by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the Realme of England and the Commons of the said Realme representing all the States of the said Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of judgement and considering the manifold iniuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offences by Richard late King of the said Realm committed and done contrary to good governement in the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid during the time of his Raigne also considering the articles which were openly exhibited and read before the said States which were so publike notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no avoydance and shift bee concealed also considering the confession of the said King acknowledging and reputing and truly upon his certaine knowledge judging himselfe to have beene and to be altogether insufficient and unskilfull for the rule and government of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not unworthy to bee deposed for the notorious demerits by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said States published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and us by the diligent place name and authority to us in this part committed in abundance and for a cautele wee pronounce decree and declare the said Richard to have beene and to be unprofitable and unable and altogether unsufficient and unworthy for the rule and government of the said Realmes and of the Dominions Rights and parts of them and in regard and respect of the premises worthily to bee deposed from all kingly dignity and honour if any such dignity and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitive in this writing inhibiting from henceforth expresly all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoever of the said Realmes and Dominions and other places to the said Realmes and Dominions appertaining the subjects and liege people of the same and every of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the aforesaid Richard as King or Lord of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted Procurators joyntly and severally for all the States of the Realme to resigne and surrender unto King Richard for them and all other homages of the Realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and done unto him as King and Soveraigne and also to declare unto him all the premises concerning his deposition Now Henry Duke of Lancaster that hee might bee reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the Kingdome by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime thereunto and being in power it was no sooner advised what was to bee done but it was presently devised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henry the third whom they surnamed Crouch-backe affirming that hee was the eldest sonne of King Henry and that for his deformity hee was put from his right of succession in the Kingdome which was for that cause given to his younger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of blood by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henry the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the said Edmund This cunning conceit was perceived of all men but seeming not to perceive it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therefore the Kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henry arose from his seat and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the fore-head and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the Crown with all the appurtenances as I that am descended by right line of the blood royall comming from that good Lord K. Henry the third through the right that God of his grace hath sent me with the helpe of my kindred and of my friends to recover the same Which kingdome was in point to be undone for default of good government and due justice After these words it was demanded in both houses of the Nobility and of the Commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raign who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the Throne of estate the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him and all the assembly testifying their owne joy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an Oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne over my people 1 Reg. 9.17 After all this hee was proclaymed King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is void of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gave their applause not all upon judgement or faithfull meaning but mostionly upon a received custome to flatter the Prince whatsoever he be Yet least the heat of this humour should allay by delay it was forthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that upon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the K. proclaimed arose from his seat and went to White-Hall where hee spent the rest of day in royall feasting and all other complements of joy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelinesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the Procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared unto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the States of the realm did surrender the homage and fealty which had bin due unto him so that no man from thenceforth would bear to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing regarded these titular circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be a gracious Lord and good friend unto him So upon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessor the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishop of Canterbury sacred annoynted and crowned King at Westminster by the name of King Henry the fourth upon the very same day wherein the yeare before he had bin banished the Realme Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certain religious man gave unto Henry the first Duke
THE HISTORIES OF THE LIVES AND RAIGNES OF HENRY THE THIRD AND HENRY THE FOURTH Kings of England Written by Knights Sr. ROBERT COTTON And Sr. IOHN HAYVVARD London printed for William Sheares and are to be sold at his Shop in Bedford-Street in Coveâ—-garden neere the new Exchange at the signe of the Bible An 1642. A SHORT VIEW OF THE LONG RAIGN OF KING HENRY the third WEaried with the lingring calamities of Civill Armes and affrighted at the sudden faâ—l of a licentious Soveraigne all men stood at gaze expecting the event of their long desires Peace and issue of their new hopes Benefit For in every shift of Princes there are few either so meane or modest that please not themselves with some probable object of preferment To satisfie all a child ascendeth the throne mild and gracious but easie of nature whose Innocency and naturall goodnesse led him safe along the various dangers of his Fathers Raigne Happy was hee in his Vnkle the Earle of Pembrooke the guide of his infancy and no lesse then for thirty yeares after whil'st De Burgo that fast servant of his Fathers against the French both in Normandy and England with By god Earle of Norfolke and others of like gravity and experience did mannage the affaires Few and no other were the distempers then in State but such as are incident to all the Commons greedy of liberty and the Nobiliâ—y of Rule and but one violent storme raised by some old and constant followers of his Father Fulco de Brent de Fortibus and others men that could onely thrive by the Warres misliking those dayes of sloath for so they termed that calme of King Henries Government and the rather because the Iustice of quiet times urged from them to the lawfull owners such Lands and Castles as the fury of Warre had unjustly given them for finding in the uprightnesse of the King that power of protection should not bee made a wrong doer they fell out into that rebellion that with it ended their lives and competitours professing that those their swords that had set the Crowne upon their Soveraignes head when neither Majesty nor Law could should now secure those small pittances to their Maisters when Majesty or Law would not Dangerous are too great benefits of Subjects to their Princes when it maketh the mind onely capable of merit nothing of duty No other disquiet did the State after this feele but such as is incident in all the malice to Authority Good and great men may secure themselves from guilt but not from envy for the greatest in trust of publike affaires are still shot at by the aspiring of those that deeme themselves lesse in imployment then they are in merit These vapours did ever and easily vanish so long as the helme was guided by temperate Spirits and the King tied his Actions to the rule of good Councell and not to young passionate or single advise Thirty yeares now passed and all the old guides of his youth now dead but De Burgo a man in whom nothing of worth was wanting but moderation whose length of dayes giving him the advantage of sole power his owne Ambition and age gave him desire and Art to keepe out others which wrought him into the fatall envy of most and that encreased in the Title of Earle and great Offices the King then gave him Time by this had wrought as in it selfe so in the hearts of the people a Revolution the afflictions of their Fathers forgotten and the surfeit of long peace perchance having let in some abuses from hence the Commons to whom dayes present seeme ever worst commend the foregone ages they never remembred and condemne the present though they knew neither the disease thereof nor the remedy To these idle and usuall humours fell in some of the yong and noble Spirits warme and over-weaning who being as truly ignorant as the rest first by sullying the wisedome of the present and greatest Rulers making each casuall mishap their errours seeme to decipher every blemish in Government and then by holding certaine imaginary and fantastick formes of Common-wealths flatter their owne beleefe and ability that they can mold any State to these generall rules which in particular application will prove idle and grosse absurdities Next confirmed in their owne worth by Sommery and Spencer they take it a fit time to worke themselves into action and imploymâ—nt a thing they had long desired and now though unwilling to seeme so doe sue for and doubtlesse the furthest of their aime was yet to become quiet instruments in serving the State if they had beene then held fit and worthy But the King taught by the new Earle That Consilia senum hastas juvenum esse and that such wits for so they would bee stiled were Nâ—vandis quà m gerendis rebus aptiores fitter in being factious to disorder then to settle affaires either denied or delayed their desires for wise Princes will ever choose their Instruments Par negotiis and not supra Creatures out of meere election that are onely theirs otherwise without friends or power Amongst this unequall medly there were of the Nobility Richard Earle of Pembrooke Glocester and Hartford darlings of the multitude some for the merit of their Fathers whose memories they held sacred as Pillars of publike liberty and opposers of encroaching Monarchy at Runâ—meed the Armies met And of the Gentry Pitz-Geffeory Bardolph Grisley Maunsell and Fitz-Iohn Spirits of as much Acrimony and Arrogant spleene as the places from whence they were elected Campe Court or Countrey could afford any These by force would effect what the other did affect by cunning but all impatient to see their ends thus frustrate and that so long as the King followed the direction of the Earle of Kent they had small hope of their desires they made often meetings and as one saith of them Clam nocturnis colloquis aut flexum in vesperum die In the end Sommery and Spencer two that were farre in opinion with the rest Gentlemen by Forraine education and imployment more qualified then usually men of these times and that set upon their owne deserts the best places when the Streame should turne which one of them Spencer did unworthily obtaine for he died in actuall Rebellion Iustâ—ciarius Angliae against his master advised that the best meanes to remove that great and good obstacle the Earle of Kent out of the way of their advancement was by sifting into his actions and siding with his opposite Peter Bishop of Winchester an ill man but gracious with the King making still their ends that the worthiest being driven out by the worst they shall either bee able to mate him with his owne vice which will bee ever more visible as hee is more potent and so remove him at pleasure or else give over the King to such Ministers to their bad desires as loosing him the hearts of his people might smooth them away to
is quite overthrowne Yet the endeavour to curry favour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of servility and therefore Alexander when hee heard Aristobulus read many things that hee had written of him farre above truth as hee was sailing the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the River and said that hee was almost moved to send Aristobulus after for his servile dealing but envious carping carrieth a counterfeit shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a History what beginning what continuance and what meane is bee used in all matter what things are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to bee treated at large how credite may bee wonne and suspition avoided what is to bee observed in the order of times and description of places and other such circumstances of weight whâ—t liberty a writer may use in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and events of things done how farre hee must bend himselfe to profit and when and how hee may play upon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should runne into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will heere close up onely wishing that all our English Histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them might more easily bee attained THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING HENRY the fourth THe Noble and victorious Prince King Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long and prosperous raigne over this Realme of England much strengthened and adorned by natures supply of seven goodly Sonnes Edward his eldest Sonne Prince of Wales commonly called the Black Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaâ—â—er Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These Sonnes during the life of their renowned Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could bee annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holds are so great defences to a Prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away either by variety of fortune or inconstancy of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaveth close unto him not so much in the blisses of prosperity which are equally imparted to others as in the Crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their off-spring the seminary of division and discord to the utter ruine of their families and great wast and weakening of the whole Realme for they that have equall dignity of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soveraignty but upon every offer of occasion will aspire to endure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kind is most dispitefull and deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humour caused Romulus to imbrew the foundations oâ— the City and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the Tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day begin their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of Warre in his time dyed during the life of his faâ—her And although hee was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame hee lived with the longest having in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobility Hee left behind him a young Sonne called Richard who after the death of King Edward was crowned King in his stead and afterward dyed childlesse William of Hatfield King Edwards second Sonne dyed also without issue leaving no other memory of his name but the mention onely Lionel Duke of Clarence the third Sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speech and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admitted nor contemned as rather void of ill parts then furnished with good Hee had issue Philip his onely Daughter who was joyned in marriage to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard was in the right of his Wife declared Heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without Children but not many yeares after hee dyed leaving issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous Warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elinor Edmund and Elinor died without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge Sonne to Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke the fift Sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who by the right devolved to â—im from his Mother made open â—laime to the Crowne of England â—which was then possessed by the faâ—ily of Lancaster first by Law in the â—arliament holden the thirtieth yeare â—f the Raigne of King Henry the sixt where either by right or by favour â—is cause had such furtherance that afâ—er King Henry should die the Crown â—as entailed to him and to the Heires 〈◊〉 his bloud for ever But the Duke â—â—patient to linger in hope chose raâ—â—er to endure any danger then such 〈◊〉 Whereupon hee entred into 〈◊〉 soone after against King Henry 〈◊〉 the field But being carried further 〈◊〉 courage then by force hee could 〈◊〉 through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest Sonne who with invincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great variety of fortune at the last atchieved it Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardy Spirit but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast Hee had two Sonnes Henry Earle of Derby of whom I suppose chiefly to treat and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother to the Noble Prince Henry the seventh Henry Plantagenâ—t Earle of Derby was likewise by his Mother Blanch extracted from the bloud of Kings being discended from Edmund the second Sonne of King Henry the third by which line the Dutchy oâ— Lancaster did accreve unto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agility of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch joyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and advised in all his actions Hee was quick and present in conceit forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in event There was no
a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoever occasion should change for their advantage they would bee then as ready to start from the friendship as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings Daughter being but a child was very unmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparity of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to have any by this except perhaps in his old and whithered yeares When the Duke saw that with these motives hee did nothing prevaile hee subordned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seeing there was peace with France hee would release them of the Subsidy which they had granted to him in regard of those warres This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King untill the Duke of Lancaster declared to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispence of three hundred thousand pounds in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demand The yeare following Guido Earle of Saint Pauls was sent into Englan by Charles King of France to visite and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabel his wife the French Kings Daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what fervency the Duke of Glocester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his mind was not therein followed hee moved the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiet rather in his owne Countrey then not at all Hee further reported what stiffe strifes in former times the Duke had stirred which howsoever they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this hee presently answered that the Duke was to dangerous a subject to bee permitted to live that greatnesse was never safe if it grow excessive and bold that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to revenge the disgraces which hee had received and in policy to prevent the dangers which hee had cause to feare These words so sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thenceforth hee busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now hee beganne to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to observe actions and alwayes to interpret them to the worst framing himselfe to many vaine and needlesse feares Oftentimes hee would complaine of him to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent hee was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answer that the Duke of Glocester their brother was indeed more hot and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was joyned with faithfulnesse and his crossenesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to dislike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrew themselves from the Court to their private Houses the Duke of Glocester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmsford in Essex upon advantage of which seperation the King stood distracted in mind betweene feare to defer and shame to avow the destruction of the Duke least hee might happily bee disappointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon hee entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Nottingham how the Duke of Glocester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruelty which was but wavering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by evill advise and being once inclined to bloud hee did not faile either of examples of lewd action to follow or direction of cruell Counsaile what to doe so the plot was contrived and according thereto the King and the Earle of Nottingham rode together into Essex as though it were to disport themselves in hunting when they were in the midst of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a small and unsuspitious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there hee stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne hee desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire intreaty of a Prince is a most forcible command therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee inteâ—ded indeed which was pretended in shew went to horse-back with the King taking such small attendance as upon the sudden could bee in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together using much familiar talke by the way untill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forward and the Duke comming behind was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his journey as though hee had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Thamâ—s and tâ—ere shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conveyed over to Calis When the King came to London hee caused the Earle of Warwick also to bee arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had invited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to bee a gracious Lord unto him Vpon the like dissembled shew the Earle of Arundel and his Sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the I le of Wight The common people upon the apprehending of these three Noblemen whom they chiefely and almost onely favoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to draw them to sedition every man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to lead them the way all being ready to follow that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong army and came therewith to London where they were readily received by the Citizens although the King had commanded the contrary but this seemed to bee done rather for guard to themselves then regard to any others The King all this time kept at a Village called Helhame within foure miles of London having about him a great power of armed men which hee had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to pacifie the common people hee caused to bee proclaimed that the Lords were not apprehended upon old displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should bee appealed by order of Law and receive open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying at London to whom the King made faith for the safety of their persons and indemnity of their goods and that nothing should bee attempted without their privity and advice all this was as
and the most unable with hatefulnesse of the one and contempt of the other were generally despised in all the Realme that hereby First the honour of the Kings person was much blemished for ungrate and ungratious adherents are alway the way to hatred and contempt Secondly the safety of his state might bee endangered for extraordinary favour to men apparently of weake or bad desert doth breed insolency in them and discontentment in others two dangerous humours in a Common-wealth Thirdly the dignity of the Realme was much empaired whose fortune and valour being guided by the ill chance of such unlucky leaders stood never in the like Tearmes of doubt and distresse so that matters of peace were tumultuous and uncertaine and atchievements of warre were never brought to honourable conclusion that Alexander Severus would have smoaked such sellers of smoake that Xerxes would have pulled their skinne over their eares and high time it was that the King should looke unto them for the Nobility grew out of heart the Commons out of hope and all the people fell to a discontented murmuring And this hee said as hee said not for any grudge but for griefe and good will and therefore desired the Duke who was one of the privy Councell and well heard with the King to discover unto him these deformities and dangers that by repairing the one hee might happily repell the other These words procured to the Duke of Hereford both great offence and great glory at the delivery whereof the Duke of Norfolke made shew of good liking and promise of sincere dealing And indeed if they had beene as faithfully reported by him and by the King as friendly taken as they were faithfully and friendly meant many mischiefes might have beene avoided but both of these did faile for the Duke of Norfolke although in former times he had taken part with the Lords yet afterwards being desirous to bee accounted rather among the great men then the good hee made sale of his honour to maintaine his pleasure and continue himselfe in grace with the King to which hee was altogether inthralled insomuch that the murthering of the Duke of Glocester and the execution of the Earle of Arundel was to his charge especially committed and supposing upon this occasion to make a free hold of his Princes favour hee grievously aggravated these speeches in reporting them and yet cunningly too with many lies intermixing some truths or making the truth much more then it was Againe the King not enduring the search of his soares did bend his mind rather to punish the boldnesse then examine the truth of these reproofes his eares being so distempered with continuance of flattery that hee accompted all sharp that was sound and liked onely that which was presently pleasant and afterwards hurtfull Thus wee may dayly observe that no strange accident doth at any time happen but it is by some meanes foreshewed or foretould but because these warnings are oftentimes either not marked or misconstrued or else contemned the events are accompted inevitable and the admonitions vaine The King being in this sort touched by the one Duke and tickled by the other was not resolved upon the suddaine what to doe therefore hee assembled his Councell and called the two Dukes before him and demanded of the Duke of Norfolke if he would openly avouch that which hee had suggested in secret The Duke seeing it was now no time for him either to shrinke or shuffle in his tale with a bold and confident courage repeated all that before hee had reported But the Duke of Hereford could not bee borne downe by countenance where his cause was good and therefore after a short silence whereby hee seemed rather amazed at the strangenesse of this matter then abashed at the guilt hee made low obeysance to the King and greatly both thanked and commended him that hee had not given hasty credite to matters of such tender touch as his griefe might have borne out the blame of rashnesse in revenge desiring him to continue yet a while the respite of his displeasure and to reserve his judgement free for indifferent audience Then he declared in order what speech had passed from him upon what occasion and to what end all the rest hee stoutly denied affirming that it was falsely surmised by his Adversary either upon malice to pick a quarrell or upon sycophancy to pick a thanke and that thereupon hee was untrue unjust a forger of slanderous and seditious lies whereby hee treacherously indevoured to seduce the King to destroy the Nobility and to raise disturbance within the Realme and this hee offered to prove upon him if the King would permit by the stroake of a speare and by dint of sword The Duke of Norfolkes stomack not used to beare scorne could not disgest these Tearmes of disgrace whereupon hee stiffely stood to his first imputation for maintenance thereof he accepted and also desired the combate The King would some other wayes have quieted this contention but the Dukes would agree to no other kind of agreement and thereupon threw downe their gloves one against the other for gages The King seeing their obstinacy granted them the battaile and assigned the place at the City of Coventry in the Moneth of August then next insuing where in the meane time hee caused a sumptuous Theater and Lists royall to bee prepared At the day of combate the two Dukes came well handed with Noblemen and Gentlemen of their linage The Duke of Aumerle for that day high Constable and the Duke of Surrey for the same time and action high Marshall of England entred into the Lists with a great troupe of men apparelled in silke sondale embroidered with silver every man having a tipped staff to keep the field in order About the time of prime the Duke of Hereford came to the Barriers of the Lists mounted upon a white courser barbed with blew and greene velvet embroidered gorgeously with Swans and Antilops of Goldsmiths worke armed at all points and his sword drawne in his hand The Constable and Marshall came to the barriers and demanded of him who hee was Hee answered I am Henry Duke of Hereford and am come to doe my devoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke as a Traytour to God the King the Realme and mee Then hee sware upon the Evangelists that his quarrell was right and upon that point desired to enter the lists then hee put up his sword pulled downe his beavier made a crosse on his fore-head and with speare in hand entred into the Lists and there lighted from his horse and sate downe in a chaire of greene velvet which was set in a traverse of greene and blew velvet at the one end of the listes and so expected the comming of his enemy soone after King Richard entred the field with great pompe both in bravery and traine hee had in his company the Earle of Saint Paul who came purposely out of France to see this combate tried he was attended
with all the Noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any suddaine or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was very curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and marshall the field should touch any part of the listes upon paine of death This proclamation being ended another Herald cried Behold here Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes Royall to doe his devoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant upon paine to bee accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was hovering on horseback at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson velvet embroadered richly with lions of silver and mulbery trees and when hee had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was just and true hee entred the field boldly crying aloud God aid him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and sat downe in a Chaire of crimson velvet curtained about with red and white Damaske and placed at the other end of the Lists The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare hee carried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the traverses and chaires of the combattants should bee removed commanding them in the Kings name to mount on horseback and addresse themselves to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beavieres and cast their speares into the rests Then the trumpets sounded and the Duke of Hereford set forth towards his enemy about six or seaven paces but before the Duke of Norfolke beganne to put forward the King cast downe his Warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to bee taken from them and commanded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained above two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his Councell what was fittest to bee done At last the Herralds cried silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a Secretary of State with a loud voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his Councell out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the Lists Royall and declared themselves valiant and hardy Champions being not only ready but forward and desirous to dare in the battell but because this was a matter of great consequence and import the King with the advice of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Henry Duke of Hereford because hee had displeased the King and for divers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the Tearme of tenne yeares without the Kings especiall licence upon paine of death When this judgement was heard a confused noise was raised among the people some lamenting either the desert or the injury of the Duke of Hereford whom they exceedingly favoured others laughing at the conceit of the King first in causing and afterwards in frustrating so great an expectation wherein hee seemed to doe not much unlike Caligula who lying in France with a great army neere the Sea shoare gave the signe of battell set his men in array marched forth as if it had beene to some great piece of service and suddenly commanded them all to gather cockles Then the Herralds cried againe ô Yes and the Secretary did read on how the King had likewise ordained that Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke because hee had sowen sedition by words whereof hee could make no proofe should avoid the Realme of England and never returne againe upon paine of death and that the King would take the profits and revenues of his lands untill hee had received such summes of money as the Duke had taken up for wages of the garrison of Calis which was still unpaid and that the King prohibited upon paine of his grievous displeasure that any man should make suit or intreaty to him on the behalfe of either of these two Dukes Those sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oath That they should not converse together in forraine Regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their Common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to revenge But this policy was over weake for this purpose for oaths are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or revenge and if their united forces was so much to bee regarded their seperate powers was not altogether to bee contemned Therefore the latter Princes of this Realme have with more safety wholly abolished the use of abjuration and exile and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great Offenders from entring into desperate and dangerous attempts which men in misery and disgrace have more vehemency to beginne and more obstinacy to continue When the Samnites had once so enclosed the Romane Legions within certain streights that they left them neither space to fight nor way to fly but without force enforced them to yeeld they sent to Herennius Pontius an aged Ruler of their state for his advise what were best for them to doe his answer was that the Romans should be permitted to depâ—rt without any hurt losse or scorne This pleased not such as were either covetous for spoyle or cruell for blood and therefore they sent unto him the second time who then returned answer that the Romans should be put to the sword and not one man suffered to escape The contrariety of these two counsels brought the old man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the Campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which he thought best would by unexpected favour provoke the Romans to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recover strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followed Yes said the Samnites to grant them their lives yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victory doe lay upon them This is the way answered Herennius which neither winneth friends nor weakneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against us and nothing diminish the force And even so in matters of more particularity that course of punishment is out of course which doth neither reclaime the mind of men nor restraine the might from mischievous endeavours But again to our purpose The Duke of Norfolke having
now got a fall where he thought to take his rest repented his enterprise and utterly condemned his light conceit of the Kings lightnesse and so with extreame griefe and anguish of mind hee departed out of the Realme into Almaine and from thence travelled to Venice where through violence of thought and discontentment in short time he ended his dâ—yes This sentence of banishment was given against him the same day of the yeare wherein the Duke of Glocester by his wicked meanes was strangled to death at Calice The Duke of Hereford tooke his leave of the King at Elâ—ham who there stroke away foure yeares of his banishment and even offered himselfe to be fawned upon and thanked for so odious a benefit And this infortunate adventure hee neither bare out vain gloriously nor yet tooke impatiently but in the midst of his misery retained still his reputation and honour shewing no signe of sorrow or submisnesse in his countenance nor letting fall any intemperate and unseemly word The people as he departed by heaps flocked about him some to see and some to salute him lamenting his departure in such sort as though their only light and delight did then forsake them not sparing to exclaime that it was against the Law of Armes against the custome of the Realme and against all right whatsoever that he should be exiled who had done his honourable endeavour for the maintenance of his appeale This affection was the more excessive for that the Duke was driven into exile by occasion of his liberall speeches against the most hatefull persons in all the Realme and being the only noble man then alive of the popular faction the love was wholly accumulated upon him which was before divided among the rest And thus the Duke leaving England tooke shipping and passed the Seas to Calice and from thence went into France where he was honourably entertained by Charles the French King and found such favour that hee should have taken to wife the onely daughter of Iohn Duke Berrie Vncle to the King of France but King Richard fearing the sequel if the favour which was borne to the Duke of Hereford within the Realme should be strengthned with so great affinity in France cast such stops in the way that the marriage did not proceed This yeare the Lawrell trees withered almost throughout the Realme afterwards against all expectation recovered life and flourished againe The same yeare in Christmasse holydayes a deepe River which runneth betweene Snedlistorie Hareswood neare to Bedford suddenly stayed the streame so that for three miles in length the channell was left dry and no course of water did hinder passage on foot This was afterwards interpreted to presage the revolt of the people and the division which happened the yeare following to these wee may adde certaine other prodegies either forged in that fabulous age or happening commonly and of course are then onely noted when any notable accident doth ensue When K. Richard brought his first wife out of Beamâ— she had no sooner set foot within this Land but such a tempest did forthwith arise as had not beene seene many yeares before whereby divers ships within the haven were quashed to peices but especially and first of all the ship wherein the Queene was carried this was the rather observed because such stiffe stormes were likewise stirring when the King brought his second wife out of France wherein many ships perished and a great part of the Kings fardage was lost At New-castle upon Tine as two shipwrights were squaring a piece of Timber wheresoever they hewed blood issued forth in great abundance At one of the Kings palaces flyes swarmed so thicke that they obscured the ayre these fought together most fiercely so that sackfuls lay dead upon the ground and this continued so long that scarce the third part of them as it was thought remained alive many like accidents are recorded of that time but I will mainetaine neither the truth of them nor what they did pretend being a matter wherein most men are rather superstitious then not credulous and doe oftentimes repute common occurrences to be ominous when any strange event doth ensue Yet as I am loath to avouch any vaine and trifling matter so dare I not detract all truth from things anciently reported although done in an age wherein was some delight in lying many doe suppose that those things which are fatally allotted though they never be avoyded yet sometimes are foreshewen not so much that we may prevent them as that wee should prepare our selves against them In the two and twenty yeare of the raigne of K. Richard Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster dyed and was buried on the north-side of the high altar of the Cathedrall Church of S. Paul in London he was a man advised and wary in his passages of life liking better safe courses with reason then happy by chance of his owne glory hee was neither negligent nor ambitiously carefull towards the King hee carried himselfe in termes honourable enough for a moderate Prince and yet not so plausible as a vaine man would desire whereby there never happened to him any extraordinary matter either in prejudice or preferment After his death the Duchie of Lancaster did in right devolue to the Duke of Hereford his eldest sonne but the King as the nature of man is inclinable to hate those whom he hath harmed seazed all the Lands and goods which appertained to the Duke of Lancaster into his owne hands and determined to perpetuate the banishment of Duke Henry his sonne revoking the Letters Patents which were graunted to him at his departure whereby his generall Atturnies were enabled to prosecute his causes and sue Liverie of any inheritance which during his exile might fall unto him his homage being respited for a reasonable fine The King supposed his estate more safe by the weaknesse and want of the Duke whom he had now in some jealousie and doubt but these violent dealings were meanes rather to provoke his mischiefes then to prevent them for by injurious suppressing of the Dukes greatness he greatly augmented the same Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings only Vncle which remained alive had hitherto enforced his patience to endure many things against his liking but now either in disdaine of this indignity or in distrust both of his own safety and of the common tranquillity of the Realme he retyred himselfe with the Duke of Aumerle his sonne to his house at Langley supposing privatenesse to be the best defence both from danger and blame wher neither the king had judgement to discerne nor any about him had either heart or honesty to admonish him what was done amisse where an honourable fame was held suspected and a good life more in hazard then a bad protesting that none of these practises were either devised by his counsaile or done by his consent At this time the whole frame of the state was much shaken and matters of great weight and moment did hang
parts joyne their Common strength and study together so whilest one by one did fight all of them were either subdued or slaine But these newes little rejoyced the Common people they lusted not to listen thereto their common talke was to recount their common grievances to lay them together and aggravate them by construction every man more abounding in complaints then hee did in miseries Also the Noble men the principall object of cruelty beganne to discourse both their private dangers and the deformities of the State and upon opportunity of the Kings absence some of them did conspire to cut off that authority which would not bee confined and to cast it upon some other who was most like to repaire that which King Richard had ruined or if said they our power shall come short of so good a purpose yet will wee sell him both our lives and lands with glory in the field which with certainty in peace wee cannot enjoy The onely man upon whom all men resolved was Henry Duke of Hereford whom since the death of his Father they called Duke of Lancaster not at his owne motion or desire but because hee was generally esteemed meet as being of the Royall bloud and next by descent from males to the succession of the Crowne one that had made honourable proofe of his vertues and valour the onely man of note that remained alive of those that before had stood in armes against the King for the behoofe of the Common-wealth for which cause hee was deepely touched at that time both in honour and in state This attempt pleased as possible to prove and of necessity to be followed whereupon they secretly dispatched their letters to the Duke solliciting his speedy returne into England and declaring that as well for the benefit of the Realme as for their owne particular safety they were forced to use force against King Richard that if it would please him to make the head they would furnish him the body of an able army to expell the King from his unfortunate government and to settle the possession of the Crowne in him who was more apt and able to sustaine the same that they would not provide him a base multitude onely and they themselves helpe in bare wishâ—s and advise but would also adjoyne their hands and their lives so that the perill should be common to all the glory only his if fortune favoured the enterprise These letters were conveyed by men crafty and bold yet of sure credit and inward in trust with the Duke who passing into France first associated unto them Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury and at that time whether deservedly or without cause an exile in France then they travelled by severall wayes and in counterfeit attire to Paris where all met at the House of one Clugney where the Duke then sojourned After some courtesies of course with welcome on the one side and thanks on the other and joy of both the Archbishop of Canterbury having obtained of the Duke privacy and silence made unto him a solemne oration in these words or to this sense following Wee are sent unto you right high and Noble Prince from the chiefe Lords and States of our land not to seeke revenge against our King upon private injury and displeasure nor upon a desperate discontentment to set the State on fire nor to procure the ambitious advancement of any particular person but to open unto you the deformities and decayes of our broken estate and to desire your aid in staying the ruinous downefall of the same The remembrance of the honourable reputation that our Countrey hath borne and the Noble acts which it hath atchieved doth nothing else but make the basenesse more bitter unto us whereinto it is new fallen Our victorious armes have heretofore beene famous and memorable not onely within the bounds of our Ocean-Sea and in the Ilands adjoyning unto us but also in France in Spaine and in other parts of Europe yea in Asia and in Africk against the Infidels and Barbarians so that all Christian Princes have beene either glad to imbrace our friendship or loath to provoke us to hostility But now the rude Scots whose spirits we have so many times broken brought on their knees do scornefully insult upon us the naked and fugitive Irish have shaked oft our shackles and glutteth themselves upon us with massacres and spoiles with these wee dayly fight not for glory but to live insomuch as we are become a pitty to our friends and a very jeast to our most base and contemptible enemies Indeed the King hath both sent and led great armies into these Countries but in such sort that they have much wasted the Realme with their maintenance but neither revenged nor relieved it with their armes and no mervaile for all our diligent and discreet leaders the very sinewes of the field are either put to death or banished or else ly buried in obscurity and disgrace and the marshalling of all affaires is committed without any respect of sufficiency or desert to the counsaile and conduct of those who can best apply themselves to the Kings youthfull delights Among these ancient Nobility is accompted a vaine jeast wealth and vertue are the ready meanes to bring to destruction It grieves mee to speake but it helpeth not to hide that which every man seeth our Ancestours lived in the highest pitch and perfection of liberty but wee of servility being in the nature not of subjects but of abjects and flat slaves not to one intractable Prince onely but to many proud and disdainefull favorites not alwayes the same but ever new and no sooner have wee satisfied some but fresh hungry Masters are streight wayes set upon us who have more endammaged us by extortion and bribes then the enemy hath done by the sword What unusuall kinds of exactions are dayly put in practise without either measure or end oftentimes without need or if any be it proceedeth rather upon riotous expenses then any necessity of honourable charge and great summes of money are pulled and pilled from good subjects to bee throwne away amongst unprofitable unthrifts And if any man openeth his mouth against these extorted taxations then either by feined imputation of capitall crimes or by small matters aggravated or else by open cruelty and force his life or liberty is forth with hazarded It were too tedious too odious too frivolous to put you in mind of particular examples as though your owne estate and the lamentable losse of your Vncle and other Noble friends could bee forgotten yea I suppose that there is no man of quality within the Realme who either in his owne person or in his neerest friends doth not plainely perceive that no man enjoyeth the safegard of his goods and suerty of his body but rich men in the one and great men in the other are continually endangered This then is our case but what is our remedy we have endured and we have entreated but our patience
in his stead these are not all and yet enough to cleare this action of rarenesse in other Countries and novelty in our The difficulty indeed is somewhat because the excellency is great but they that are afraid of every bush shall never take the bird and your selfe had once some triall hereof when without battaile without bloud or blowes you had the King at such a lift as hee held his Crowne at your courtesie even at that time when his grievances were neither for greatnesse nor continuance so intollerable as now they are growne and by reason of his tender yeares not out of all compasse both of excuse for the fault and of hope for amendment And as concerning the lawfulnesse Nay said the Duke where necessity doth inforce it is superfluous to use speech either of easinesse or of lawfulnesse necessity will beate thorow brasen walles and can bee limited by no lawes I have felt very deeply my part in these calamities and I would you knew with what griefe I have beheld yours for what other reward have I received of all my travailes and services but the death of my Vncle dearest friends my owne banishment the imprisonment of my Children and losse of my inheritance and what have beene returned to you for your bloud so often shed in his unfortunate warres but continuall tributes scourges gallowes and slavery I have made sufficient proofe both of patience in my owne miseries and of pitty in yours remedy them hitherto I could not If now I can I will not refuse to sustaine that part which your importunity doth impose upon mee if wee prevaile we shall recover againe our liberty if we loose our State shall bee worse then now it is and since we must needs perish either deservingly or without cause it is more honourable to put our selves upon the adventure either to winne our lives or to dye for desert and although our lives were safe which indeed are not yet to abandon the State and sleepe still in this slavery were a point of negligence and sloath It remaineth then that wee use both secrecy and celerity laying hold upon the oportunity which the Kings absence hath now presented unto us for in all enterprises which never are commended before they bee atchieved delayes are dangerous and more safe it is to bee found in action then in counsaile for they that deliberate onely to rebell have rebelled already So the Messengers departed into England to declare the Dukes acceptance and to make preparation against his arrivall both of armour and of subjection and desire to obey Presently after their departure the Duke signified to Chaâ—les King of France that hee had a desire to goe into Britaine to visite Iohn Duke of Britaine his friend and kinsman The King suspecting no further fetch sent letters of commendation in his favour to the Duke of Britaine but if hee had surmised any dangerous drift against King Richard who not long before had taken his Daughter to wife in stead of letters of safe conduct hee would have found letts to have kept him safe from disturbing his Sonne in lawes estate As soone as the Duke was come into Britaine hee waged certaine souldiers and presently departed to Calis and so committed to Sea for England giving forth that the onely cause of his voyage was to recover the Dutchy of Lancaster and the rest of his lawfull inheritance which the King wrongfully detained from him In this company was Thomas Arundel the Archbishop of Canterbury and Thomas the Sonne and Heire of Richard late Earle of Arundel who was very young and had a little before escaped out of prison and fled into France to the Duke The residue of his attendants were very few not exceeding the number of fifteene lances so that it is hard to esteeme whether it was greater marvaile either that he durst attempt or that he did prevaile with so small a company but his chiefest confidence was in the favour and assistance of the people within the Realme So he did beare with England yet not in a streight course but sloated along the shoare making head sometimes to one coast and sometime to another to discover what forces were in a readines either to resist or receive him As he was in this sort hovering on the Seas Lord Edmund Duke of Yorke the Kings Vnâ—le to whom the King had committed the custody of the Realme during the time of his absence called unto him Edmund Stafford Bishop of Chichester Lord Chancellour and William Soroupe Earle of Wiltshire Lord Treasurour of of the Realme also Sir Iohn Bushy Sir Henry Greene Sir William Bagot Sir Iohn Russell and certaine others of the Kings Privy Councell and entred into deliberation what was best to be done At the last it was concluded deceitfully by some unskilfully by others and by all perniciously for the King to leave the Sea coasts and to leave London the very Walles and Castle of the Realme and goe to S. Albons there to gather strength sufficient to encounter with the Duke It is most certain that the Dukes side was not any wayes â—oore furthered then by this dissembling and deceiveable dealing for open hostility and armes may openly and by armes be resisted but privy practises as they are hardly espied so are they seldome avoided And thus by this meanes the Duke landed about the feast of S. Martin without let or resistance at Ravenspur in Houldernesse as most Writers affirme Presently after his arrivall there resorted to him Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland and Lord Henry his Sonne Earle of Westmerland Lord Radulph Nevil Lord Rose Lord Willoughby and many other personages of honour whose company encreased reputation to the cause and was a great countenance and strength to the Dukes further purposes And first they tooke of him an oath that he should neither procure nor permit any bodily harme to bee done unto King Richard whereupon they bound themselves upon their honours to prosecute all extremities against his mischievous Counsailors And this was one step further then that which the Duke pretended at the first when hee tooke shipping at Calis which was onely the recovery of his inheritance but that was as yet not determined nor treated and of some perhaps not thought upon which afterwards it did ensue and so was that place easily insinuated into by degrees which with maine and direct violence would hardlier have beene obtained Then the common people desperate upon new desires and without head head-long to matters of innovation flocked very fast to these Noble men the better sort for love to the Common-wealth some upon a wanton levity and vaine desire of change others in regard of their owne distressed and decayed estate who setting their chloâ—e hopes and devices upon a generall disturbance were then most safe when the common state was most unsure So betweene the one and the other the multitude did in short time increase to the number of threescore thousand able souldiers The Duke finding
farre that all hope of pardon is extinct so that if we should shrinke back and break off the enterprise no mercy is to bee expected but butchery and gibbets and all extremities if we drive off and delay the accomplishment therof wee shall loose the opportunity which now is offered and open to our enemies occasion of advantage For the peoples blood is up now on our side and nothing is wanting but our owne diligence and care let us not therefore trifle out the time of doing in talking and deliberating it is best striking whilst the iron is hot let us set forth roundly and possesse our selves with speed of all the parts of the Realme and so we shall be able either to keepe out our concurrent or else to entertaine him little to his liking So troops of men were sent into every quarter of the Realme to secure them for making strength on the part of King Richard but the people in all places as men broken with many burthens did easily entertaine the first Commer and were not curious to side with the stronger The Duke pursued those of the Kings Privie Councell which fled away from the Duke of Yorke bearing himselfe with great cheare and courage as confident in the cause and secure of the event When he came at Bristow hee found the Castle fortified against him but in short time hee forced it and tooke therein Sir Iohn Bushy Sir Henry Greene and W. Scroupe L. Treasurer a joyfull prey to the common people who fearing that if execution should be deferred Petitions for pardon might happen to prevaile and so their cruelties and injuries should be answered with the vaine title and commendation of clemency did violently require them unto death no respite could be obtained no defence admitted no answer heard yea their humble and submisse intreaty was interpreted to argue a weake and broken courage upon a guilty conscience which more incensed the rage of the people crying out that they were traytors blood-suckers theeves and what other hainous tearmes insulting fury did put into their mouthes at which clamorous and importunant instance the day following they were beheaded Sir VVilliam Bagot came not with them to Bristow but turned to Chester and the pursuit being made after the most hee alone escaped into Ireland This execution partly because it pleased the people and partly because it excluded all hope of the Kings pardon caused them to cleave more closely to the Duke which greatly increased both his glory and his hope having offers of so large aid need of so little In the meane time this newes of the Dukes arrivall and of other occurrences part true part false part enlarged by circumstance as fame groweth in the going was blowne over to the King being then entangled with other broyles in Ireland at the receipt whereof he caused the sonnes of the Duke of Glocester of the Duke of Lancaster to be imprisoned in the strong Castle of Trim which is in Ireland and for dispatch to returne into England leâ—t many matters unfinished most of his provision behind hasting and shuffling up as present necessity did enforce So being both unskilfull and unfortunate himselfe and devoid of good direction with more haste then good hap hee tooke shipping with the Duke of Aumerle Exceter and Surry the Bishops of London Lincolne and Caerliele and many other men of quality and crossing the seas landed at Milford-Haven in Wales in which countrimen he alwayes reposed his chiefest surety and trust but then he saw contrary to his expectation that as well there as in all other places the people by plumps flocked to the Duke fled from him yea they that came with him began for to waver no man encouraging them to be constant but many to revolt This suddaine change not looked for not thought upon disturbed all the Kings devises made him irresolute what he should doe on the one side hee saw his cause and quarrell to be right and his conscience he said cleare from any bad demerite on the other side he saw the great strength of his enemies and the whole power of the Realme bent against him and being more abashed by the one then emboldned by the other hee stood perplexed in uncertaine termes either where to stay or whither to stir having neither skill nor resolution himselfe in cases of difficulty and obnoxious to hurtfull and unfaithfull counsaile Some advised him to martch forward and pierce deeper into the land before his own forces fell from him affirming that valour is seconded by fortune that this courage of his would confirme the constancy of his souldiers and his presence put the people in remembrance of their saith that in all places he should find some who for favour or for hire or else for duty would adhere unto him whereby hee should soone gather strength sufficient to joyne issue with his enemy in the field Others perswaded him to retire againe into Ireland and then if succour failed him in England to wage souldiers out of other countries But the King being no man of action in military affaires rejected both the counsailes as neither venturous enough with the one nor warie enough with the other and taking a middle course which in cases of extremity of all is the worst hee determined to make stay in Wales and there to attend to what head this humour would rise The Duke upon advertisement that the King was landed in VVales removed with a strong Army from Bristow towards Chester using the first opportunity against him and which indeed was the fittest When Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester and Steward of the Kings Houshold heard of the Dukes approach he brake forth into shew of that displeasure which before he had conceived aâ—ainst the King for proclaiming his brother the Earle of Northumberland traytor and thereupon openly in the Hall in the presence of the Kings servants he brake his white rod the ensigne of his office and forthwith departed to the Duke willing every man to shift for himselfe in time by which act hee lost reputation both with the Haters and Favourers of King Richard being accounted of the one a Corrupter of the other a Forsaker and betrayer of the King After this example almost all the rest more fearefull then faithfull scattered themselves every one his way and they who in the Kings flourishing time would have contended to be formost now in his declining estate equally draw backe and like swallowes forsooke that house in the winter of fortunes boysterous blasts where they did nothing but feed and foyle in the summer of her sweet sun-shine And thus betweene faint souldiers and false friends the King was abandoned and forsaken and left almost unto himselfe looke on he might but let it hee could not as not of force to punish that which hee never forced to prevent his only remedy was patience a cold comfort his onely revenge was complaint a weake weapon betweene which two his bitternesse
of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he served in the wars of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kings which should bee annoynted therewith should bee the Champions of the Church Duke Henry delivered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked up the same in a barred Chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should be crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remayned there either not remembred or not regarded untill this present yeare wherein the King being upon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the Iewels and Monuments of his Progenitors found this Violl and Prophesie and understanding the secret was desirous to bee annoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was unlawfull and the precedent unseen that a King should be annoynted twice whereupon he brake off that purpose and took the violl with him into Ireland and when he yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishop of Canterbury demanded it of him againe and did receive and reserve the same untill the coronation of King Henry who was the first King of this Realme that was annoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse either of the authority or of the certainty of these prophesies but wee may easily observe that the greatest part of them either altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sense then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henry the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controversies in points of religion in any other extraordinary matter hee did as much make the Church Champion as shew himselfe a Champion of the Church but afterwards his successors were intitule Defendars of the faith and how in action they verified the same I refer to remembrance and report of later times Now it had beene considered that the title which was derived to King Henry from Edmund whom they surnamed Crouchbacke would be taken but for a blind and idle jest for that it was notorious that the said Edmund was neither eldest sonne to King Henry the third as it was plainely declared by an act of Parliament nor yet a mishapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant Commander in the field and so favoured of the King his Father that hee gave him both the heritages and honours of Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Baron of Monmuth who to their owne ruine and destruction had displayed seditious ensignes against the King And further to advance him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Naverne hee created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gave unto him the County Castle and Towne of Lancaster with the Forrests of Wiresdale Lounsdale New-castle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the Towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priviledges and high titles of honour Therefore King Henry upon the day of his Coronation caused to bee proclaymed that hee claymed the kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because hee was of the blood royall and next heyre male unto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March unto his secret friends and so is the Pyrate to the Merchant when hee despoyleth him of all that he hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had beene openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therefore the said Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then hee that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dint of force But such was the condition of the time that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon hee dissembled either that hee saw his wrong or that hee regarded it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by untimely opposing himselfe to have it oppressed and depressed for ever to this end hee withdrew himselfe farre from London to his Lordship of Wigmore in the West parts of the Realme and there setled himselfe to a private and close life Idlenesse and vacancy from publike affaires he accounted a vertue and a deepe point of wisdome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeeld a reckoning In revenues hee was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessive yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew either of wit and courage in his mind to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to bee envied And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared hee passed unregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so dangerous as a good opinion and taking up those coales in obscurity for a time which shortly after set all the Realme on fire King Henry presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henry being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the Realme assembled together in the Parliament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of France and of all the Dominions to them appertaining should bee united and remaine in the person of King Henry and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henry his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successor in the premises and if hee should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successively in order and to the heyres of their bodies lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sort setled in King Henry and in his line it was moved in the parliament what should be done with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes used both liberty and constancy in a good cause in his secret judgement did never give allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike untill hee might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupted by none hee rose up and with a bold and present spirit uttered his mind as followeth This question right honourable Lords concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure