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A07158 A defence of the honorable sentence and execution of the Queene of Scots exempled with analogies, and diuerse presidents of emperors, kings, and popes: with the opinions of learned men in the point, and diuerse reasons gathered foorth out of both lawes ciuill and canon, together with the answere to certaine obiections made by the fauourites of the late Scottish Queene. 1587 (1587) STC 17566.3; ESTC S108326 51,432 108

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bereauing of her Maiestie of her rightfull crovvne and dignitie royall partlie in that vvith her priuitie tenne hundred thousande crovvnes vvere imploied by the Pope vppon any that vvould set vp in England the Roman Catholike religion and aduance her to the Crovvne in possession partlie in that shee gaue maintenance to her Maiesties knovven Rebels both in Flaunders and Scotland partly in that shee practised inuasion by forraine forces and actuall Rebellion by vnnaturall Subiects in these her Maiesties Realmes of Englande and Ireland 6 Ione Queene of Naples sent also at that time Pe●rus exi● Collinutiu● Blondi historia Paulus Aemilius and to the same end and purpose to Charles the french king and to Lewes Duke of Aniew the saide frenche kings vncle requesting them to bring all the forces they possibly could to the subduing of Charles her competitor in the kingdome of Naples Mary of Scotland sent many times to king Phillip At one of those times Osmond Wilkinson the messenger B. Rose the procurer the Spanishe Ambassad●ur the performer of men money for the rebellion At one time thentrie was appointed at Harwich in Suffolk inuasion confessed by Throgmorton Her letters to Babington Her letters to the Spanish Ambassador the confessiō of Babington and his confederates and the confession of her own Secretaries Father Henries message betweene her and the Pope and the combined Princes and to her vncle the Duke of Cuise and other princes combined to bring their forces not to preserue her in her possession of the kingdome of Scotlande but to the inuasion of this Realme of England and subduing of her Maiestie the moste lavvefull and vndoubted Queene of the same Ione the Neapolitan Queene in regard that the saide Lewes Duke of Aniow Collinutius vvould defend and protect her against the said Charles offered to make him her sonne by adoption and that he immediatlie after her death should succeede her both in the kingdome of Naples also of Sicelie Marie the Scottish Queen in consideration that king Phillip shoulde take her vvholy in his protection Proued by her letters to the said Spanish Ambassadour Barnard de Mēdoza and confessed by her Secretaries Naw and Curle likevvise the state and affaires of this Countrie promised to giue graūt to him by her last vvill and testament the right vvhich shee pretended to haue both to the succession of the crovvne of England and also of Scotland Ione Queene of Naples had great mightie Princes to take her part both out of Fraunce and from Prouince but both shee and all that held on her side had so strange a fortune and desaster as it is vvonderfull for the Pope by her meanes exalted vvas deposed the said Duke of Aniew Generall of the fielde that came into Ialie as Pandulphus Collinut us vvriteth vvith fifty thousand men and as Peter Mexia affirmeth thirtie thousand of them hors-men Collmitius lib. 5. so 228. Mexia in vita Ven●elai died by the vvay and xvi Barons and most of his gallant companie vvith him and the rēnant that suruiued returned home vvith more shame than vvith pride they came foorth begging all the vvay as they vvent by tvvo or three in a companie as Platina vvitnesseth and the Queene her her self vvas taken prisoner by him Platina in vita V●bani 6. vvhō shee firmelie hoped to haue conquered and slaine Marie the Scottish Queen vvhich had in Rome at seurall times three Popes in Spaine king Phillip in Fraunce the Duke of Guise in England and Scotlande Dukes Earles Lordes The proof of these is publik and most notorious Gentlemen and others too too manie bent to accomplishe her vnquiet humor and seditious desseinesse yet neither had shee nor anie that tooke her part any prosperous succes for 2 of her best friends of the three Popes died king Phillip hath neuer been vvithout ciuill vvarres and his handes full of vprores dangerous tumults the Duke of Guise so megre and so crossed in all his desseinements that he could not at any time helpe her nor vvell releeue himselfe the Dukes Earles and Lords for the most part that tooke her part either haue loste their goods liuelodes lands liberties and countries or haue been slaine of others or haue slaine themselues many Gentlemen hanged for her sake to the perpetuall infamie of them their race vtter vndoing of all their posteritie as touching her self neither her ovvn land could abide her nor the Ocean Sea to vvhose mercie in extreame refuge she committed herself could brooke her nor the land of England vvhere shee hath remained aboue xvi yeeres in our Soueraigne Ladie Queene Elizabeths protection could for the more part from her first comming like her Parrie his confession of her trustie man Morgans dealing with him for murdering of the Quene The consessiō of Naw Curle and all the cōspirators or be liked of her and she became all that vvhile prisoner vnto her vvhose Royall person she continuallie hoped and often practized to haue murdered Last of al Leonardus Aretinus in historia Florentina Collinutiut Mexia Paulus Aemilius Jone Queen of Naples being taken by Charles nephevv to Lewes king of Hungarie and the first King of Naples of that name vvas by the saide Charles vppon the aduise taken and had of the said King Lewes strangled in prison and so by Gods prouidence paid the death as the history vvitnesseth that she gaue to her first husband An reas King of Naples Mexia in vita Vencelai Marie Queen of Scotland although by fleeing out of her ovvn Realme of Scotland into Englande Vide Buconaenū fol. 199. 200. and by comming vnder the Queene of Englands protection shee escaped hitherto the due reuengement of her said husbāds death This appeareth by the commission directed to the duke of Norfolke others which met the Scottish Lordes at yorke that came thither requiring iustice in that behalf vvhen and vvhere the chiefest of the Nobilitie of Scotland pursued her by iustice yet because she hath sundrie times since that time conspired to destroy the sacred person of her Maiesty and being once or tvvise pardoned hath falne into a relapse or recination there hath been vppon due hearing and examination of the vvhol matter together vvith her personall ansvveares taken by the chiefest Lordes of the Realme The Parliamēt 27. regni Elizabethae assisted vvith the principall Iudges of the same sentence pronounced by them against her According to the Statute of association by Herselfe subsigned and allowed Her owne letters to her Maiestie And thus shee to the ioy of all good Christians and vvell affected English hath had Gods iudgement in her accōplished and performed that did not onlie kill her first husband King of Scotland but compassed also sundrie times the death of her Maiestie Queene of England and consequentlie vvas like to bring the vvhole Realme in danger of a generall massacre and present destruction had not
vaine the benefit of the lawe that doeth offend against the lawe So is the Queenes Maiestie in her gratious Realme a sanctuarie to euerie king that commeth within the same vnder her highnesse protection vntill he committeth a capitall delict and offence against the same and than vpon the reason of the foresaid lawes he looseth the benefit priuiledge thereof like as the benefite or priuiledge of safeconduit is lost when after the safe conduit graunted any crime is committed but for a farder confirmation of the premisses we shall speake more at large in the next chapter The sixt Chapter containing an aunswere to certaine obiections latelie made by certaine fauorites of the Queene of Scottes FOR asmuch as some partiall and euill affected Aliens and some hollow and dissembling subiects will perhaps in this honourable and iust action maligne the proceedings of the whole Parliament and the sentence and execution thereuppon I thinke it not amisse to meet with some of the best of their Arguments the which at the first showe might seeme to crosse or controll their doings The first obiection The first obiection is That Par in parem non habet imperium that is an absolute Prince ouer and against another absolute Prince hath no iurisdiction or soueraintie And this was by Prince Conradine a Prince more skilfull in feats of warre than in points of law Collinutius lib. 4 hist Neapolit obiected vnto Barius king Charles his Prothonotarie after that he had read the sentence of death giuen against him The like argument doth Matheus Parisiensis alledge in king Iohns case Parisiensis Monachus in sua historia whē the French king wold haue sentenced him for the Dukedome of Normādie Vpon the which maxime or rule it is inferred that forasmuch as our Queen Marie of Scotland were both Queenes and of egall power and authoritie that the one can haue no such power to sentence or punish the other The Answeare For aunswere it may then trulie and iustlie be said that whatsoeuer showe this argument maketh in apparance yet it is nothing at all in substance For to let passe that which is much doubted of by many whether the Scottish Queene were at the time of the sentence giuen Queene of Scotland or no seeing by the three estates of Scotlād she was disabled To omit also that shee relinquished long time before all her right title and interest in the same realme if she had any to the Lord Iemie her sonne now king of Scotland To passe ouer in like maner how euident a thing it is and most notorious that the kinges of Scots haue been feudataries and done homage vnto the kings of England See Hall and Foxes historie reg 4. William Conqerour malconib Edward 1. Richard 2. and haue appeared in person in Parliament at Yorke and had the place of the first Peere in England whereby it may bee inferred that the Scottish Queene was no absolute Queene but had respect was inferior to the crowne of England if we should graunt them all this for dispution sake that shee was still Queene of Scotland and farder that she was an absolute Queen what than what can they infer of this doth equalitie in dignitie giue supreame power and soueraintie in the kindome of England This her soueraintie hath vndoubtedly a necessarie relation to her owne subiects the Scots and kingdome of Scotland not vnto the English and realme of England albeit I do graūt here for argument sake more than may doe to wit that she was still a Queene in dignitie Thomas Grammaticus yet I may right well deny her to be a Queene in soueraintie for she left all her soueraintie behinde her and became a priuate person and no soueraine at what time shee came from Loghléuen castle in Scotlande to the castle of Cokermouth in Englande And this point may soone be tryed by sampling the same in an other Princesse comming into anie forreine countrey If the King of Spaine should come into Fraunce although perhaps the French King mought take him for his brother in the sence of the Poet fratrum concordia rara yet I doubt he would not take him there for his fellow Lucan Tullie in his booke of dutiess Omnisque potestas impatiens consortis erit there is no kingdome that will abide a Copartner D D in l. est receptum f. de iurisd omnium Iudicum And as Tullie saieth Nulla sides nec sancta societas regni est There can be no firme faith nor holy societie of a kingdome ouer and aboue that euerie Prince in his owne principalitie is the greater c cum inferior de maior obed and it is an infallible rule that euerie Kinge out of his owne kingdome is no more but a priuate person Lapus in allegat xcij. Preses saith Paulus in suae prouinciae homines tantùm imperium habet hoc dum in prouincia est I. preses f. de officio presidis nam si excesserit priuatus est A president hath souerainty onely vppon the subiectes of his owne prouince and that whilest he is within his prouince but if he goeth forth of it he is a priuate person Vpon the conclusion of which lawe there grew amongest the learned this question Baratolus lib. 12. de dignitatibus c. whether a Kinge passing thorough or resiant in another kinges Realme and dominion mought make anie of his subiectes knightes and some helde opinion that he could not for that he had not there merum imperium supreme power and soueraintie but Regiam duntaxat dignitatem that is only the honour and dignitie of a king Other resolued thus that albeit in this case hee had no such soueraintie in him yet bicause this act was not cōtentiosae iurisdictionis of a cōtentious iurisdiction as when sutes passe in the kings cōsistory between party party Iason Alexander in L. extra territorium de iurisd omnium iudicum but iurisdictionis voluntariae of a iurisdiction voluntarie such as passe vpon pleasure before himselfe they were of opiniō that he myght make knights like as one Bishop may approue willes and confer orders in the Diocesse of another Bishop because the same is iurisdictionis voluntariae of a iurisdiction voluntarie but that a king in another kings dominiō or a Bishop in the diocesse of another Bishop hath merum imperium or soueraigntie that can neuer be showne but the quite contrarie Neither only is euery one in his owne territorie chiefe and greater than an other who in other respects notwithstanding is many wayes greater than himselfe but also he may punish there such a person greater than himself offending in his territorie insomuch that an Archbishop by a Bishop in the Bishops own territory an Emperor by a king in a kings dominion and countrie and a king by a Magistrate of a free Citie may there be punished for his offence Neither doth the rule Par in parem take anie place