. CHAP. I. WIlliam the Conquerour's Title He bestows Lands upon his followers and brings Bishops and Abbots under Military service An account of the old English Laws called Merchenlage Danelage and Westsaxen-lage He is prevailed upon by the Barons to govern according to King Edward's Laws and at S. Albans takes his Oath so to do Yet some new Laws were added to those old ones p. 47 CHAP. II. The whole Country inrolled in Dooms-day Book Why that Book so called Robert of Glocester's Verses to prove it The Original of Charters and Seals from the Normans practised of old among the French Who among the Romans had the priviledge of using Rings to seal with and who not p. 51 CHAP. III. Other wayes of granting and conveying Estates by a Sword c. particularly by a Horn. Godwin's trick to get Boseham of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Pleadings in French The French Language and Hand when came in fashion Coverfeu Laws against taking of Deer against Murder against Rape p. 54 CHAP. IV. Sheriffs and Juries were before this time The four Terms Judges to act without appeal Justices of Peace The Kings payments made at first in Provisions Afterwards changed into Mony which the Sheriff of each County was to pay in to the Exchequer The Constable of Dover and Warder of the Cinque Ports why made A disorder in Church-affairs Reformed p. 56 CHAP. V. William Rufus succeeds Annats now paid to the King Why claimed by the Pope No one to go out of the Land without leave Hunting of Deer made Felony p. 59 CHAP. VI. Henry the First why called Beauclerk His Letters of Repeal An Order for the Relief of Lands What a Hereot was Of the Marriage of the Kings Homagers Daughter c. Of an Orphans Marriage Of the Widows Dowry Of other Homagers the like Coynage-money remitted Of the disposal of Estates The Goods of those that dye Intestate now and long since in the Churches Jurisdiction as also the business of Wills Of Forfeitures Of Misdemeanors Of Forests Of the Fee de Hauberk King Edward's Law restored p. 60 CHAP. VII His order for the restraint of his Courtiers What the punishment of Theft Coyners to lose their Hands and Privy members Guelding a kind of death What Half-pence and
Farthings to pass The right measure of the Eln. The Kings price set for provisions p. 63 CHAP. VIII The Regality claim'd by the Pope but within a while resumed by the King The Coverfeu dispensed with A Subsidy for marrying the Kings daughter The Courtesie of England Concerning Shipwrack A Tax levied to raise and carry on a War p. 65 CHAP. IX In King Stephen's Reign all was to pieces Abundance of Castles built Of the priviledge of Coining Appeals to the Court of Rome now set on foot The Roman Laws brought in but disowned An instance in the Wonder-working Parliament p. 67 CHAP. X. In King Henry the Seconds time the Castles demolished A Parliament held at Clarendon Of the Advowson and Presentation of Churches Estates not to be given to Monasteries without the Kings leave Clergymen to answer in the Kings Court A Clergyman convict out of the Churches Protection None to go out of the Realm without the Kings leave This Repealed by King John Excommunicate Persons to find Surety Laymen how to be impleaded in the Ecclesiastical Court A Lay-Jury to swear there in what case No Homager or Officer of the Kings to be Excommunicated till He or his Justice be acquainted p. 69 CHAP. XI Other Laws of Church affairs Concerning Appeals A Suit betwixt a Clergy-man and a Lay-man where to be tryed In what case one who relates to the King may be put under an Interdict The difference betwixt that and Excommunication Bishops to be present at the Tryals of Criminals until Sentence of Death c. pass Profits of vacant Bishopricks c. belong to the King The next Bishop to be chosen in the Kings Chappel and to do Homage before Consecration Deforcements to the Bishop to be righted by the King And on the contrary Chattels forfeit to the King not to be detained by the Church Pleas of debts whatsoever in the Kings Court Yeomens Sons not to go into Orders without the Lords leave p. 72 CHAP. XII The Statutes of Clarendon mis-reported in Matthew Paris amended in Quadrilegus These Laws occasioned a Quarrel between the King and Thomas a Becket Witness Robert of Glocester whom he calls Yumen The same as Rusticks i. e. Villains Why a Bishop of Dublin called Scorch-Uillein Villanage before the Normans time p. 74 CHAP. XIII The Poet gives account which of those Laws were granted by Thomas a Becket which withstood Leudemen signifies Lay-men and more generally all illiterate Persons p. 77 CHAP. XIV The Pope absolves Thomas a Becket from his Oath and damns the Laws of Clarendon The King resents it writes to his Sheriffs Orders a Seisure Penalties inflicted on Kindred He provides against an Interdict from Rome He summons the Bishops of London and Norwich An account of Peter Pence p. 79 CHAP. XV. A Parliament at Northampton Six Circuits ordered A List of the then Justices The Jury to be of twelve Knights Several sorts of Knights In what cases Honorary Knights to serve in Juries Those who come to Parliament by right of Peerage sit as Barons Those who come by Letters of Summons are styled Chevaliers p. 81 CHAP. XVI The person convict by Ordeal to quit the Realm within Forty dayes Why Forty dayes allowed An account of the Ordeals by Fire and Water Lady Emme clear'd by going over burning Coulters Two sorts of tryal by Water Learned conjectures at the rise and reason of these customs These Ordeals as also that of single Combat condemned by the Church p. 84 CHAP. XVII Other Laws Of entertaining of strangers An Uncuth a Gust a Hogenhine what of him who confesseth the Murder c. Of Frank pledge Of an Heir under age Of a Widows Dowry Of taking the Kings fealty Of setting a time to do homage Of the Justices duty Of their demolishing of Castles Of Felons to be put into the Sheriffs hands Of those who have departed the Realm p. 87 CHAP. XVIII Some Laws in favour of the Clergy Of forfeitures on the account of Forest or hunting Of Knights fees Who to bear Arms and what Arms. Arms not to be alienated No Jew to bear Arms. Arms not to be carryed out of England Rich men under suspicion to clear themselves by Oath Who allowed to swear against a Free-man Timber for building of Ships not to be carryed out of England None but Free-men to bear Arms. Free-men who Rusticks or Villains not such p. 90 CHAP. XIX Of Law-makers Our Kings not Monarchs at first Several of them in the same County The Druids meeting-place where Under the Saxons Laws made in a general Assembly of the States Several instances This Assembly under the Normans called Parliament The thing taken from a custome of the ancient Germans Who had right to sit in Parliament The harmony of the Three Estates p. 93 CHAP. XX. The Guardians of the Laws who In the Saxons time seven Chief One of the Kings among the Heptarchs styled Monarch of all England The Office of Lord High Constable Of Lord Chancellor ancient The Lord Treasurer Alderman of England what Why one called Healfkoning Aldermen of Provinces and Graves the same as Counts or Earls and Viscounts or Sheriffs Of the County Court and the Court of Inquests called Tourn le Viscount When this Court kept and the original of it p. 95 CHAP. XXI Of the Norman Earls Their Fee Their power of making Laws Of the Barons i.e. Lords of Manours Of the Court-Baron It s rise An instance of it out of Hoveden Other Offices much alike with the Saxons p. 98 THE FIRST BOOK OF THE ENGLISH JANUS From the Beginning of the BRITISH Story down to the NORMAN Conquest CHAP. I. The counterfeit Berosus with the Monk that put him forth both censured The Story of Samothes the first Celtick King The bounds of Celtica From Samothes say they the Britans and Gauls were called Samothei For which Diogenes Laertius is falsly quoted the word in him being Semnothei THERE came forth and in Buskins too I mean with Pomp and State some parcels of years ago and is still handed about every where an Author called Berosus a Chaldee Priest take heed how you suffer your self to believe him to be the same that Flavius Josephus so often up and down quotes for a witness with a Commentary of Viterbiensis Or rather to say that which is the very truth John Annius of Viterbium a City of Tuscany a Dominican Frier playing the Leger-de-main having counterfeited Berosas to put off his own strange stories hath put a cheat upon the Lady Muse who is the Governess of Antiquities and has hung a Bantling at her back After the Genealogies of the Hebrews drawn down by that Author whoever he be according to his own humour and method for fear he should not be thought to take in the Kingdoms and Kings of the whole Universe and the Etymologies of Proper Names by whole-sale as we say as if he had been born the next day after Grandam Ops was delivered of Jupiter he subjoyns SAMOTHES the very same who
people Nor do they hold on never to be appeased For even Murder is expiated by a certain number of some head of Cattel and the whole Family of the murdered Person receives satisfaction Murders formerly were bought off with Head-mony called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though one had killed a Nobleman nay the King himself as we may see in Athelstan's Constitutions But good manners I suppose have prevailed above Laws 33. The Lord imposes upon his Tenant a certain quantity of Corn or Cattel or Clothes We see here clearly enough the nature of Country Land-holders Fees or Tenures As to military or Knights Fees give me leave to set that down too Dionysius Halicarnasseus gives us a very ancient draught and model of them in the Trojans and Aborigines Florus in the Cymbrians and Lampridius in Alexander Severus Both the Northern people and the Italians do owe them to the Huns and Lombards but these later according to a more modern form Let these things suffice out of Cornelius Tacitus which belong to this Head CHAP. XXII Since the return of Christianity into the Island King Ethelbert's Law against Sacriledge Thieves formerly amerced in Cattel A blot upon Theodred the Good Bishop of London for hanging Thieves The Country called Engelond by Order of King Egbert and why so called The Laws of King Ina Alfred Ethelred c. are still to be met with in Saxon. Those of Edward the Confessor and King Knute the Dane were put forth by Mr. Lambard in his Archaeonomia BEfore that the Christian Doctrine had driven out and banished the Saxon Idolatry all these things I have hitherto been speaking of were in use Ethelbert he that was the first King not only of Kent but of all England except Northumberland having been baptized by Austin the Monk the Apostle as some call him of the English amongst other good things which by Counsel and Grant he did to his Nation 't is venerable Bede speaks these words he did also with the advice of wise men appoint for his peoples use the orders of their proceedings at Law according to the examples of the Romans Which having been written in the English tongue says he are hitherto or to this time kept and observed by them Among which orders or decrees he set down in the first place after what manner such an one should make amends who should convey away by stealth any of those things that belonged to the Church or to a Bishop or to the rest of the Orders In the Laws of some that came after him as those of King Alured who cull'd out of Ethelbert's Acts to make up his own and those of King Athelstan Thieves make satisfaction with mony accordingly as Tacitus says of the Germans That for lighter offences those that were convicted are at the rate of their penalties amerced such a number of Horses or other Cattel For as Festus hath it before Brass and Silver were coyned by ancient custom they were fined for their faults so much Cattel But those who medled with any thing sacred we read had that hand cut off with which they committed the theft Well! but am I mistaken or was Sacriledge even in the time of the Saxon Government punisht as a Capital crime There is a passage of William of Malmsbury in his Book de Gestis Pontificum that inclines me to think so Speaking of Theodred the Bishop of London when Athelstan was King he says That he had among the common people got the sirname of Theodred the Good for the eminence of his virtues Only in one thing he fell short which was rather a mistake than a crime that those Thieves which were taken at St. Edmunds whom the holy Martyr had upon their vain attempts tied with an invisible knot he means St. Edmundsbury in Suffolk which Church these Fellows having a design to rob are said by miracle to have stood still in the place as if they had been tied with Cords These Thieves I say were by his means or sufferance given up to the severity of the Laws and condemned to the Gallows or Gibbet Let not any one think that in this middle Age this Gallows or Gibbet I spoke of was any other thing than the Roman Furca upon which people hang and are strangled till they die 34. Egbert King of the West-Saxons I make use of Camdens words having gotten in four Kingdoms by conquest and devour'd the other two also in hope that what had come under the Government of one might likewise go under one name and that he might keep up the memory of his own people the Angles he gave order by Proclamation that the Heptarchy which the Saxons had possest should be called Engelond John Carnotensis writes that it was so called from the first coming in of the Angles and another some body says it was so named from Hengist a Saxon Prince There are a great many Laws of King Ina Alfred Edward Athelstan Edmund Edgar Ethelred and Knute the Dane written in the Saxon language which have lasted till these very times For King Knute gave order 't is William of Malmsbury speaks that all the Laws which had been made by former Kings and especially by his Predecessor Ethelred should under pain of his displeasure and a Fine be constantly observed For the keeping of which even now in the time of those who are called the Good people swear in the name of King Edward not that he appointed them but that he observed them The Laws of Edward who for his piety has the sirname of Confessor are in Readers hands These of the Confessor were in Latin those others of Knute were not long since put into Latin by William Lambard a learned man and one very well vers'd in Antiquity who has recovered them both and published the Saxon Original with his Translation over against it Printed by John Day at London Anno 1567. under the Title of Archaeonomia or a Book concerning the ancient Laws of the English May he have a good harvest of it as he deserves From Historians let us borrow some other helps for this service CHAP. XXIII King Alfred divides England into Countyes or Shires and into Hundreds and Tythings The Original of Decenna or Court-leet Friburg and Mainpast Forms of Law how People were to answer for those whom they had in Borgh or Mainpast 35. INgulph the Abbot of Crowland writing of King Alfred says That he was the first of all that changed the Villages or Lordships and Provinces of all England into Counties or Shires Before that it was reckoned and divided according to the number of Hides or Plough-lands by little districts or quarters He divided the Counties into Hundreds and Tythings it was long before that Honorius Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had parted the Country into Parishes to wit Anno 636. that every Native home-born lawful man might be in some Hundred and Tything I mean whosoever was â—ull twelve years of age and if any
to have it so understood 38. King Edgar like a King of good Fellows or Master of Revels made a Law for Drinking He gave order that studs or knobs of Silver or Gold so Malmsbury tells us should be fastned to the sides of their Cups or drinking Vessels that when every one knew his mark or boundary he should out of modesty not either himself covet or force another to desire more than his stint This is the only Law before the first Parliament under King James has been made against those Swill-bowls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Swabbers of drunken Feasts and lusty Rowers In full brimm'd Rummers that do ply their Oars who by their carowses tipling up Nestor's years as if they were celebrating the Goddess Anna Perenna do at the same time drink others Healths and mischief and spoil their own and the Publick 39. There was no choice of Prelates these are the words of Ingulph again that was merely free and canonical but the Court conferred all Dignities as well of Bishops as of Abbots by the Kings Ring and Staff according to his good pleasure The Election or choice was in the Clergy and the Monks but they desired him whom they had chosen of the King Edmund in King Ethelred's time was after this manner made Bishop of the Holy Island on the Coast of Northumberland And King Edgar in his Patent which he signed to the Abby of Glastenbury retained to himself and his Heirs the power of bestowing the Pastoral Staff to the Brother Elect. 40. To as many as King Knute retained with him in England to wit to the Danes for by their hands also was the Scepter of this Kingdom managed it was granted that they should have a firm peace all over so that if any of the English killed any of those men whom the King had brought along with him if he could not clear himself by the Judgment of God that is by Ordeal to wit by water and burning hot iron Justice should be done upon him But if he run away and could not be taken there should be paid for him sixty six marks and they were gathered in the Village where the Party was slain and therefore because they had not the murderer forth coming and if in such Village by reason of their poverty they could not be gathered then they should be gathered in the Hundred to be paid into the Kings Treasure In this manner writes Henry Bracton who observes that hence the business of Englishshire came into fashion in the Inquests of murder 41. Hand-Writings i.e. Patents and Grants till Edward the Confessors time were confirmed by the subscriptions of faithful Persons present a thing practised too among the Britans in King Arthur's time as John Price informs us out of a very ancient Book of the Church of Landaff Those subscriptions were accompanied with Golden Crosses and other sacred Seals or like stamps 42. King Harald made a Law that whosoever of the Welch should be found with a Weapon about him without the bound which he had set them to wit Offa's dike he should have his Right Hand cut off by the Kings Officers This dike our Chorographer tells us was cut by Offa King of the Mercians and drawn along from the mouth of the River Dee to the mouth of the River Wye for about eighty miles in length on purpose to keep the English and Welch asunder CHAP. XXV The Royal Consorts great Priviledge of Granting Felons Estates forfeited to the King Estates granted by the King with three Exceptions of Expedition Bridge and Castle The Ceremony of the Kings presenting a Turf at the Altar of that Church to which he gave Land Such a Grant of King Ethelbald comprized in old Verse THe Donations or Grants of the Royal Consort though not by the Kings Authority contrary to what the Priviledge of any other Wife is were ratified also in that Age as they were by the Roman Law Which by the Patent of Aethelswith Wife to Burghred King of the Mercians granted to Cuthwuls in the year 868. hath been long since made out by Sir Edward Coke Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas Where also King Ethelred's ancient Charter proves that the Estates of Felons those I mean who concern themselves in Burglaries and Robberies are forfeited to the King Having already mentioned those Hand-writings or Grants which are from one hand and t'other conveyances of Tenure the fewel of quarrels I have a mind over and above what has been said to set down also these Remarks as being to our purpose and taken from the Saxons As for instance that those are most frequent whereby Estates are conveyed to be held with the best and fairest right yet most commonly these three things excepted to wit Expedition Repairing of Bridges and Building of Castles And that those to whom the Grants were made were very seldom acquitted upon this account These three exceptions are noted by the term of a three-knotted necessity in an old Charter wherein King Cedwalla granted to Wilfrid the first Bishop of Shelsey in Sussex the Village of Paganham in the said County For though in the Grants of King Ethelulph the Church be free says Ingulph and there be a concession of all things for the release of our Souls and pardon of our sins to serve God alone without Expedition and building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle to the intent that the Clergy might wholly attend Divine Service Yet in that publick debate of Parliament in the Reign of Henry the third concerning the ancient State Freedom and Government of the English Church and concerning the hourly exactions of the Pope and the Leeches Jugglers and Decoys of Rome that strolled up and down the Country to pick Peoples Pockets to the great prejudice of the Common-wealth they did indeed stand for the priviledge of the Church and produced as Witnesses thereof the Instruments and Grants of Kings who nevertheless were not so much inclined to countenance that liberty of the Church but that as Matthew Paris observes They always reserved to themselves for the publick advantage of the Kingdom three things to wit Expedition and the repairing or making up of Bridge or Castle that by them they might withstand the incursions of the Enemy And King Ethelbald hath this form I grant that all the Monasteries and Churches of my Kingdom be discharged from publick Customs or Taxes Works or Services and Burdens or Payments or Attendances unless it be the building and repairing of Castles or Bridges which cannot be released to any one I take no notice how King Ethelred the twelfth perhaps but by no means the fifteenth wherein an Historian of ours has blundred hath signed the third year of his Reign by the term of an Olympiad after the manner of the Greek computation or reckoning As likewise I pass other things of the like kind which are many times used and practised according to the
he would hearken to them and grant that they might continue under their own Countrey Laws Whereupon calling a Council he did at the last yield to the request of the Barons From that day forward therefore the Laws of King Edward which had before been made and appointed by his Grand-father Adgar seeing their authority were before the rest of the Laws of the Countrey respected confirmed and observed all over England But what then Doth it follow that all things in William's time were new How can a man chuse but believe it The Abbot of Crowland sayes this of it I have brought with me from London into my Monastery the Laws of the most Righteous King Edward which my Renowned Lord King William hath by Proclamation ordered under most grievous penalties to be authentick and perpetual to be kept inviolably throughout the whole Kingdom of England and hath recommended them to his Justices in the same language wherein they were at first set forth and published And in the Life of Fretherick Abbot of S. Albans you have this account After many debates Arch-Bishop Lanfrank being then present at Berkhamstead in Hartfordshire the King did for the good of peace take his Oath upon all the Reliques of the Church of S. Alban and by touching the holy Gospels Fretherick the Abbot administring the Oath that he would inviolably observe the good and approved ancient Laws of the Kingdom which the holy and pious Kings of England his Predecessors and especially King Edward had appointed But you will much more wonder at that passage of William le Rouille of Alençon in his Preface to the Norman Customs That vulgar Chronicle saith he which is intitled the Chronicle of Chronicles bears witness that S. Edward King of England was the Maker or Founder of this Custom where he speaks of William the Bastard Duke of Normandy alias King of England saying that whereas the foresaid S. Edward had no Heirs of his own Body he made William Heir of the Kingdom who after the Defeat and Death of Harald the Usurper of the Kingdom did freely obtain and enjoy the Kingdom upon this condition to wit that he would keep the Laws which had before been made by the fore-mentioned Edward which Edward truly had also given Laws to the Normans as having been a long time also brought up himself in Normandy Where then I pray you is the making of new Laws Why without doubt according to Tilbury we are to think that together with the ratifying of old Laws there was mingled the making of some new ones and in this case one may say truly with the Poet in his Panegyrick Firmatur senium Juris priscamque resumunt Canitiem leges emendanturque vetustae Acceduntque novae which in English speaks to this sense The Laws old age stands firm by Royal care Statutes resume their ancient gray hair Old ones are mended with a fresh repair And for supply some new ones added are See here we impart unto thee Reader these new Laws with other things which thou maist justly look for at my hands in this place CHAP. II. The whole Country inrolled in Dooms-day Book Why that Book so called Robert of Glocester's Verses to prove it The Original of Charters and Seals from the Normans practised of old among the French Who among the Romans had the priviledge of using Rings to seal with and who not 1. HE caused all England to be described and inrolled a whole company of Monks are of equal authority in this business but we make use of Florentius of Worcester for our witness at this time how much Land every one of his Barons was possessed of how many Soldiers in fee how many Ploughs how many Villains how many living Creatures or Cattel I and how much ready mony every one was Master of throughout all his Kingdom from the greatest to the least and how much Revenue or Rent every Possession or Estate was able to yield That breviary or Present State of the Kingdom being lodged in the Archives for the generality of it containing intirely all the Tenements or Tenures of the whole Country or Land was called Dooms-day as if one would say The day of Doom or Judgment For this reason saith he of Tilbury we call the same Dooms-day Book Not that there is in it sentence given concerning any doubtful cases proposed but because it is not lawful upon any account to depart from the Doom or Judgment aforesaid Reader If it will not make thy nice Stomach wamble let me bring in here an old fashioned Rhyme which will hardly go down with our dainty finical Verse-wrights of an historical Poet Robert of Glocester One whom for his Antiquity I must not slight concerning this Book The K. W. vor to wite the worth of his londe Let enqueri streitliche thoru al Engelonde Hou moni plou lond and hou moni hiden also Were in everich sire and wat hii were wurth yereto And the rents of each toun and of the waters echone That wurth and of woods eke that there ne bileved none But that he wist wat hii were wurth of al Engelonde And wite al clene that wurth thereof ich understond And let it write clene inou and that scrit dude iwis In the Tresorie at Westminster there it yut is So that vre Kings suth when hii ransome toke And redy wat folc might give hii fond there in yor boke Considering how the English Language is every day more and more refined this is but a rude piece and looks scurvily enough But yet let us not be unmindful neither that even the fine trim artifices of our quaint Masters of Expression will themselves perhaps one day in future Ages that shall be more critical run the same risk of censure and undergo the like misfortune And that Multa renascentur quae nunc cecidere cadentque Quae nunc sunt in honore As Horace the Poet born at Venusium tells us That is Several words which now are fal'n full low Shall up again to place of Honour start And words that now in great esteem I trow Are held shall shortly with their honour part 2. The Normans called their Writings given under their hand Charters I speak this out of Ingulph and they ordered the confirmation of such Charters with an impression of Wax by every ones particular Seal under the Testimony and Subscription of three or four Witnesses standing by But Edward the Confessor had also his Seal though that too from Normandy For in his time as the same Writer saith Many of the English began to let slip and lay aside the English Fashions bringing in those of the Normans in their stead and in many things to follow the customs of the Franks all great persons to speak the French Tongue in their Courts looking upon it as a great piece of gentility to make their Charters and Writings alamode of France and to be ashamed of their own Country usages in these
nor upon the death of Arch-Bishop or Bishop or Abbot will I take any thing of the domain of the Church or of the men thereof till a Successor enter upon it And all evil Customs wherewith the Kingdom of England was unjustly oppressed I do henceforward take away which evil usages I do here in part set down 18. If any one of my Barons Counts or others that hold of me shall dye his Heir shall not redeem his Land as he was wont to do in the time of my Father but relieve it with a lawful and due relief In like manner also shall the Homagers or Tenants of my Barons relieve their Lands from their Lords with a lawful and just relief It appears that in the times of the Saxons a Hereot was paid to the Lord at a Tenants death upon the account of provision for War for here in Saxon signifies an Army and that which in our memory now in French is called a Relief Henry of Bracton sayes 't is an engagement to recognize the Lord doth bear a resemblance of the ancient Hereot Thereupon it is a guess saith William Lambard that the Normans being Conquerors did remit the Hereot to the Angles whom they had conquered and stripped of all kind of Armour and that for it they exacted money of the poor wretches To this agrees that which is mentioned in the State of England concerning the Nobles of Berkshire A Tain or Knight of the Kings holding of him did at his death for a Relief part with all his Arms to the King and one Horse with a Saddle and another without a Saddle And if he had Hounds or Hawks they were presented to the King that if he pleased he might take them And in an ancient Sanction of Conrade the First Emperour of Germany If a Souldier that is Tenant or Lessee happen to dye let his Heir have the Fee so that he observe the use of the greater Vavasors in giving his Horses and Arms to the Seniors or Lords John Mariana takes notice that the word Seniors in the Vular Languages Spanish Italian and French signifies Lords and that to have been in use from the time of Charlemain's Reign But these things you may have in more plenty from the Feudists those who write concerning Tenures 19. If any of my Barons or other men Homagers or Tenants of mine I return to King Henry's Charter shall have a mind to give his Daughter or Sister or Niece or Kinswoman in marriage let him speak with me about it But neither will I take any thing of his for this leave and licence nor will I hinder him from betrothing her except he shall have a design of giving her to an enemy of mine 20. If upon the death of a Baron or any other Homager of mine there be left a Daughter that is an Heiress I will bestow her with the advice of my Barons together with her Land 21. If upon the death of the Husband his Wife be left without Children she shall have her Dowry and right of Marriage as long as she shall keep her body according to Law and I will not bestow her but according to her own liking And if there be Children either the Wife or some one else near of kin shall be their Guardian and Trustee of their Land who ought to be just 22. I give order that my Homagers do in like manner regulate themselves towards the Sons and Daughters and Wives of their Homagers 23. The common Duty of Money or Coinage which was taken through all Cities and Counties which was not in the time of King Edward I do utterly forbid that henceforward this be no more done 24. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall be sick and weak according as he himself shall give or order any one to give his money I grant it so to be given but if he himself being prevented either by Arms or by Sickness hath neither given his money nor disposed of it to give then let his Wife or Children or Parents and his lawful Homagers for his souls health divide it as to them shall seem best And in Canutus his Laws Let the Lord or Owner at his own discretion make a just distribution of what he hath to his Wife and Children and the next of kin But at this time and long since Church men have been as it were the Distributors and Awarders of the Goods of such persons as dye Intestate or without making their Wills and every Bishop as Ordinary in his own Diocess is the chief Judge in these cases John Stratford Arch-Bishop of Canterbury saith it and it is averred in the Records of our Law that this Jurisdiction also concerning Wills was of old long time ago in an ancient Constitution intrusted to the Church by the consent of the King and Peers However in what Kings time this was done neither does he relate nor do I any where find as William Lindwood in his Provincial acknowledgeth It is a thing very well known that after Tryal of right Wills were wont to be opened in the Ecclesiastical Court even in the Reign of Henry the Second Ralph Glanvill is my witness contrary to what order was taken in the Imperial Decrees of the Romans And peradventure it will appear so to have been before Glanvill as he will tell you if you go to him although you have quoted by my self some where a Royal Rescript or Order to a High Sheriff That he do justly and without delay cause to stand i. e. appoint and confirm a reasonable share to such an one that is that the Legatee may obtain and enjoy his right what was bequested to him by the Sheriffs help I come back now to my track again 25. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall make a forfeit he shall not give a pawn in the scarcity of his money as he did in the time of my Brother or my Father but according to the quality of his forfeiture nor shall he make amends as he would have done heretofore in my Brothers or Fathers time 26. If he shall be convicted of perfidiousness or of foul misdemeanors as his fault shall be so let him make amends 27. The Forests by the common advice of my Barons I have kept in mine own hand in the same manner as my Father had them 28. To those Souldiers or Knights who hold and maintain their Lands by Coats of Male that is per fee de Hauberke that they may be ready to attend their Lords with Habergeons or Coats of Male compleatly armed Cap a pee I grant the Plough-lands of their Domains acquitted from all Gelds and from every proper Gift of mine that as they are eased from so great a Charge and Grievance so they may furnish themselves well with Horse and Arms that they may be fit and ready for my service and for the defence of my Realm 29. I restore unto you the Law of King Edward with other amendments
wherewith my Father amended it Those amendments are put forth by Lombard Hitherto out of those Royal and general Letters directed to all the Subjects CHAP. VII His order for restraint of his Courtiers What the punishment of Theft Coyners to lose their Hands and Privy-members Guelding a kind of death What Half-pence and Farthings to pass The right measure of the Eln. The Kings price set for provisions 30. HE did by his Edict or Proclamation restrain the Rapines Thefts and Rogueries of the Courtiers ordering that those who were caught in such pranks should have their Eyes with their Stones pulled out This Malmesbury supplies us with But Florentius of Worcester and Roger Hoveden give the account that he punished Thieves with Death and Hanging otherwise than that pleasant and curious man Thomas Moor in his Vtopia would have his people to be dealt with Yet I am inclined rather to believe Malmesbury not only upon the authority of the man in comparison of whose Rose-beds if you well weigh the Learning of that Age the other pack of Writers are but sorry low shrubs but also upon the account of a nameless Monk who in his Book of the Miracles of S. Thomas of Canterbury tells us a story of one Eilward a poor mean fellow of Kingsweston in Berkshire who being in the Reign of King Henry the Second condemned of Theft he had it seems stoln a pair of Countrey Gloves and a Whetstone was punished by losing his Eyes and Privities who coming with devotion to S. Thomas his Tomb got an intire restitution of his disappearing Members and Faculties and was as good a man as ever he was Perchance in this he is no witness of infallible credit Let the story of Iphis and Ianthis and that of Ceneus try Masteries with this for the Whetstone to our purpose the Writer is trusty enough But in the first times of the Normans I perceive that the Halter was the ill consequence of Theft Let it be lawful for the Abbot of that Church if he chance to come in in the God speed to acquit an High-way-man or Thief from the Gallows They are the words of the Patent with which William the Conquerour to expiate the slaughter of Harald consecrated a Monastery to S. Martin near Hastings on the Sea-coast of Sussex and priviledged it with choice and singular rights 31. Against Cheats whom they commonly call Coyners 't is Malmesbury speaks again he shewed his particular diligence permitting no cheating fellow to escape scot-free without losing his Fist or Hand who had been understood to have put tricks upon silly people with the traffick of their falshood For all that he who hath tackt a supplement to Florentius of Worcester and William Gemeticensis give out that the Counterfeiters and Imbasers of Coin had over and above those parts cut off which Galen accounts to be the principal instruments for propagating of the kind To whom Hoveden agrees who writes in the Life of Henry the First That Coyners by the Kings order being taken had their right Hâ—nds and their Privy-members cut off Upon this account sure that he that was guilty of such a wicked crime should have no hope left him of posterity nor the Common-wealth be in any further fear of those who draw villainous principles from the loins of those that beget them Now at this very time and in former Ages too this piece of Treason was punished with Halter and Gallows and that also of Theft not only in England but almost in all Countreys especially Robbery upon the High-way which is committed by those who lay wait to surprize Passengers as they travel along upon one or other side of them whence not only in the Latin but in the holy Language also a High-way-man hath his name And truly among the Ancients guelding was lookt upon as a kind of death The Apostles Canons give him the character and censure of a Manslayer who cuts off his own Privities who lives all his life a Batchelor say the Talmudists and he who cuts off another mans is in danger of the Cornelian Law concerning Murderers and Cut-throats and so was it heretofore among the English 32. He ordered they are Hoveden's words that no half-penny which also he commanded should be made round or farthing also if it were intire should be refused 33. He corrected the Merchants false Eln so sayes the Monk of Malmesbury applying the measure of his Arm and proposing that to all people over England 34. He gave order to the Courtiers in whatsoever Cities or Villages he were how much they were to take of the Countrey people gratis and at what price to buy things punishing offendors herein either with a great Fine of money or with loss of life CHAP. VIII The Regality claimed by the Pope but within a while resumed by the King The Coverfeu dispensed with A Subsidy for marrying the Kings Daughter The Courtesie of England Concerning Shipwrack A Tax levied to raise and carry on a War 35. ANselm Arch-Bishop of Canterbury labours earnestly with the Pope and his party and at length obtains it with much ado that from that time forward you have it in Florilegus after other Writers never any one should be invested with a Pastoral Staff or a Ring into a Bishoprick or Abbacy by the King or any Lay-person whatsoever in England added out of Malmesbury retaining however the priviledge of Election and Regality There was a sharp bickering about this business betwixt the King and Anselm and so between the Popes Paschalis and Calixtus and Henry about that time Emperour Both of them at least pretendedly quit their right our King humouring the Scene according to the present occasion For after Anselm's death he did invest Rodulphus that came in his room by a Ring and a Pastoral Staff 36. He restored the Night-Torches or Lights which William the First had forbidden forasmuch as he now had less reason to apprehend any danger from them the Kingdom being in a better and firmer posture 37. To make up a portion for Mawd the Kings Daughter married to Henry the Emperour every Hide of Land paid a Tribute of Three Shillings Here Polydore makes his descant Afterward sayes he The rest of the Kings followed that course of raising Portions for the bestowal of their Daughters so tenacious hath posterity alway been of their own advantages It is scarce to be doubted that the right of raising money for the marrying of the Lords Daughters by way of Aid or Subsidy upon the Tenants or Dependants is of a more ancient original Neither would I fetch it from the mutual engagement of Romulus his Patrons and Clients or Landlords and Tenants or from Suetonius his Caligula rather from the old Customs of the Normans more ancient than King Henry where that threefold Tribute is explained by the name of Aid which the Patent granted by King John in favour of publick liberty mentions in these words I will impose no Escuage or
Aid in our Realm but by the common advice of our Realm unless it be to ransom our Body and to make our first-born Son a Soldier or Knight and to marry our eldest Daughter once 38. Some ascribe that Law to Henry which Lawyers call the Courtesie of England whereby a man having had a Child by his Wife when she dyes enjoyes her Estate for his life 39. He made a Law that poor shipwrackt persons should have their Goods restored to them if there were any living creature on Ship-board that escaped drowning Forasmuch as before that time whatsoever through the misfortune of shipwrack was cast on Shoar was adjudged to the Exchequer except that the persons who suffered shipwrack and had escaped alive did themselves within such a time refit and repair the Vessel So the Chronicle of the Monastery of S. Martin de Bello This right is called Wreck or if you will Uareck of the Sea How agreeable to the Law of Nations I trouble not my self to enquire That more ancient Custom is as it were suitable to the Norman usage Now at this time our Lawyers and that the more modern Law of Edward the First pass judgement according to the more correct Copy of King Henry And they reckon it too among the most ancient Customs of the Kingdom Did therefore King Richard order or did Hoveden relate this to no purpose or without any need If one who suffers shipwrack dye in the Ship let his Sons or Daughters his Brethren or Sisters have what he left according as they can shew and make out that they are his next heirs Or if the deceased have neither Sons nor Daughters nor Brothers nor Sisters the King is to have his Chattels Can one imagine that this Law he made at Messina when he was engaged in War was calculated only for that time or place Certainly in the Archives there is elsewhere to be met with as much as this 40. That he might with a stout Army bear the brunt of Baldwin Earl of Flanders and Louis King of France who had conspired being bound by mutual Oaths to one another with the Duke of Anjou to take away from King Henry by force of Arms the Dutchy of Normandy he first of all t is Polydore avers it laid a heavy Tax upon the people to carry on the new War which thing with the Kings that followed after grew to be a custom He was the last of the Normans of a Male descent and as to the method of our undertaking here we treat of him last CHAP. IX In King Stephen's Reign all was to pieces Abundance of Castles built Of the priviledge of Coining Appeals to the Court of Rome now set on foot The Roman Laws brought in but disowned An instance in the Wonder-working Parliament AS of old unless the Shields were laid up there was no Dancing at Weddings so except Arms be put aside there is no pleading of Laws That Antipathy betwixt Arms and Laws England was all over sensible of if ever at any time in the Reign of K. STEPHEN Count of Blois King Henry's Nephew by his Sister Adela For he did not only break the Law and his Oath too to get a Kingdom but also being saluted King by those who perfidiously opposed Mawd the right and true heir of King Henry he reigned with an improved wickedness For he did so strangely and odly chop and change every thing it is Malmsbury speaks it as if he had sworn only for this intent that he might shew himself to the whole Kingdom a Dodger and Shammer of his Oath But as he saith perjuros merito perjuria fallunt that is Such men as Perjuries do make their Trade By their own Perjuries most justly are betray'd They are things of custom to which he swore and such as whereby former priviledges are ratifed rather than new ones granted However some things there are that may be worth the transcribing 41. Castles were frequently raised 'tis Nubrigensis relates it in the several Counties by the bandying of parties and there were in England in a manner as many Kings or rather as many Tyrants as Lords of Castles having severally the stamping of their own Coin and a power of giving Law to the Subjects after a Royal manner Then was the Kingdom plainly torn to pieces and the right of Majesty shattered which gains to it self not the least lustre from stamping of Money Though I know very well that before the Normans in the City of Rochester Canterbury and in other Corporations and Towns Abbots and Bishops had by right of priviledge their Stampers and Coiners of Money 42. Next to the King Theobald Arch Bishop of Canterbury presided over the Council of London where there were also present the Peers of the Realm which buzzed with new appeals For in England t is Henry of Huntington sayes it appeals were not in use till Henry Bishop of Winchester when he was Legate cruelly intruded them to his own mischief Wherefore what Cardinal Bellarmin has writ beginning at the Synod of Sardis concerning the no body knows how old time of the universal right of appealing to the Pope of Rome does not at all as to matter of fact seem to touch upon this Kingdom of ours by many and many a fair mile 43. In the time of King Stephen so 't is in the Polycraticon of John of Salisbury the Roman Laws were banisht the Realm which the Hoâ—se of the Right Reverend Theobald Lord Primate of Britanny had fetcht or sent for over into Britanny Besides it was forbidden by Royal Proclamation that no one should retain or keep by him the Books If you understand the Laws of the Empire I rather take them to be the Decrees of the Popes it will not be much amiss out of the Parliament Records to adjoyn these things of later date In the Parliament holden by Richard of Bourdeaux which is said to have wrought Wonders Upon the Impeachment of Alexander Nevil Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Robert Uere Duke of Ireland Michael Pole Earl of Suffolk Thomas Duke of Glocester Richard Earl of Arundel Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Warwick and others That they being intrusted with the management of the Kingdom by soothing up the easie and youthful temper of the King did assist one another for their own private interest more than the publick well near to the ruine and overthrow of the Government it self the Common Lawyers and Civilians are consulted with about the form of drawing up the Charge which they answer all as one man was not agreeable to the rule of the Laws But the Barons of Parliament reply That they would be tyed up to no rules nor be led by the punctilioes of the Roman Law but would by their own authority pass judgement pur ce que la royalme d' Angleterre n' estoit devant ces heures n'y à l' entent de nostre dit Seigneur le Roy Seigneurs de Parlament unque ne serra
rules ne gouvernes per la Loy Civil that is inasmuch as the Realm of England was not before this time nor in the intention of our said Lord the King and the Lords of Parliament ever shall be ruled or governed by the Civil Law And hereupon the persons impleaded are sentenced to be banished But here is an end of Stephen He fairly dyed CHAP. X. In King Henry the Seconds time the Castles demolished A Parliament held at Clarendon Of the Advowson and Presentation of Churches Estates not to be given to Monasteries without the Kings leave Clergymen to answer in the Kings Court A Clergyman convict out of the Churches Protection None to go out of the Realm without the Kings leave This Repealed by King John Excommunicate Persons to find Surety Laymen how to be impleaded in the Ecclesiastical Court A Lay-Jury to swear there in what case No Homager or Officer of the Kings to be Excommunicated till He or his Justice be acquainted AT length though late first Henry the Son of Jeoffry Plantagenet Count of Anger 's by the Empress Mawd came to his Grandfatherrs Inheritance Having demolished and levelled to the ground the Castles which had in King Stephen's time been built to the number of eleven hundred and fifteen and having retrieved the right of Majesty into its due bounds he confirmed the Laws of his Grandfather Moreover at Clarendon in Wiltshire near Salisbury John of Oxford being President by the Kings own Mandate there being also present the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Peers of the Realm other Laws are recognized and passed whilst at first those who were for the King on one side those who were for the Pope on the other with might and main stickle to have it go their way these latter pleading that the secular Court of Justice did not at all suit with them upon pretence that they had a priviledge of Immunity But this would not serve their turn for such kind of Constitutions as we are now setting down had the Vogue 44. If any Controversie concerning the Advowson and Presentation of Churches arise betwixt Laymen or betwixt Laymen and Clergymen or betwixt Clergymen among themselves let it be handled and determined in the Court of the Lord our King 45. The Churches which are in the Kings Fee cannot be given to perpetuity without his assent and concession Even in the Saxons times it seems it was not lawful without the Kings favour first obtained to give away Estates to Monasteries for so the old Book of Abington says A Servant of King Ethelred's called Vlfric Spot built the Abby of Burton in Staffordshire and gave to it all his Paternal Estate appraised at seven hundred pounds and that this donation might be good in Law he gave King Ethelred three hundred Marks of Gold for his confirmation of it and to every Bishop five Marks and over and above to Alfric Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Village of Dumbleton 46. Clergymen being arighted and accused of any matter whatsoever having been summoned by the Kings Justice let them come into his Court there to make answer to that of which it shall be thought fit that there answer ought to be made So that the Kings Justice send into the Court of Holy Church to see after what manner the business there shall be handled 47. If a Clergyman shall be convicted or shall confess the Fact the Church ought not from thenceforth to give him protection 48. It is not lawful for Arch-Bishops Bishops and Persons of the Kingdom to go out of the Realm without leave of our Lord the King And if they do go out if the King please they shall give him security that neither in going nor in returning or in making stay they seek or devise any mischief or damage against our Lord the King Whether you refer that Writ we meet with in the Register or Record NE EXEAS REGNVM for Subjects not to depart the Kingdom to this time or instance or with Polydore Virgil to William Rufus or to later times is no very great matter Nor will it be worth our while curiously to handle that question For who in things of such uncertainty is able to fetch out the truth Nor will I abuse my leasure or spend time about things unapproachable An sit hic dubito sed hic tamen auguror esse Says the Poet in another case And so say I. Whether it be here or no Is a Question I confess And yet for all that I trow Here it is too as I guess Out of King John's great Charter as they call it you may also compare or make up this Repeal of that Law in part Let it be lawful henceforward for any one to go out of our Realm and to return safely and securely by Land and by Water upon our Royal word unless in time of War for some short time for the common advantage of the Kingdom excepting those that are imprisoned and out-lawed according to the Law of the Kingdom and any People or Nation that are in actual War against us And Merchants concerning whom let such Order be taken as is afore directed I return to King Henry 49. Excommunicate Persons ought not to give suretiship for the Remainder nor to take an Oath but only to find Surety and Pledge to stand to the Judgment of the Church that they may be absolved 50. Persons of the Laity ought not to be accused or impleaded but by certain and legal Accusers and Witnesses in the presence of the Arch-Bishop or Bishop so that the Arch Deacon may not lose his right nor any thing which he ought to have therefrom 51. If they be such Persons who are in fault as no one will or dare to accuse let the Sheriff being thereunto required by him cause twelve legal men of the Voisinage or of the Village to swear before the Bishop that they will manifest or make known the truth of the matter according to their Conscience 52. Let no one who holds of the King in capite nor any one of the Kings Officers or Servants of his Domain be excommunicated nor the Lands of any of them be put under an Interdict or prohibition unless first our Lord the King if he be in the Land be spoke with or his Justice if he be out of the Land that they may do right by him And so that what shall appertain to the Kings Court may be determined there and as to what shall belong to the Ecclesiastical Court it may be sent thither and there treated of CHAP. XI Other Laws of Church affairs Concerning Appeals A Suit betwixt a Clergyman and a Layman where to be Tryed In what case one who relates to the King may be put under an Interdict The difference betwixt that and Excommunication Bishops to be present at Tryals of Criminals until Sentence of Death c. pass Profits of vacant Bishopricks c. belong to the King The next Bishop to be Chosen in
bishoprikes and Abbeis also That vacans were of prelas in the K. hand were ido And that the K. sold all the land as is owne take Uort at last that him lust eni prelat there make And than thulke prelat sould in is chapel ichose be Of is clarks which he wuld to such prelace bise And than wan he were ichose in is chapel right yere Homage he solde him do ar he confirmed were VI. The sixt was yuf eni play to chapitle were idraw And eni man made is appele yuf me dude him unlaw That to the Bishop from Ercedeken is appele sold make And from Bishop to Arcebissop and suth none other take And but the Ercebisops court to right him wold bring That he sold from him be cluthe biuore the King And from the K. non other mo so that attan end Plaining of holi chirch to the K. shold wend. And the K. amend solde the Ercebissops dede And be as in the Popes stude and S. Thomas it withsede VII The seuethe was that plaiding that of det were To yeld wel thoru truth iplight and nought ihold nere Althei thoru truth it were that ple sold be ibrought Biuore the K. and is bailies and to holy chirch nought VIII The eighth that in the lond citation none nere Thoru bull of the Pope of Rome and clene bileued were IX The nithe was that Peters pence that me gadereth manion The Pope nere nought on isend ac the K. echone X. The tethe was yuf eni Clarke as felon were itake And vor felon iproved and ne might it not forsake That me sold him verst disordein and suth thoru there law And thoru judgement of the land hong him other to draw Uor these and vor other mo the Godeman S. Thomas Fleu verst out of England and eke imartred was Uor he sei there nas bote o way other he must stiffe be Other holy chirch was isent that of right was so fre CHAP. XIV The Pope absolves Thoms a Becket from his Oath and damns the Laws of Clarendon The King resents it writes to his Sheriffs Orders a Seisure Penalties inflicted on Kindred He provides against an Interdict from Rome He summons the Bishops of London and Norwich An Account of Peter Pence TO the Laws of Clarendon which I spoke of the States of the Kingdom the Baronage and with them the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury took their Oaths in solemn manner calling upon God There were Embassadors sent to Pope Alexander the third that there might be that bottom also that he would further confirm and ratifie them But he was so far from doing that that he did not only pretend that they did too much derogate from the priviledge of the Clergy and wholly refuse to give his assent to them but also having absolved Thomas the Arch-Bishop at his own request from the obligation of that Oath he had bound himself with he condemned them as impious and such as made against the interest and honour of holy Church King Henry as soon as he heard of it took it as it was fit he should very much in dudgeon grievously and most deservedly storming at the insolence of the Roman Court and the Treachery of the Bishop of Canterbury Immediately Letters were dispatcht to the several Sheriffs of the respective Counties That if any Clerk or Layman in their Bayliwicks should appeal to the Court of Rome they should seise him and take him into firm custody till the King give order what his pleasure is And that they should seise into the Kings hand and for his use all the Revenues and Possessions of the Arch-Bishops Clerks and of all the Clerks that are with the Arch-Bishop they should put by way of safe pledge the Fathers Mothers and Sisters Nephews and Neeces and their Chattels till the King give order what his pleasure is I have told the Story out of Matthew Paris You see in this instance a penalty where there is no fault It affects or reaches to their Kindred both by Marriage and Blood a thing not unusual in the declension of the Roman Empire after Augustus his time But let misdemeanors hold or oblige those who are the Authors of them was the Order of Arcadius and Honorius Emperors to the Lord Chief Justice Eutychianus nor let the fear of punishment proceed further than the offence is found A very usual right among the English whereby bating the taking away the Civil Rights of Blood and Nobility none of the Posterity or Family of those who lose their honours do for the most hainous crimes of their Parents undergo any pâ—â—alâ—ies But this was not all in those Letters I mentioned he added threats also 63. If any one shall be found carrying Letters or a Mandate from the Pope of Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury containing an interdiction of Christian Religion in England let him be seised and kept in hold and let Justice be done upon him without delay as a Traitor against the King and Kingdom This Roger of Hoveden stands by ready to witness 64. Let the Bishops of London and Norwich be summon'd that they may be before the Kings Justices to do right i. e. to answer to their charge and to make satisfaction that they have contrary to the Statutes of the Kingdom interdicted the Land of Earl Hugh and have inflicted a sentence of Excommunication upon him This was Hugh Bigod Earl of Norfolk 65. ' Let St. Peters pence be collected or gathered and kept safe Those Pence were a Tribute or Alms granted first by Ina King of the West-Saxons yearly at Lammas to be gathered from as many as ' had thirty pence as we read it in the Confessor's Laws ' of live mony in their house These were duly at a set time paid in till the time of Henry the eighth when he set the Government free from the Papal Tyranny About which time Polydore Virgil was upon that account in England Treasurer or Receiver general I thought fit to set down an ancient brief account of these pence out of a Rescript of Pope Gregory to the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York in the time of King Edward the second Diocess li. s. d. Canterbury 07 18 00 London 16 10 00 Rochester 05 12 00 Norwich 21 10 00 Ely 05 00 00 Lincoln 42 00 00 Coventry 10 05 00 Chester 08 00 00 Winchester 17 06 08 Exceter 09 05 00 Worcester 10 05 00 Hereford 06 00 00 Bath 12 05 00 York 11 10 00 Salisbury 17 00 00 It amounts to three hundred Marks and a Noble that is two hundred Pounds sterling and six Shillings and eight Pence You are not to expect here the murder of Thomas a Becket and the story how King Henry was purged of the crime having been absolved upon hard terms Conveniunt cymbae vela minora meae My little Skiff bears not so great a Sail. CHAP. XV. A Parliament at Northampton Six Circuits ordered A List of the then Justices The Jury to be of twelve Knights
we meet with these Military Laws or Laws of Knights fees made for Tenants and other people of the common sort 84. He who hath one Knights fee 't is the aforesaid Hoveden speaks let him have an Habergeon or Coat of Male and a Helmet or Head-piece and a Buckler or Target and a Lance and let every Knight have so many Habergeons and Helmets and Targets and Lances as he shall have Knights fees in his demeans 85. Whatsoever Free-holder that is a Lay-man shall have in Chattel or in Rent and Revenue to the value of Sixteen Marks let him have a Coat of Male and a Head-piece and a Buckler and a Lance. 86. Whatsoever Lay-person being a Free-man shall have in Chattel to the value of Ten Marks let him have a little Habergeon or Coat of Male and a Capelet of Iron and a Lance. 87. Let all Burghers or Towns-men of a Corporation and the whole Communities of Free-men have a Wambais and a Capelet of Iron and a Lance. 88. Let no one after he hath once had these Arms sell them nor pawn them nor lend them nor by any other way alienate them from himself or part with them nor let his Lord alienate them by any manner of way from his man i. e. his Tenant that holds under him neither by forfeit nor by gift nor by pledge nor by any other way 89. If any one shall dye having these Arms let them remain to his heir and if the heir be not of such estate or age that he may use the Arms if there shall be need let that person who shall have them the heir in custody have likewise the keeping of the Arms and let him find a man who may use the Arms in the service of our Lord the King if there shall be need until the heir shall be of such estate that he may bear Arms and then let him have them 90. Whatsoever Burgher shall have more Arms than it shall behove him to have according to this Assize let him sell them or give them away or so dispose of them from himself to some other man who may retain them in England in the service of our Lord the King 91. Let no one of them keep by him more Arms than it shall behove him according to this Assize to have 92. Let no Jew keep in his possession a Coat of Male or an Habergeon but let him sell them or give them or in some other manner put them away in that wise that they may remain in the service of the King of England 93. Let no man bear or carry Arms out of England unless it be by special order of our Lord the King nor let any one sell Arms to any one who may carry them from England nor let Merchant or other carry or convey them from England 94. They who are suspected by reason of their wealth or great estate do free or acquit themselves by giving their Oaths The Justices have Power or Jurisdiction given them in the case for this purpose If there shall be any who shall not comply with them the Justices the King shall take himself to the members or limbs of such persons and shall by no means take from them their Lands or Chattels 95. Let no one swear upon lawful and free-men i. e. in any matter against or concerning them who hath not to the value of Sixteen or Ten Marks in Chattel 96. Let no one as he loves himself and all that he hath buy or sell any Ship to be brought from England nor let any one carry or cause to be carryed out of England Timber for the building of Ships 97. Let no one be received or admitted to the Oath of bearing Arms ' but a Free-man To bring once for all something concerning a Free-man that may not be beside the purpose The ancient Law of England bestowed that name only upon such persons as many as either being honoured by the Nobility of their Ancestors or else out of the Commonalty being of ingenuous Birth to wit of the Yeomanry did not hold that rustick fee or Tenure of Villenage dedicated to Stercutius the God of Dunghils and necessarily charged and burthened with the Plough tail the Wain and the Dray which are the hard Countrey-folks Arms and Implements To this purpose makes the term of Rustick or Countrey-man above mentioned in the Statutes of Clarendon and the place of Glanvill cited in the Tryal of Ordeal That the business may be more clearly asserted a Suit of Law being waged in the time of Edward the First betwixt John Levin Plaintiff and the Prior of Bernwell Defendant I have taken the Story out of an old Manuscript and the Reports of our Law and the Collection or Body of the Royal Rescripts do agree to it it was then after several disputes bandied to and fro and with earnestness enough decided by the judgement of the Court that those Tenants which hold in fee from the ancient Domain of the Crown as they call it are by no means comprehended under the title of free-men as those who driving their labour around throughout the year pay their daily Vows to Ceres the Goddess of Corn to Pales the Goddess of Shepherds and to Triptolemus the Inventer of Husbandry or Tillage and keep a quarter with their Gee Hoes about their Chattel And now death hath put an end to King Henry's Reign And I also having made an end of his Laws so far as Histories do help me out do at the last muster and arm my Bands for the guard of my Frontiers I wish they may be of force enough against Back-biters CHAP. XIX Of Law-makers Our Kings not Monarchs at first Several of them in the same County The Druids meeting-place where Under the Saxons Laws made in a general Assembly of the States Several instances This Assembly under the Normans called Parliament The thing taken from a custome of the ancient Germans Who had right to sit in Parliament The harmony of the Three Estates BUt however Laws are not without their Makers and their Guardians or they are to no purpose It remaineth therefore that we say somewhat in general of them They are made either by Use and Custom for things that are approved by long Use do obtain the force of Law or by the Sanction and Authority of Law-givers Of ancient time the Semnothei the Kings and the Druids were Law-givers amongst the Britans I mean Concerning the Semnothei whatsoever doth occurr you had before The Kings were neither Monarchs of the whole Island nor so much as of that part of Brittany that belonged to the Angles For there were at the same time over the single County of Kent four Kings to wit Cyngetorix Carvilius Taximagulus and Segonax and at the same rate in other Counties Wherefore we have no reason to make any question but that part wherein we live now called England was governed by several persons and was subject to an Aristocracy according to what Polydore Virgil John Twine
David Powell and others have informed us The Druids were wont to meet to explain the Laws in being and to make new ones as occasion required as is most likely in some certain place designed for that purpose as now at this very time all matters of Law go to be decided at Spire in Germany at Westminster-Hall in England and Paris in France Their publick Convention or Meeting-place was constantly as Julius Caesar tells us in the borders of the Carnutes the middle Region of all France Some think that a Town at eight Miles distance from the Metropolis of those people commonly called Dreux was designed for that use Whilst the Saxons governed the Laws were made in the General Assembly of the States or Parliament In the front of King Ina's Laws 't is above Eight Hundred and Eighty years that he first reigned we read thus It Ine mid godes gift West-Saxna Cyning mid getbeat mid lere Cenredes mines fader hedde Erconwald mine biscops mid eallum minum ealdor mannum tham yldestan Witan mines theode be beodeth c. which in our present English speaks thus I Ina by the Grace of God King of the West-Saxons by the advice and order of Kenred my Father and of Hedda and Erconwald my Bishops and of all my Aldermen and of the Elders and Wise Men of my people do command c. There are a great many instances of this kind in other places Moreover Witlaf and Bertulph who were Kings of the Mercians near upon Eight hundred years ago do in their instruments under their hands make mention of Synods and Councils of the Prelates and Peers convened for the affairs of the Kingdom And an ancient Book has this passage of Abendon Here was the Royal Seat hither when they were to treat of the principal and difficult points of State and affairs of the Kingdom the people were used to meet and flock together To this may be added that which Malmesbury sayes of King Edward in the year of our Lord 903. The King gathered a Synod or â—ssembly of the Senators of the English Nation over which did preside Pleimund Arch-Bishop of Canterbury interpreting expresly the words of the Apostolical Embassy These Assemblies were termed by the Saxons Widdena gemcdes i. e. Meetings of the Wise Men and Micil sinodes i. e. the Great Assemblies At length we borrowed of the French the name of Parliaments which before the time of Henry the First Polydore Virgil sayes were very rarely held An usage that not without good reason seems to have come from the ancient Germans So Tacitus sayes of them Concerning smaller matters the Princes only concerning things of greater concern they do all the whole body of them consult yet in that manner that those things also which it was in the peoples power to determine were treated of by the Princes too And I have one that hath left it in writing that when there was neither Bishop nor Earl nor Baron yet then Kings held their Parliaments and in King Arthur's Patent to the University of Cambridge for ye have my leave if you can find in your heart to give credit to it as John Key does by the counsel and assent of all and singular the Prelats and Princes of this Realm I decree There were present at Parliaments about the beginning of the Normans times as many as were invested with Thirteen Fees of Knights service and a third part of one Fee called Baron's from their large Estates for which reason perhaps John Cochleius of Mentz in his Epistle Dedicatory to our most Renowned Sir Thomas More prefixt before the Chronicle of Aurelius Cassiodorus calls him Baron of England But Henry the Third the number of them growing over big ordered by Proclamation that those only should come there whom he should think fit to summon by Writ These Assemblies do now sit in great State which with a wonderful harmony of the Three Estates the King the Lords and the Commons or Deputies of the People are joyned together to a most firm security of the publick and are by a very Learned Man in allusion to that made word in Livy Panaetolium from the Aetolians most rightly called Pananglium that is all England As in Musical Instruments and Pipes and in Singing it self and in Voices sayes Scipio in Tully's Books of the Common-wealth there is a kind of harmony to be kept out of distinct sounds which Learned and Skilful Ears cannot endure to hear changed and jarring and that consort or harmony from the tuning and ordering of Voices most unlike yet is rendred agreeing and suitable so of the highest and middlemost and lowermost States shuffled together like different sounds by fair proportion doth a City agree by the consent of persons most unlike and that which by Musicians in singing is called Harmony that in a City is Concord the straightest and surest bond of safety in every Common-wealth and such as can by no means be without Justice But let this suffice for Law-makers CHAP. XX. The Guardians of the Laws who In the Saxons time seven Chief One of the Kings among the Heptarchs styled Monarch of all England The Office of Lord High Constable Of Lord Chancellor ancient The Lord Treasurer Alderman of England what Why one called Healfkoning Aldermen of Provinces and Graves the same as Counts or Earls and Viscounts or Sheriffs Of the County Court and the Court of Inquests called Tourn le Viscount When this Court kept and the original of it I Do scarce meet before the Saxons times with any Guardians of the Laws different from these Law-makers In their time they were variously divided whose neither Name nor Office are as yet grown out of use The number is made up to give you only the heads by these to wit the King the Lord High Constable the Chancellor the Treasurer the Alderman of England the Aldermen of Provinces and the Graves Those of later date and of meaner notice I pass by meaning to speak but briefly of the rest The King was alwayes one amongst the Heptarchs or seven Rulers who was accounted I have Beda to vouch it the Monarch of all England Ella King of the South-Saxons so sayes Ethelwerd was the first that was dignified with so high a Title and Empire who was Owner of as large a Jurisdiction as Ecbright the second was Ceulin King of the West-Angles the third Aethelbrith King of the Kentish-men the fourth Redwald King of the Easterlings the fifth Edwin King of Northumberland the sixth Oswald the seventh Osweo Oswala's Brother after whom the eighth was Ecbright His West-Saxon Kingdom took in the rest for the greatest part The Office of Lord High Constable which disappeared in Edward Duke of Buckingham who in Henry the Eighth's time lost his Head for High-Treason was not seen till the latter end of the Saxons One Alfgar Staller is reported by Richard of Ely Monk to have been Constable to
Edward the Confessor and Mr. Camden mentions a dwelling of his upon this account called Plaiffy in the County of Middlesex He of Ely sets him out for a Great and Mighty Man in the Kingdom And indeed formerly that Magistrate had great power which was formidable even to Kings themselves They who deny there were any Chancellors before the coming in of the Normans are hugely mistaken Nor are they disproved only out of the Grant of Edward the Confessor to the Abbot of Westminster which I am beholden to Mr. Lambard for at the bottom of which these words are set down I Syward Publick Notary instead of Rembald the Kings Majesties Chancellor have written and subscribed this paper but also out of Ingulph who makes mention of Farketulus some while after that Abbot of Crowland Chancellor of King Edred by whose Decree and Counsel were to be handled treated whatsoever businesses they were Temporal or Spiritual that did await the Judgement of the King and being thus treated of by him might irrefragably stand good And Francis Thinn that Learned Antiquary has reckoned up several who have discharged this Office as Turketill to King Ethelbald Swithin Bishop of Winchester to King Egbert Vlfin to King Athelstan Adulph to King Edgar Alsy Abbot and Prelate of Ely to King Ethelred Concerning which Office and the Seals which the Chancellor in old time had the keeping of I had rather you would consult with Camden's Tribunals or Seats of Justice and those things which John Budden at Wainfleet Doctor of Laws has brought out of the Archives into his Palingenesia than seek them at my hands As for Treasurers Dunstan was so to King Edred and Hugolin to the Confessor But that fifth title of Alderman of England is an unusual one Yet if I don't mistake my self he was the Chief President in Tryals at Law and an Officer to keep all quiet at home the same as now perhaps is commonly called the Lord Chief Justice of England This remarkable name I do not meet with neither in the Monkish Chronologers which are to be had at the Shops nor in the Records of our Laws But a private History of the Abbey of Ramsey in Huntingdon-shire has given us notice of one Ailwins Tomb with this Inscription HIC REQUIESCIT AILWINUS INCLITI REGIS EADGARI COGNATUS TOTIUS ANGLIAE ALDERMANNUS ET HUJUS SACRI COENOBII MIRACULOSUS FUNDATOR that is Here resteth Ailwin Kinsman of the Renowned King Edgar Alderman of all England and the miraculous Founder of this Sacred Monastery And by reason of his great Authority and Favour which he had with the King by a Nick name they called him Healfkoning i. e. Half-King Now Henry of Huntingdon sayes that Tostius Earl or to use his phrase Consul of Northumberland and Harald Sons of Godwin Earl of Kent were Justices of the Realm Aldermen may aptly be termed by the word Senators Those Judges did exercise a delegated power throughout the Provinces called Counties or Shires and the Graves an under-delegated power from them The word is as much as Governours and is the same thing as in High Dutch Grave in Landgrave Burgrave Palsgrave c. and what amongst some of our own people Reev We shall call them both as that Age did in a Latin term the one Comites i. e. Counts or Earls the other Vicecomites that is Viscounts or Sheriffs The name of Count is every where met with amongst the most ancient of the Monks which yet does very often pass into that of Duke in the subscription of Witnesses And in the Charter of the Foundation of Chertsey Abby in Surrey Frithwald stiles himself subregulus i.e. an under Kingling or petty Vice-Roy to Wulpher King of the Mercians make no question of it he meant he was a Count. A Viscount and a Vice-Lord are more than very like they are the very same Ingulph sayes it above And in the last hand-writing of King Edred we have I Bingulph Vice-Lord advised it I Alfer Viscount heard it These Counts and Viscounts or Earls and Sheriffs had in their Counties their several Courts both for private and for publick matters For private affairs they had every Month a Meeting called the County Court Let every Grave as we have it in Edward the Elder 's Laws every fourth Week convene and meet the people in Assembly let him do equal right to every one and determine and put an end to all Suits and Quarrels when the appointed days shall come For publick business King Edgar ordered the Court of Inquests or Inquiries called Tourn le Uiscount Let a Convention or Meeting be held twice every year out of every County at which let the Bishop of that Diocess and the Senator i. e. the Alderman be present the one to teach the people the Laws of God the other the Laws of the Land What I have set down in William the First at the end of the fourth Chapter of this second Book you ought to consider of here again in this place The inhabitants did not meet at this Court of Inquests at any season promiscuously and indifferently but as it is very well known by the use and ancient Constitutions of the Realm within a Month either after Easter or after Michaelmas In which Court seeing that not only the Count as now a dayes the Viscount or Sheriff does but also the Bishop did preside it does not at all seem difficult to trace the very original of this temporary Law That peradventure was the Synod of Antioch held in Pope Julius the First 's time and acknowledged in the sixth General Council held at Constantinople In this latter there are expresly and plainly two Councils or Meetings of the Bishops to be kept every year within three Weeks after Easter and about the middle of October if there be any small difference in the time it can be no great matter of mistake You may help your self to more other things of meaner note out of what has been said before about Hundreds Bourghs and the like And this may serve in brief for the Saxons who were entrusted with the care of their Laws CHAP. XXI Of the Norman Earls Their Fee Their power of making Laws Of the Barons i.e. Lords of Manours Of the Court-Baron It s rise An instance of it out of Hoveden Other Offices much alike with the Saxons I Shall be briefer concerning the Normans I mean their Earls and Barons Their Counts or Earls before the Conquest except those of Leicester and perchance some others were but Officers and not as yet hereditary When William bore the sway they began to have a certain Fee and a descent of Patrimony having together with their Title assigned to them a third part of the Revenues or Rents which did arise out of the whole County to the Exchequer This custom is clear enough in Gervase of Tilbury in the case of Richard de Redueriis made Earl of Devonshire by Henry the
is called Cambro-Britannia that is Welsh Britanny and Scotland possest by the Scots is in like manner called Scoto-Britannia that is Scotch-Britanny which now together with England since the Union of the two Kingdoms goes under the name of Great Britain In the Author's PREFACE The Guardian of my Threshold So Limentinus among the Romans was the God of the Threshold qui limentis i. e. liminibus praeest but it may be taken for the Officer of the Gate the Porter who gives admission to strangers In a different Character Accordingly in the Latin the Author's Citations are printed in Italick which because they are so frequent I thought fit rather to notifie by a distinction as usual in the Margin thus Intercidona Pilumnus Deverra These were Heathen Deities to whom they attributed the Care of their Children whom else they thought Silvanus might like Oberon King of the Fairies surprize or do some other mischief to In the FIRST BOOK CHAP. 1. Pag. 2. lin 23. Among the Celts and Gauls Who are reckoned for one and the same people as for instance those Gauls who removed into the Lesser Asia mixing with the Greeks were called Gallo-Graeci but by the Greeks were styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence by contraction I suppose 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 41. Bellagines that is By-Laws From By that is a Village Town or City and Lagen which in Gothish is a Law so that it signifies such Laws as Corporations are govern'd by The Scots call them Burlaws that is Borough-Laws So that Bellagines is put for Bilagines or Burlagines This kind of Laws obtains in Courts Leet and Courts Baron and in other occasions where the people of the place make their own Laws CHAP. II. Pag. 4. l. 7. Adrastia Rhamnusia Nemesis Which is all but Nemesis the Goddess of Revenge called Adrastria from King Adrastus who first built her a Temple and Rhamnusia from Rhamnus a Village in the Athenian Territory where she was worshipped L. 42. Elohim that is Gods And so Judges are properly called according to the original notation of the word whose Root 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alah though in Hebrew it signifie to curse yet in the Arabick Language a descendent of the Hebrew it betokens to judge Thus 't is said in the Psalms God standeth in the Congregation of the Gods and I have said Ye are Gods c. L. 45. It subjoins to it the name of God To wit that Name of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 El which signifies a mighty God In this sense the Cedars of God are lofty stately Cedars and by Moses his being fair to God is meant that he was exceeding fair Pag. 5. lin 18. Not only Berecynthia but also Juno Cybele Why Cybele is the very same Goddess who was called Berecynthia from Berecynthus a Hill of Phrygia as also Cybelus was another where she was worshipped And she had several such Names given her from the places of her worship as Dindymene Pessinuntia Idaea Phrygia This then was a slip of our worthy Author's memory or his haste CHAP. III. Pag. 5. lin 34. Not by the number of dayes but of nights Thus in our common reckoning we say a Sennight that is seven nights septinoctium for what in Latin they say septimana seven mornings and a fortnight that is fourteen nights Again for Sundayes and Holy-dayes the Evening which concludes the fore-going day is said to be their Eve that is Evening And the Grecians agree with us in setting the night before the day in that they call the natural day which is the space of twenty four hours comprehending day and night 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Night-day not Day-night CHAP. IV. Pag. 6. lin 22. King Phranicus It is so ordinary a matter for Historians when they treat of things at great distance of time to devise Fables of their own or take them up from others that I doubt not but this Phranicus was designed to give name to France whereas it was so called from the Franks who came to plant there out of Franconia a Countrey of Germany called East-France L. 29. With Corinus one of the chief of his company From whom Cornwall had its name formerly called in Latin Corinia or Cornavia say some now Cornubia And possibly if that were so Corinium also or Cirencester a Town in Glocestershire and Corinus too the River Churne that runs by it owe their appellations to the same Noble person L. 31. New Troy that is London Called also Troynovant and the people about it called Trinobantes or Trinovantes from whom also the City it self was styled Augusta Trinobantum that is the Royal Seat of the New Trojans L. 40. King Belin. Who gave name to Billinsgate that is Belin's Gate as King Lud to Ludgate Pag. 8. lin 39. Eumerus Messenius Some such fabulous Writer as our Sir John Mandevil who tells us of People and Countreys that are no where to be found in the World CHAP. VI. Pag. 9. lin 19. In the time of Brennus and Belinus The first of these was General of the Gauls who were called Senones and going into Italy with them sackt Rome There he built the City Verona called by his Name Brennona as he had done Brennoburgum now Brandenburg in Germany From his prowess and famed Exploits it is supposed that the Britans or Welsh do to this day call a King Brennin Of the other viz. Belinus some mention hath been made already CHAP. VII Pag. 10. lin 24. Locrinus Camber and Albanactus From the first of these three Brethren to wit Locrinus it is said that the Welsh call England Lhoegr that falling to the eldest Sons share from the second Camber that a Welsh-man is named Cumra and the Countrey Cambria and from the third Albanactus that Scotland or at least good part of it retains the term of Albania a title still belonging to the King of Britain's second Brother the Duke of York Though for my part for this last name of Albanactus I am somewhat of opinion that it might be devised by some smattering Monk purposely in favour of the Trojan Story as much as to say in a mungrel word Alba 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King of Alba a City of Italy built by one of Aeneas his Sons L. 29. Gavelkind From the Saxon gafel or gafol a Debt or Tribute and cyn or kynd the Kindred or Children or as Mr. Lambard gif eal cyn i. e. given to all who are next of Kin or as Vorstegan give all kind i. e. give to each Child his part An ancient custom of the Saxons whereby the Fathers Estate was equally divided amongst his Sons as it is still amongst the Daughters if there be no Sons It obtains still in several places especially in Kent by the concessions of the Conqueror Pag. 11. lin 22. The Laws of second Venus Not having Plato by me nor any other means to inform my self better I imagine that by the first Venus they mean the force of Lust and Beauty which doth so naturally
Sotum What difference between a Scot and a Sot to which he as freely replyed Mensa the Table Sir I shall not determine But Scotus or Scot is the name of his Countrey he being a Scotch-man and for that reason called also Erigena that is Irish born to wit a Highlander for those people were originally Irish and came out of that Island over into the North parts of Scotland Now Ireland is by several Authors Greek and Latin called Ierna and by the Inhabitants themselves Erin L. 43. The Goddess Anna Perenna The Lady President of the year Anna ab Anno to whom they addrest their devotions that she would perennare that is preserve and continue health and plenty and prosperity from year to year for which reason she was called Anna Perenna Now our Author here brings in long-lived Nestor and this Goddess to shew that those good fellows in quaffing of healths do wish muchos annos as the Spaniard saith many and many a years life to their absent friends while in the mean time by tossing off so many bowsing Canns they shorten their own lives Pag. 42. lin 24. Englescyre Or Englecerie that is the being an English-man For there was a Law made by King Knute in favour of his Danes and so afterward it was interpreted in behalf of the Francigenae French-men or whatever foreigners that if any such were privily murdered or slain the Village where the fact was done should be amerced in a lusty fine to the King unless they could prove Englecerie that is that the murdered person was an English-man one born of English Parents in which case there was no fine levied So that the Danes and French when they governed here provided they might secure themselves from the English were well enough content to let them destroy one another CHAP. XXV Pag. 44. lin 11. An Olympiad An account of time used by the Greeks consisting of four years so called from the Olympick Games which were celebrated in honour of Jupiter Olympius every fifth year This reckoning began first in the year of the World three thousand one hundred seventy four In the SECOND BOOK CHAP. I. PAg. 48. l. 5. By right of Fréehold Allodii jure that is by a mans own right without acknowledgment of service or fealty or payment of Rent to any other as a Superiour Lord. In which respect it is opposed to an Estate in Fée wherein though a man hath a perpetual right to him and to his heirs for ever yet seeing he owes a duty and service for it it cannot be said properly and simply to be his own And such are all mens Estates here in England but the Kings in the right of his Crown who cannot be supposed to hold of another or to owe fealty to any Superiour but to God only Lin. 12. Vnder Military service Or Knights service that is to find the King such a number of Men and Arms in time of War as it is here expressed See Cowell in the word Chivalry Indeed the Clergy before the Conquerour in the time of the Saxons as we find it in the five and twentieth Chapter of the first Book were allowed to be free from Secular Services but with an Exception and Reserve however of these things to wit Expedition Repairing of Castles and Building of Bridges from which last duty the High-Priests among the Romans were called Pontifices i. e. Bridge-makers Now this bringing of the Bishops Baronies under Knights Service was sure enough design'd to engage them into a close dependence upon the Crown and to take them off from hankering after any forreign Power to which they might pretend to owe any subordination as all along the times of Popery out of reverence to the Holy See they were forward enough upon occasion to think themselves obliged to do even to the high discontent and great disservice of their Kings CHAP. II. Pag. 51. lin 12. Ready money So I render Viva pecunia which though Spelman saith it is so called that it may the more expresly signifie pecudes i. e. Cattle yet he doth not to me I confess make out by any fair instance that it doth ever so signifie and that it cannot be taken in that sense here is plain from what immediately goes before quot animalia imò quantum vivae pecuniae quisque possidebat where animalia living creatures include pecudes the Cattle CHAP. III. Pag. 54. lin 32. Boseham What Earl Godwin's trick was or wherein the conceit lay I cannot at present well imagine unless it were in the equivocation or misunderstanding of the word Boseham as it falls in with the word Bosom in the pronunciation and sound of it thus Supposing the Earl at meeting of the Arch-Bishop coming up to him upon pretence of saluting him said Give me your Boseham my Lord to which the Arch-Bishop thinking belike he might by way of desiring his Pastoral embrace mean only his bosom readily made answer I give you my bosom which the Earl with a cunning fetch interpreted a Grant of his Estate of Boseham Pardon Reader my mistake if it be one since I have no better account from my own guess to give meeting with no help from our Law-Dictionaries CHAP. IV. P. 56. lin 8. The first Sheriffs of Counties A Sheriff or Shyrereed signifies the Governour of a County called in Latin Vice-comes as Deputy to the Count or Lord or Chief Man of the County though even in the Confessor's time he was reckoned the Kings Officer and not the Counts This Office as Mr. Camden tells us was first set up by King Alfred who also divided England into Counties and those Counties again into Hundreds and Tythings Lin. 29. Other Judges without appeal This should seem to be the Court of Chancery for which reason the Lord Chancellor is said to keep the Kings conscience as here these Judges are compared to the Kings bosom Lin. 37. Acting a Busiris his part i. e. Treating strangers ill he being a cruel Tyrant of Egypt who slew strangers and sacrificed them to his Gods whence the Proverb Busiridis arae Pag. 57. lin 39. that he should pay it at the Scale That is should pay it by weight or according to full weight CHAP. VI. Pag. 60. lin 17. Being Lord Chief Justice of the whole Kingdom In the Latin it is thus expressed totius regni placitator exactor where I confess the former title of the two gave me the occasion of my mistake as if he had been Chief Justice of the Common Pleas whereas I should rather have rendred it thus who had been to wit in King Rufus his time Pleader or Demander and Receiver of the Kings duties throughout the whole Kingdom For such an Officer this Exactor regius was otherwise called Grasio See Spelman upon both those words Lin. 39. In the times of the Saxons a Hereot This at first was a tribute given to the Lord for his better preparation towards War but afterward though the name were kept the thing was
all Gelds The Saxon word geld or gild signifies a Tribute or Tax an Amercement a payment of money and money it self whence I doubt not but the best sort of money was called Gold It is from the Verb geldan or gyldan to pay In Latin it is Geldum and not Gilda as Cowell writes it For this signifies quite another thing a Fraternity or Company of Merchants or the like Whence a Gild-hall that is the Hall of the Gild or Society such as was once the Stilyard called Gildhalla Teutonicorum the Gild-hall for the Dutch Merchants from the Hanse-Towns CHAP. VII Pag. 63. lin 25. Iphis and Ianthis and Ceneus Persons mention'd by Ovid who changed their Sex from Female to Male. Iphis was a Maid of Creet who after her Metamorphosis when she turn'd to Man took Ianthe to Wife and Caenis for that was her Maiden Name was a Thessalian Girl whom Neptune made a Whore of first and then at her request a Man who thenceforward went by the Name of Caeneus Lin. 34. Cheats whom they commonly call Coyners In Malmesbury's Latin Trapezitas quos vulgò Monetarios vocant Which bare citation is all the account that Spelman gives of the word Monetarius It doth properly signifie an Officer of the Mint that makes and coyns the Kings money a Monier But here by the Historian's implying that such fellows as this Law was made against were falsarii Cheats and by our Author 's terming of them adulteratores monetae Counterfeiters of Coyn we must understand them to be False Coyners Clippers Washers Imbasers of the Kings Coyn and the like And therefore I render'd trapezitas which otherwise is a word of innocent meaning for Money-Changers Bankers c. in the Historian's sense Cheats CHAP. VIII Pag. 65. lin 24. Every Hide of Land It is so called from the Saxon word hyden to cover so that thus it would be the same as Tectum in Latin a Dwelling-house And thus I question not but there are several houses called The Hide for I know one or two my self so called that is the Capital Messuage of the Estate Nor is it so confined to this sense but that it takes in all the Lands belonging to the Messuage or Manour-house which the old Saxons called hidelandes and upon some such account no doubt Hidepark had its name as a Park belonging to some great House Now as to the quantity how much a Hide of land is it is not well agreed Some reckon it an hundred Acres others thereabouts by making it contain four Yardlands every Yardland consisting of twenty four Acres The general opinion is that it was as much as could be ploughed with one Plow in a year terra unius aratri culturae sufficiens And thus it should be much what the same as Carrucata terrae i. e. a Plough-land From Bede who translates it familia they gather it was so much as could maintain a family There is mention made of these Hides in the Laws of King Ina an hundred years before King Alfred who divided the Countrey into Counties or Shires And Taxes and Assessments were wont to be made according to these Hides up as high as King Ethelred's time in the year of our Lord 1008. Since the Conquest William the First had six shillings for every Hide in England Rufus four Henry the First here three for the marriage of his daughter Pag. 66. lin 8. This right is called Wreck i. e. by which the King claims shipwrack't goods cast on shoar For though by the Law of Nature such things as being nullius in bonis having no Owner every one that finds them may seem to have a right to them yet by the Law of Nations they are adjudged to the Prince as a special priviledge by reason of his dignity Now Wreck or as the French call it Varec properly signifies any thing that is cast on shoar as Amber precious Stones Fishes c. as well as shipwrack't goods from the Saxon wraec i. e. any thing that is flung away and left forlorn though use hath limited the word to the later sense CHAP. IX Pag. 68. lin 6. The Roman Laws were banisht the Realm I suppose there may be some word missing or mistaken in the Latin à regno jussae sunt leges Romanae But that which follows the forbidding of the Books obliged me to that interpretation for why should the Books of those Laws be prohibited if the Laws themselves were as the Latin reading seems to import ordered and ratified by the Realm Wherefore I suppose some mistake or omission and for à regno jussae read à regno pulsae or exulare jussae c. unless you would like to have it thus rendred commanded out of the Kingdom which I confess would be a very odd unusual construction CHAP. X. Pag. 69. lin 39. Three hundred Marks of Gold A Mark weigh'd eight ounces and as Cowell states it out of Stow it came to the value of 16 l. 13 s. 4 d. At this rate three hundred Marks of Gold come to five thousand Pound and to every Bishop five Marks supposing only ten Bishops come to 833 l. 6 s. 8 d. which is a very unlikely summ in this business 'T is true the value of it as of other Coyns and summs might vary And so we find in Spelman that an uncertain Author reckons a Mark of Gold to be worth fifty Marks of Silver But then 't is as uncertain what Marks of Silver he means For if they be such as ours are and as they were in King John's time at 13 s. 4 d. then a Mark of Gold will be of the value of 33 l. 6 s. 8 d. which is just double to the former value of 16 l. 13 s. 4 d. which being resolved into Marks of Silver makes but 25. But in ancient times a Mark of Silver was only 2 s. 6 d. so that fifty of them will make but 6 l. 5 s. Another instance we meet with where one Mark of Gold is accounted equivalent to ten Marks of Silver which taking a Mark for 13 s. 4 d. comes to 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. Another where nine Marks of Silver pass for one Mark of Gold in a payment to the King which is just six pound And these three last accounts agree pretty well together Taking the middlemost of the three viz. a Mark of Gold at ten Marks of Silver thus the above named summ of three hundred Marks of Gold that is three thousand Marks of Silver amounts to two thousand Pound and the five Marks to every Bishop supposing but ten Bishops come to 333 l. 6 s. 8 d. But if we take these Marks of Silver at 2 s. 6 d. the account will grow much less For ten such Marks are but 1 l. 5 s. so that the three hundred Marks of Gold at this rate will come but to 375 l. Sterling But that these Marks of the ancient and lower estimate are not here intended may probably enough be gathered from one passage more
the sixteen Yard-lands which make up the Fee at so much they make the summ of one hundred Shillings or five Pound which was the ancient Relief of a Knights fee. But this is a mistake either of the Author or the Citation it is six Shillings three Pence which makes that just summ from whence we learn also what proportion was observed by the Lord in setting and demanding of the Relief upon the next Heir after his Ancestor's decease Further in the Kings Writ as Glanvil cites it it is said that twelve Plough-lands make one Knights fee which allowing to a Plough-land one hundred twenty Acres amounts to one thousand four hundred and forty Acres In the main as to the value of a Knights fee 't is enough what Cowell tells us that it was so much inheritance as was sufficient yearly to maintain a Knight wiâ—h convenient Revenue which in Henry the Thirds dayes Camden sayes was fifteen Pounds and Sir Thomas Smith rates at forty But to confirm the account which our Author here gives us we find in the Statute for Knights in the first of Edward the Second that such as had twenty Pounds in Fee or for term of life per annum might be compelled to be Knights And as to the various measure of Land of which we have had a remarkable instance in this business before us Spelman hath given us good reasons for it since where the Land was good they might probably reckon the fewer Acres to a Yard-land a Hide a Knights fee c. and where it was barren they might allow the more Beside that some Lords who lett these Fees might be more bountiful and profuse others more parsimonious and severe to their dependents and that the services which were imposed upon these Fees might in some Mannors according to custom be lighter in others upon agreement and covenant more heavy All which might strangely diversifie the account as to the quantity or measure of those Lands which were to make up a Knights fee. CHAP. XVIII Pag. 91. lin 4. A little Habergeon or Coat of 〈◊〉 In Latin Halbergellum a diminutive from the Saxon Halsberg armour for the Neck and Breast It is written also Haubergellum and Hambergellum They mistake themselves who translate it a Halbert in French Halebarde anoffensive Weapon for a Coat of Mail which is armour of defence in French Haubert or Hauberk whence Fée de Hauberk which we have already explained somewhere before Lin. 5. A Capelet of Iron A little Iron or Steel Cap instead of a Head-piece or Helmet which the better sort wore For by comparing this with the two fore-going Sections we find they were to have a difference of Arms according to their different Quality and Estate Lin. 7. A Wambais Wambasium or Wambasia so called I suppose because it reached over the belly or womb was a Jacket or Coat of defence used in stead of the Coat of Mail perhaps like unto our Buff-coats though probably not of Leather only but of any other material as the Wearer should think fit Pag. 92. lin 6. Timber for the building of Ships In Latin here Mairemia written also Meremia and Meremium and Maremium and Muremium from the French Meresme Timber to build with Lin. 14. Stercutius Saturn so called as being the first Inventer of dunging Land Lin. 28. Vnder the title of Free-men Here the Author himself hath in the Latin added a Marginal Note which I thought fit to remove to this place He saith that among the ancient Germans the Alway free the Middlemost free and the Lowermost free were as it were the Classes and several Ranks of the lesser Nobles i. e. of their Gentry For the title of Nobless as also in our Vulgar Language was given only to Princes and Great Men. And for this he quotes Munster Cosmog lib. 3. CHAP. XIX Pag. 93. l. 32. In the borders of the Carnutes A people of France whose Countrey is called Chartrain and their chief City Chartres about eighteen Leagues from Paris Eastward That Town eight Miles off called Dreux in Latin Drocum was so named from the Druids who dwelt there at first and likely enough afterward often resorted thither P. 94. l. 37. Of the three Estates the King the Lords and the Commons There are indeed three Orders or Estates acknowledged by true Divines and sound Lawyers in the English Government to wit the Lords Spiritual the Lords Temporal and the Commons of England But the fundamental mistake of our Learned Author is that he hath joyned those two sorts of Lords whose very character shews them to be of a distinct species though as to the publick Welfare and the Kings Service they ought to be of one and the same interest into one Estate and to make up the third Estate thought himself obliged to bring in the King himself for one who is Lord paramount over all the three and by this means ipsam Majestatem in ordinem redigere I call this a fundamental mistake as a most probable ground of Rebellion as it was in the Barons Wars and in our late Civil Broils inasmuch as if the King make one of the three Estates as they fancy he doth and hath as they do from thence conclude he hath no more but a co-ordinate power with both or either of the other two Estates that then it is lawful for both or either of those Estates in case of publick grievances to quarrel the King their co-ordinate if he will not give way to their redress that is if he will not consent to do what they would have him to do and upon his refusal of so doing to raise War against him to sequester and murder his Loyal adherents to destroy his Royal Person and finally if he escape the hazards of Battel when they get him into their hands to bring him to account for a pretended male administration and the violation of a trust which God and not the People put into his hands and having gone so far that they may if possible secure themselves to put the Monarch to death and to extirpate Monarchy it self This was the ground and method of our late Republican policy and practice Wherein yet they did not foresee what examples they set against themselves supposing this Doctrine of the three Estates in their sense to be true and that King Lords and Commons had an equality of trust and parity of power that the same outrage which the Rump-Commoners acted against the King to the destroying of him and against the Lords to the outing of them and voting them useless and dangerous as to their share of Government might one time or other be more plausibly promoted and more effectually put in execution by one or both of the other two Estates with the help and assistance of great numbers of the Commoners as there ever will be in such National divisions against themselves and all men whatever of such pernicious and destructive principles No. This false Doctrine I hope will
never obtain among us and our English Government is so well constituted that our Lords Spiritual and Temporal and our worthy Commoners will find it the interest of themselves and their posterities that they will ever have that duty and deference to our Soveraign as may secure Him and Us and discourage the designs and defeat the attempts of all such as wish ill to his honour and safety or to the publick peace Besides is it rational to imagine that the King whose absolute right by Law it is to convene the Estates when and where he thinks fit to call and dissolve Parliaments as he pleases in a word that He in whose Name all Justice is administred in whose Hands the Militia is and by whose Authority alone the Subjects can take up Arms should stand only in a Co-ordination of power with any other persons whatsoever or however assembled or associated within his Dominions This flaw I could not but take notice of in our Great Author and that only with an intention to undeceive the unwary Reader and not to reflect upon his Memory who though he kept along a great while with the Long Parliament yet never appeared in action for them that ever I heard much less used or owned that virulence and violence which many others of that ill Body of men judged necessary for their proceedings CHAP. XX. Pag. 96. lin 15. Alderman of England The word Alderman in Saxon Ealdorman hath various acceptions so as to signifie all sorts almost of Governours and Magistrates So Matth. 20.25 the Princes of the Gentiles in the Saxon translation are called Ealdormen and Holofernes I remember the General of the Assyrian Army is in an Old English Translation called the Alderman of the Army So Aethelstan whose younger Son this Ailwin was being Duke or Captain General of the East-Saxons is in this Book of Ramsey styled Alderman The most proper importance of the word bears up with the Latin Senator i. e. Parliament-man as the Laws of S. Edward make out In like manner say they heretofore among the Britons in the times of the Romans in this Kingdom of Britanny they were called Senators who afterwards in the times of the Saxons were called Aldermen not so much in respect of their Age as by reason of their Wisdom and Dignity in that some of them were but young men yet were skilled in the Law and beside that were experienced persons Now that Alderman of England as Ailwin here was had to do in affairs of Justice appears by the foresaid Book of Ramsey where it is said that Ailwin the Alderman and Aedric the Kings Provost sate Judges in a certain Court The Alderman of the County our Author makes to be the same as the Earl or Lord of the County and Spelman saith it is hard to distinguish but at length placeth him in the middle betwixt the Count and Viscount He and the Bishop kept Court together the one for Temporals the other for Spirituals The Title goes lower still to denote a Mayor or Bailiff of a Corporation a Bailiff of a Hundred c. Lin. 30. Healf-koning It was an oversight or slip of memory in our Author to say that Ailwin was so called when the Book of Ramsey tells us it was his Father Aethelstan who was of that great power and diligence that all the business of the Kingdom went through his hands and was managed as he pleased that had that Nick name given him therefore Lin. 36. The Graves Our Author makes them subordinate to the Aldermen of Counties but in the Laws of the Confessor they appear to be much what the same There we read And as they are now called Greves who are put in places of Rule over others so they were anciently among the English called Ealdermen Indeed the word Greve or Reev for it is all one is of as various use as that other of Alderman is In Saxon it is gerefa from gerefen and reafen to take or carry away to exact or gather Whence this Officer Graphio or Gravius from the Saxon is in other Latin called Exactor regius and by reason that the Sheriff gathered the Kings Fines and other Duties and returned them to the Exchequer he was called the Shire-greve or Shire-reev that is the Gatherer of the County But the truth is that Greve or Reev came at last in general to signifie any Ruler or Governour set over any place almost whatever as the same word Grave doth among the Dutch So a Shire-greve or hihgerefa the High Sheriff of a County a Port-greve the Governour of a City or Port. So the Lord Mayor of London was called formerly Tun-greve the Bailiff of a Town or Mannor Sometime Greve is taken for a Count or Earl as Alderman is CHAP. XXI Pag. 98. lin 22. For Toll and Gabell In the Latin pro theolonio gablo Now telonium from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly signifies the place where the Officers of the Customs receive the Kings duties but is used also for a duty paid for the maintenance of Bridges and River-Banks So Hotoman But in our Law it is taken for the Toll of a Market or Fair. And Gablum or Gabellum a Gabell from the Saxon gafol or gafel signifies any Impost upon Goods as that in France upon Salt c. also Tribute Custom any kind of Tax or Payment c. Lin. 32. Through the Streets of Coventry There is a famous Tradition among the people of that Town concerning this matter that the Lady being to ride naked only covered all over with her hair had given order for the more decent performance of her Procession that all the Inhabitants should that day keep their Shops and Doors and Windows shut But that two men tempted by their Curiosity to do what fools are wont to do had some such penalty I know not what it was inflicted upon them as Actaeon had for the like offence And they now stand in some publick place cut out of Wood or Stone to be shewn to any stranger that comes thither like the Sign of the Two Logger-heads with the same Motto belike Nous sommes trois Pag. 99. lin 7. Brought in my Court a certain Toper In the Latin attulit in curiâ meâ quandam Toper I know what the adverb Toper signifies among the ancient Latines but what the word means here I confess I am in the dark It doth certainly stand for some thing I was thinking a Taper which he brought with him into Court and sware upon it as he should have done upon the holy Gospels I cannot imagine that by quandam Toper should be intended some Woman or Girl whose Name was Toper whom he brought along with him and in defiance to the Court laying his hand upon her took his Oath as formally as if he had done it upon the holy Evangelists Reader ONe thing I forgot to acquaint thee with in the Preface that whereas the Author himself had divided each Book into several Sections which
etiam quadrans si integer esset respueretur XVIII Mercatorum falsam ulnam Malmesbury speaks castigavit brachii sui mensurâ adhibitâ omnibusque per Angliam propositâ XIX Curialibus suis ubicunque villarum esset quantum à Rusticis gratis accipere quantum quoto pretio emere debuissent edixit transgressores vel gravi pecuniarum mulctâ vel vitae dispendio afficiens XX. Much stir both at Rome and in England was touching Investiture of Bishops and Abbots by Lay hands Anselme Arch-Prelate of Canterbury mainly opposing himself against it whose perswasion so at length wrought with the King that it was permitted ut ab eo tempore in reliquum Matthew of Westminster after others reports it nunquam per donationem Baculi pastoralis vel annuli quisquam de Episcopatu vel Abbatiâ per Regem vel quamlibet laicam personam investiretur in Anglia Retento tamen electionis regalium privilegio Notwithstanding this in the year M.C.VII per annulum baculum as Matthew Paris tells us was by the same Henry one Rodolph made Arch-Bishop of Canterbury XXI He restored John Stow now speaks to you to his Subjects the use of Lights in the night which lights and also fire had been forbidden by his Father to be used after the ringing of a Bell at eight of the Clock at night XXII Fecit omnes Milites Angliae crines suos ad justum modum abscindere qui priùs longitudine capillorum out of Flores Historiarum cum foeminis certabant XXIII A Tribute of 3 s. of every Hide was exacted for augmentation of a Dowry for the Kings Daughter Mawde ' to be married to the Emperour Henry the Fourth whereupon saith Polydore Secuti sunt istud institutum quaerendarum dotum ad collationem filiarum caeteri deinde Reges adeo posteritas suorum commodorum tenax semper fuit referring that known Service of ayde à file marrier to this as the first example thereof though the antiquity of that custom can reckon as many years as since Romulus his first institution of Patrons and Clients whence Feuds and Courts-Baron as Udalricus Zasius conjectureth by way of imitation proceeded in following times and no less the whole title thereof And the other à faire Fitz Chevaler de rançome are in the old Graund Custumier of Normandy XXIV Imminent peril was then lest French Conspiracies should get violent possession of the Dutchy of Normandy to prevent it with a Sinewy Army primùm omnium populo imponit take it upon Polydore's credit grave tributum causâ novi belli gerendi id quod apud posteriores Reges in consuetudinem venit Of the Norman Line Masculine he was the last and this the last I make of his Laws CHAP. VII Stephen of Blois CRashing of Armour and pronouncing of Laws have such antipathy that his injurious Successor Stephen of Blois will put us to the charge of small room At his Inauguration by Oath he confirmed divers generalities for liberties from ancient time used of the Church but so religiously that as one saith of him He seemed to have therefore only sworn that he might be forsworn But of them one was especially thus I. Si quis Episcopus vel Abbas vel alia Ecclesiastica persona ante mortem suam rationabiliter sua distribuerit vel distribuenda statuerit firmum manere concedo si vero morte praeoccupatus fuerit pro salute animae ejus Ecclesiae consilio see before in the ninth of Henry Beauclerc eadem fiat distributio II. Castella per singulas provincias saith William of Newborough studio partium crebro surrexerant erantque in Angliâ quodammodo tot Reges vel potius Tyranni quot Domini Castellorum habentes singuli percussuram proprii numismatis potestatem subditis regio more dicendi juris III. Danegeldum which how it was first rated and imposed you may find in the Confessor's Laws quod antecessores sui accipere solebant singulis annis in aeternum condonabat Henry of Huntingdon and Roger of Hoveden affirm it IV. An Ecclesiastical Synod was held at London under Theobald of Canterbury the King and Noblemen being also present totumque illud concilium novis appellationibus infrenduit In Angliâ namque appellationes in usu non erant donec eas Henr. Wintoniensis Episcopus dum Legatus esset which was about this time malo suo crudeliter intrusit V. Tempore Regis Stephani as I read in John of Salisbury's Polycraticon à regno jussae sunt Leges Romanae quas in Britanniam Domus venerabilis Patris Theobaldi Britanniarum Primatis asciverat Ne quis libro etiam retineret edicto regio prohibitum est What the Roman Laws if you understand the Imperials had ever to do with this State as a rule for squaring our Judgements is not only by this relation made manifest but by an express assertion of the High Court of Parliament which wrought wonders under Richard of Burdeaux whenas Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Glocester Richard Earl of Arundel Thomas Beauchamp Earl of Derby and Thomas Earl of Nottingham appealed Alexander Nevill Arch-Bishop of York Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland Michael de la Poole Earl of Suffolke with others of seducing the Kings facile humour to their own desires the particulars whereof appear in the Thirty Eight Articles comprehended in the Parliament Rolls of the Eleventh of his Reign advice being demanded touching the formality of the Appeal both of Common Lawyers and Civilians they all agreed That it was insufficient in both Laws but answer was given by the Baronage that they would adjudge it by Parliamentary authority neither would they be directed by the Civil Law pur ceque la royalme d' Angleterre n'estoit devant ces heures ny à l' entent de nostre dit Seigneur Roy Seigneures du Parliament unq ' ne serra rules ne governes per la ley civil and by Judgement of Exile with effect they proceeded But this is somewhat out of the lists CHAP. VIII Henry Fitz-L'Empres and his Clarendon Constitutions restored to themselves and purged from the faults wherewith they have been published ADoption and right of Bloud gave after Stephen 's Death the Crown to Henry Plantagenet Fitz l'Empres His first care tending wholly to the good of the State was to have the numerous increase of Castles and Forts which in his Predecessors time through multitude of Province-Tyrants whom they nourished were swollen to the number of M.C.XV. abated so was it by express command performed and the Laws of his Grand-father Beauclerc likewise confirmed A recognition also was made at Clarendon Praesidente Joanne de Oxoniâ de mandato ipsius Regis praesentibus etiam Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus Proceribus regni of divers Customes and Rites of Government for decision of no small controversies between the King guarded with stout
Regis faciant inde fieri recognitionem per XII legales homines quatem seisinam defunctus inde habuit die qua ficit vivus mortuus This is the very Mortdancester Et sicut recognitum fuerit ita haeredibus ejus restituant si quis contrà hoc fecerit inde attaintus fuerit remaneat in misericordiâ Regis XXXII Justitiae Domini Regis faciant fieri recognitionem de disseisinis factis super assisam à tempore quo D. Rex venit in Angliam proximo post pacem factam inter ipsum Regem filium suum XXXIII Justitiae capiant fidelitates D. Regis infra Claus. Pasch. ad ultimum infrà Claus. Pentecost ab omnibus videlicet Comitibus Baronibus Militibus liberè tenentibus etiam rusticis qui in regno manere voluerint qui facere â—oluerit fidelitatem tanquam inimicus D. Regis capiatur XXXIV Habent etiam Justitiae praecipere quod omnes illi qui nondum fecerunt homagium ligeantiam D. Regi quod ad diem quem eis nominabunt veniant faciant Regi Homagium ligeantiam sicut ligeo Domino XXXV Justitiae faciant omnes Justitias rectitudines spectantes ad D. Regem ad coronam suam per breve Domini Regis vel illorum qui in loco ejus erunt de feodo dimiâ—û milit infrà If the account of a Knights fee be by the annual value then confidently according to the quadruple proportion of the known Relief you may affirm it by xx l. Lands and so likewise by comparison with Soccage payment upon the Stat. of West 1. for aid A fair Fitz chivalier or a File marryer but by a calculation prefixed to the red Book of the Exchequer DCLXXX Acres make exactly the Summe nisi tam grandis sit querela quod non possit deduci sine D. Rege vel talis quam Justitiae ei reponent pro dubitatione suâ vel ad illos qui in loco ejus erunt intendant tamen pro posse suo ad commodum D. Regis faciendum XXXVI Faciant assisam de latronibus iniquis malefactoribus terrae quae assisa est per concilium Regis filii sui hominum suorum per quos ituri sunt Comitatus XXXVII Justitiae provideant quod castella diruta prorsus diruantur diruenda benè prosternantur Et nisi hoc fecerint D. Rex Judicium Curiae suae de eis habere voluerit sicut de contemptoribus praecepti sui XXXVIII Justitiae inquirant de Escaetis de Ecclesiis de terris de foeminis quae sunt de donatione D. Regis XXXIX Ballivi D. Regis respondeant ad Scaccarium tam de assiso redditu quam de omnibus perquisitionibus suis quas faciunt in balliviis suis exceptis illis quae pertinent ad vicecomitatum XL. Justitiae inquirant de custodiis castellorum qui quantum ubi eas debeant postea mandent D. Regi XLI Latro ex quo capitur Vicecomiti tradatur ad custodiendum si Vicecomes absens fuerit ducatur ad proximum Castellanum ipse illum custodiat donec illum liberet Vicecomiti XLII Justitiae faciant quaerere per consuetudinem terrae illos qui à regno recesserunt nisi redire voluerint infra terminum nominatum stare ad rectum in Curiâ Regis postea ut lagentur nomina ut lagorum afferantur ad Pascha ad Fest. S. Mich. ad Scaccarium exinde mittantur D. Regi While thus the King made provident Order for Lay-business Hugo à Petra Leonis the Pope's Legate in England laboured for dilaâ—ation of Church to whom was granted by the King XLIII Quod de caetero Clericus Matthew Paris his report non trahatur ante Judicem secularem personaliter pro aliquo crimine vel transgressione nisi pro forestâ laico feudo unde Regi vel alii D. Seculari laicum debetur servitium XLIV Vt Archiepiscopatus Episcopatus vel Abbatiae non teneantur in manu Regis ultra annum nisi pro causâ evidente vel necessitate urgente XLV Vt interfectores Clericorum convicti vel confessi coram Justiciario regni praesente Episcopo puniantur XLVI Quod Clerici duellum facere non cogantur XLVII Statuit apud WOODSTOCK quod quicunque forisfecerit ei de forestâ suâ semel de venatione suâ de ipso salvi plegii capiantur si iterum forisfecerit similitèr capiantur de ipso salvi plegii si autem tertiò idem forisfecerit nulli plegii capiantur sed proprium corpus forisfactoris which concludes what of his Laws common Histories afford CHAP. IX Richard Ceur de Lion THIS Henry's Successor was the stout Richard Ceur de Lion Himself in Person attending the Eastern Wars Division by his Commission was made for maintaining the Laws and Customes of the Kingdom of the whole Government 'twixt Hugh of Pusar Bishop of Durham and William Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellor The stream of all howsoever there was an association of Hugh Bardulph and William Briwere was carried as the Prelates pleased until their ambitious insolency made a period to their too great authority After his return Justices in Eyre were sent into every County secundùm subscriptorum formam capitulorum saith Hoveden processerunt in justiciis exequendis Forma Procedendi in Placitis Coronae Regis I. INprimis eligendi sunt IV. milites de toto Comitatu qui per Sacramentum suum eligant II. legales milites de quolibet hundredo vel Wapentacco Et illi II. eligant super sacramentum suum X. milites de singulis Hundredis vel Wapentaccisâ— vel si milites defuerint legales liberos homines ità quòd illi XII insimul respondeant de omnibus capitulis de toto Hundredo vel Wapentacco Capitula Placitorum Coronae Regis II. DE placitis Coronae novis veteribus omnibus quae nondum sinâ— finita coram Justiciariis D. Regis III. Item de omnibus recognitionibus omnibus placitis quae summonita sunt coram Justiciariis per breve Regis vel capitalis Justitiae vel à capitali Curiâ Regis coram eis missa IV. Item de Escaëtis quae sunt quae fuerunt postquam Rex arripuit iter versus terram Jerusalem quae fuerunt tunc in manu Regis sunt modò in manu ejus vel non de omnibus Escaëtis Domini Regis si à manu sua sint remotae quomodò per quem in cujus manus devenerunt qualitèr qui exitus inde habuerit quos quid valuerint quid modò valeant si aliqua eschaëta sit quae ad D. R. pertineat quae in manu ejus non sit V. Item de Ecclesiis quae sunt de Donatione D. Regis VI. Item de custodiis puerorum quae ad D. Regem pertinent VII Item de malefactoribus eorum receptoribus
the elder part of that Law regularly the Probate or Aperture of Wills was before the Praetor And afterward the obsignation insinuation and Probate of them in Rome was before the Magister Census or apud officium Censuale as it were before the Barons of our Exchequer and that continued into later time And the same Officer by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or generalis in Constantinople had the same authority But also afterwards as well the Questor's Seal as that of the generalis became to be used at the obsignation and his authority also in the Probate or Aperture And the Emperour Leo about the year 890. transferred all that herein belonged to the Generalis into the Questor's place yet so that some other Civil Magistrates had the like authority and what was done before these in Rome and Constantinople was in other Cities before their Chief Governours as Defensores or Praefides neither was the Church permitted to have to do with the Insinuation of Testaments but expresly forbidden by a rescript of the Emperour Justin nor is any thing that gives it either among the Novells of the Greek Empire or in the Lombarda or Capitulares which have been reputed as parts also of the Imperial Law CHAP. II. Nor by the Canon Law NEither in any General Council or other part of the received Canon Law doth any Testimony occurr that gives the Church this Intrinsecal Jurisdiction But in the fourth Council of Carthage holden in the year 398. it was ordained Vt Episcopus tuitionem testamentorum non suscipiat And this being then established by two hundred and fourteen Bishops was afterwards made a part of the Decrees or Canon Law collected by Gratian and published and authorized by Pope Eugenius the Third about 1150. and the Gloss upon that Canon interprets tuitio for Aperture or Probate So also Pope Innocent the Fourth understands it publicatio saith he fieri non debet apud Episcopum and he vouches that Law Consulta ducalia tit de Testament to prove it Speculator Hostiensis and others of the same time and generally the rest that follow them make the Civil Law only the square of the Jurisdiction of the Probates and so it is truly affirmed in our Books that the Probate belongs not to the Church by the Spiritual Law neither is any such thing given by any later Bull or Decretal from the Bishop of Rome CHAP. III. The Extrinsecal Jurisdiction by the Civil Law in whom FOr the Extrinsecal Jurisdiction that gave Recoveries of Legacies by the Imperial Civil Law where the Legacies were in pios usus the Bishop of the Diocess sometimes by himself sometimes with the Civil Magistrate provided for the execution of the Testators meaning otherwise the Jurisdiction of Legacies and what else falls under Testamentary disposition was and is the Magistrates only CHAP. IV. In whom by the Canon Law BUt by the Canon Law the general care of execution of Testaments is committed to the Bishop yet I find not any Canon to that purpose received into the Body of that Law now in authority before the time of the Decretals which have out of some Council of Mentz these words viz. Si haeredes jussa Testatoris non impleverint ab Episcopo loci illius omnis Res quae eis relicta est Canonice interdicatur cum fructibus caeteris emolumentis ut vota defuncti impleantur Out of what Council of Mentz this is taken I have not yet learned but in the same syllables it occurrs in Burchard that lived about six hundred years since with the Marginal Note of ex Concilio Moguntino What other Texts are touching the power of the Canons over performance of Testaments have reference to that course ordained by the Civil Law where any thing was given in pios usus not to a general Jurisdiction for so is the Canon Nos quidem extr tit de testam Neither is that Canon Vltima Voluntas in C. 13. q. 2. taken out of S. Gregory otherwise to be understood if you interpret it as you ought by those places of Gregory whence it is taken but the Canonists generally upon that Canon Si haeredes take it that executio testamentorum ad Episcopos spectat And so those old ones Pope Innocent the Fourth Bernard and others of the rest deliver and the latter follow them yet they commonly restrain it and that in practice in other States to Legacies given in pios usus And in the Council of Trent where twice the Bishops power over Testaments is provided for nothing is spoken of but Commutations of Legacies and of such as are given in pios usus yet from Ancient time both the Intrinsecal and Extrinsecal Jurisdiction of Testaments made of personal Chattels in England hath been and is in the Church except in places where special Custom excludes it the original whereof being not sufficiently found in either of these Laws the Civil and Canon divers parts of which according to the various admission of several Estates have been much dispersed through Christendome and some remain now exercised by imitation among us It rests that disquisition be made for it in the Monuments of the Kingdom that according as they together with the Canons afford light some conjecture may be had touching the Antiquity and ground of it CHAP. V. Of the Intrinsecal Jurisdiction in the Saxons time THe Eldest Testament that I have seen made in England is that of King Edgar's time made by one Birthric a Gentleman or Thane it seems of great worth and his Wife Elswith wherein they devise both Lands and Goods and in the end of the Will sayes her husband 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And I pray for Gods love my leefe Lord that he doe not suffer that any man our Testament do break It may perhaps thence be collected that the Protection or Execution of this Testament was within the Jurisdiction of the Lords Court as also the Probate and that especially because divers Lords of Mannors have to this day the Probate of Testaments by Custom continued against that which is otherwise regularly setled in the Church But the same Testament being for Lands as well as for Goods it may be that this Clause had reference to the Lord in regard of the Land only to the Alienation of which his Assent might be requisite or to denote him for the Testators best friend as one chosen Overseer of his Will and indeed he desires all other good people to see his Will be not broken which makes me only offer it as what another mans fancy may work on but I conceive not out of it enough to prove either way any thing touching the Jurisdiction of Testaments Nor in the Saxon times appears any thing that can sufficiently direct us to know how it was exercised here unless out of that example of Siwerth of Durham's Testament in the
might have gained Jurisdiction over all personal Legacies under colour of such as were given in pios usus But perhaps it will not be admitted for probability enough that any part of the Code being of the Imperial or Civil Law was ever so received here in England as that it could induce any alteration touching the Jurisdiction of the Crown that is touching this Extrinsecal Jurisdiction which as is shewed did belong to the Temporal Courts but whosoever will not admit of any such conjecture must yet remember that presently from King Stephen's time when the Civil Law was new born into the light it having lain forgotten by the space of Six Hundred years before in the Western Empire the Code and other parts of that Law were familiarly read by our English Lawyers and I think as well by our Common as Canon Lawyers to omit that Case of Mabile of Franchiville wherein it seems a special regard was had to the Civil Law that permits not a meer Bastard and Succession ex Testamento against a lawful Heir of Blood for otherwise how could Richard the Uncle's Institution as it seems by a former Will have made colour of right for him against the latter Will which Mabile pretended unless he relyed upon her being a Bastard But I should think it probable enough that the Original of this Jurisdiction for Legacies was out of the Canon Law And that especially from that Canon Si haeredes c. before cited for although the Decretals wherein it stands now authorized for a general Law were first published but in 24 H. 3. by Gregory the Ninth and that we see by infallible testimony already brought that Legacies before that time were recoverable in the Spiritual Court yet by likelihood that very Canon was inserted in all or some of those eight more ancient Compilations of the Canons authorized by some former Popes which is the more probable because we find it also in Burchard and so it might be long before sufficient ground of this Extrinsecal Jurisdiction in the Ordinary but I sought here for Authority more than I durst be bold in conjectures which I leave to every mans judgement PART II. OF THE Disposition or Administration OF Intestates Goods CHAP. I. In whom it was in the time of the Saxons IN the Saxons time it was in the Lord of him that dyed understand the Chief Lord in case the Intestate were a Tenant and dyed at home in peace But in case he were no Tenant or dyed in his Lords Army then it was it seems as other Inheritance under the Jurisdiction of that Temporal Court within whose Territory the goods were This may be proved out of the Laws of that time which ordain that upon the death of an Intestate whom they call cwiale awe the Lord is only to have the Heriotts due to him which are also appointed by the Laws of the same time That by his the Lords advice or judgement his the Intestates goods be divided among his Wife and Children and the next of Kin according as to every one of them of right belongs that is according to the nearness of Kindred if no Children or Nephews from them be for it must I suppose be understood that the succession was such that the Children excluded all their Kindred and of their Kindred the next succeeded according to that in Tacitus of his Germans whose Customs were doubtless mixt with our English Saxons haeredes sayes he successoresque sint cuique liberi nullum Testamentum But it seems Christianity afterward brought in the free power of making Testaments amongst them Si liberi non sunt proximus gradus in possessione fratres patrui Avunculi But this is exprest only in case the Tenant dyed at home and in peace for if he dyed in his Lords Army both the Heriott was forgiven and the Inheritance both of Goods and Lands was to be divided as it ought which was it seems by the Jurisdiction of the Temporal Court within whose Territory the Death or Goods were for in that case it is not said that the Lords Judgement was to be used but that the Heirs should divide all or as the words in the Confessor's Law are habeant hâ—redes ejus pecuniam terram ejus sine aliqua diminutione recte dividant interse where the right of the Heir both to Lands and Goods is expresly designed but the Judge that should give it them not mentioned Therefore it seems it remained as other parts of the Common Law under the Temporal Jurisdiction as by the Civil Law it is under the Pretors CHAP. II. In whom after the Normans until King John's time UNtil King John's time it seems the Jurisdiction over Intestates Goods was as of other Inheritance also in the Temporal Courts yet no sufficient Testimony is found to prove it expresly only when the Common Laws of those times speak of Intestates they determine the succession by like division as those of the Saxon times In Laws attributed to William the First we read Si home morust sans devise si departent les Infants l'erite inter sei per ovell And afterwards in H. 1. Laws si quis Baronum vel hominum meorum praeventus vel Armis vel infirmitate pecuniam suam nec dederit nec dare disposuerit uxor sua sive liberi aut Parentes legitimi homines sui pro anima ejus eam dividant sicut eis melius visum fuerit Here is the first mention as I remember of any thing occurring in our Laws or Histories of the disposition of the Intestates Goods pro anima ejus which indeed might have been fitly subjected to the view at least of the Church But no mention as yet being of any Ecclesiastical Power that tends that way I rather think that heretofore no use or practice was of Administration committed direction given or medling with the Goods by the Ordinaries but all was by the Friends or Kindred juxta Consilium discretorum virorum as the words are in the Statutes made for such as should dye in the Holy War with Richard the First Neither doth that of Glanvill which was written under H. 2. tell us of any thing of the Ordinaries Power in this case although it hath express mention of Testaments and the Churches Jurisdiction of them Indeed we there find that if no Executor be named then possunt propinqui consanguinei Testatoris take upon them the Executorship and sue in the Kings Court against such as hinder the due payment of Legacies which also agrees well enough with that before cited out of the Laws of H. 1. Neither is there in Gualter Mapes his Apocalypsis being a bitter Satyr against the Abuses of the Spiritual Courts in Henry the Seconds time nor in John of Salisbury's Epistles that have many particulars of the exercised Jurisdiction of the Church any thing occurring that touches upon any Ecclesiastical Powers of this nature
CHAP. III. In whom after the time of King John BUt in that Charter of Liberties both for the Church and Laity made to the Baronage of England in the seventeenth of King John in Reningmead an express Ordinance is That if any Free-man dyed intestate his Chattels were to be disposed of by the hands of his next of kin by the view of the Church that is direction and advice being thereto given by the Ordinary as I understand saving to all Creditors their debts the words of it were Si aliquis liber homo intestatus decesserit Catalla sua per manus propinquorum parentum amicorum suorum per visum Ecclesiae distribuantur salvis unicuique debitis quae defunctùs eis debebat That Charter of King John is almost the same syllables with the common one that we now use by the name of the Grand Charter of 9 H. 3. exemplified by the Kings Patent of 28 E. 1. But this of Intestates and two or three other Chapters for the Subjects Liberty are more in that of King John's than is found in the Exemplification of 28 E. 1. However Matthew Paris and Roger of Wendover when they speak of H. 3. granting it so refer their Readers to this of King John that they tell us that that of H. 3. was the self same in every particular and therefore omit the repetition of it And indeed although in the common Printed Magna Charta of H. 3. and in the Roll also of 28 Ed. 1. in the Tower where the Exemplification is this Ordinance touching Intestates be wanting yet in very many of the ancientest Manuscripts of the old Statutes that of H. 3. hath the same words as we have here transcribed it from King John's and that in the same place of his Charter as that in King John's that is between the eighteenth Chapter Si quis teneus c. and the nineteenth Nullus Constabularius c. And it is to be understood that the greatest Prelates of the Clergy of that time as Canterbury London Winchester Pandulphus the Popes Nuncto the Master of the Temple and divers other Bishops were on the Kings part when that of King John was granted And it is probable enough that when they saw that a Charter of Liberties must of necessity be granted to the Baronage they so wrought also that they might insert this one for the advantage of their Episcopal Government And they had good colour to think and perswade that some such thing was fit for them in regard it was now clearly taken that some distribution was to be made pro anima intestati the care of souls being the chiefest part of their common pretences for increase of their power and greatness And hence I suppose it soon came to pass that the next of kin had the power of disposition committed by the Ordinaries and that in Letters or otherwise by vertue of that per visum Ecclesiae which was I think the textual ground of right of committing of Administration by the Clergy This of King John's being iterated in Henry the Thirds Charter however omitted in the Exemplification was it seems that provision spoken of in Cardinal Othobon's Legatins Proinde super bonis ab intestato decedentium so are the words provisionem quae olim à Praelatis Regni Angliae cum approbatione Regis Baronum dicitur emanasse firmiter approbantes districtius inhibemus ne Prelati vel alii quicunque bona intestatorum quocunque modo recipiant vel occupent contra provisionem praemissam What provision is it more likely that this was than that of the Grand Charter both of King John and H. 3. and the words à Praelatis dicitur emanasse justifies what we have conjectured of the purpose of the Prelates when they saw they could not but yield with the King to an establishment of Laws by that Charter made indeed in a Parliament of that age The same I suppose that which is meant in the Constitution of Arch-bishop Stafford where it is taken for granted that the Churches power of disposition of Intestates goods pro salute animarum in pios usus was a thing consensu Regio magnatum Regni Angl. tanquam pro jure Ecclesiasticáque libertate ab olim ordinatum c. Where Linwood modestly confesses that he could not find in what Kings time this Ordinance was made But Johannes de Athona upon that of Othobon though he rightly call that provision Provisio Parliamentalis yet most ignorantly and ridiculously tells us that the provision there understood is the Statute of Westminster 2. Cap. 21. cum post mortem which he makes also to have I know not what reference to the Statute of Glocester But this slipt from him either in a dream or through the utmost neglect of those infallible characters of truth that the denoting of times affords us for that Legatin of Othobon was made in London in 53 H. 3. and at such time as that Provision was yet extant in the Magna Charta used by our Lawyers But the Statutes of Westminster the second and of Glocester were under E. 1. the one in the sixth the other in the thirteenth of him how then could Othobon think of it in his Legatin or could John de Athona have thought so if he had allowed the Title of his Gloss which supposes in the point that the Constitutions of Othobon were published in the year 1248. which had it been in 1268. had agreed with truth but doubtless the Numeral Letters of MCCLXVIII were transposed into MCCXLVIII and thence only that Error CHAP. IV. How that so granted by King John's Charter in Parliament hath continued in practice AFter that Law of the seventeenth of K. John it seems the next of kin disposed of Intestates Goods by the testimony and direction of the Church for so per visum denotes as we see in per visum proborum legalium hominum in Writs of Summons and the like but I have not seen any practice of it testified in King John's time And under H. 3. however it were omitted in his Charter at the Exemplification the same visus Ecclesiae continued so sayes Bracton that then lived and was a Judge of that time Si liber homo intestatus subito decesserit dominus suus nil intromittat de bonis defuncti nisi de hoc tantum quod ad ipsum pertineret sc. quod habeat suum Heriott sed ad Ecclesiam amicos pertinebit executio bonorum Yet it seems also that notwithstanding the right of the Church thus ordained and the succession of next of kin so included in the Ordinance both the Lords in some places according to their former right still usurp some power over the disposition of Intestates Goods against the will of the Ordinaries and on the other side also the Ordinaries instead of giving direction for a true disposition of such Goods get possession of them and commit