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Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	duke_n	king_n	suffolk_n	2,718	5	11.8362	5	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A68475	Essays vvritten in French by Michael Lord of Montaigne, Knight of the Order of S. Michael, gentleman of the French Kings chamber: done into English, according to the last French edition, by Iohn Florio reader of the Italian tongue vnto the Soueraigne Maiestie of Anna, Queene of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, &c. And one of the gentlemen of hir royall priuie chamber; Essais. English	Montaigne, Michel de, 1533-1592.; Florio, John, 1553?-1625.; Hole, William, d. 1624, engraver.	1613 (1613)	STC 18042; ESTC S111840	1,002,565	644

enemies foolish oversight as we do of their cowardise And verily warre hath naturally many reasonable priviledges to the prejudice of reason And here failes the rule Neminem id agere vt ex alterins praedetur inscitia That no man should indeuour to pray vpon another mans ignorance But I wonder of the scope that Xenophon allowes them both by his discourse and by diverse exploits of his perfect Emperour an Author of wonderfull consequence in such things as a great Captaine and a Philosopher and one of Socrates chiefest Disciples nor do I altogether yeeld vnto the measure of his dispensation The Lord of Aubigny besieging Capua after he had given it a furious batterie the Lord Fabritius Colonna Captaine of the towne having from vnder a bas●ion or skonce begunne to parlie and his men growing negligent and carelesse in their offices and guarde our men did suddenly take the advantage offered them entered the towne over-ranne it and put all to the sworde But to come to later examples yea in our memorie the Lord Iulio Romero at Yvoy having committed this oversight to issue out of his holde to parlie with the Constable of France at his returne found the Towne taken and himselfe jack-out-of-doores But that wee may not passe vnrevenged the Marques of Pescara beleagering Genova where Duke Octavian Fregoso commanded vnder our protection and an accord between them having so long been treated and earnestly solicited that it was held as ratified and vpon the point of conclusion the Spaniards being entred the Towne and seeing themselves the stronger tooke their opportunitie and vsed it as a full and compleate victorie and since at Lygny in Barroe where the Earle of Brienne commanded the Emperour having besieged him in person and Bartholemy Lieutenant to the saide Earle being come foorth of his hold to parlie was no sooner out whilest they were disputing but the Towne was surprised and he excluded They say Fu il vincer sempre mai laudabil cosa Vincasi per fortuna ô per ingegno To be victorious evermore was glorious Be we by fortune or by wit victorious But the Philosopher Chrysippus would not have beene of that opinion nor I neither for he was woont to say That those who runne for the masterie may well employ all their strength to make speede but it is not lawfull for them to lay handes on their adversaries to stay him or to crosse legges to make him trip or fall And more generously answered Alexander the great at what time Polypercon perswaded him to vse the benefit of the advantage which the darkenesse of the night afforded him to charge Darius No no said hee it fittes not mee to hunt after night-stolne victories Malo me fortunae poeniteat quàm victoriae pudeat I had rather repent me of my fortune than be ashamed of my victorie Atque idem fugientem haud est dignatus Orodem Sternere nec ●actacaecum dare cuspide vulnus Obuius aduersóque occurrit séque viro vir Contulit haud fur to meliôr sed fortibus armis He deign'd not to strike downe Orodes flying Or with his throwne-launce blindely-wound him running But man to man afront himselfe applying Met him as more esteem'd for strength then cunning The seuenth Chapter That our intention iudgeth our actions THE common saying is that Death acquits vs of all our bondes I know some that have taken it in another sence Henry the seventh King of England made a composition with Philip sonne to Maximilian the Emperour or to give him a more honorable title father to the Emperour Charles the fift that the said Philip should deliver into his hands the Duke of Suffolke his mortall enemie who was fled out of England and saved himselfe in the Low countries alwaies provided the King should attempt nothing against the Dukes life which promise notwithstanding being neere his end he expresly by will and testament commanded his succeeding-sonne that immediately after his decease he should cause him to be put to death In the late tragedie which the Duke of Alva presented vs withall at Brussels on the Earles of Horne and Egmond were many remarkeable things and woorthie to be noted and amongst others that the said Count Egmond vpon whose faithfull word and assurance the Earle of Horne was come in yeelded himselfe to the Duke of Alva required verie instantly to be first put to death to the end his death might acquit and free him of the word and bond which he ought and was engaged for to the saide Earle of Horne It seemeth that death hath no whit discharged the former of his worde giuen and that the second without dying was quit of it We cannot be tied beyond our strength and meanes The reason is because the effects and executions are not any way in our power and except our will nothing is truely in our power on it onely are all the rules of mans dutie grounded and established by necessitie And therefore Count Egmond deeming his minde and will indebted to his promise howbeit the power to effect it lay not in his hands was no doubt cleerely absolved of his debt and dutie although he had survived the Count Horne But the King of England failing of his word by his intention cannot be excused though hee delaide the execution of his disloyaltie vntill after his death No more then Herodotus his Mason who during his naturall life having faithfully kept the secret of his Master the King of Aegypts treasure when he died discovered the same vnto his children I have in my daies seene many convicted by their owne conscience for detaining other mens goods yet by their last will and testament to dispose themselves after their decease to make satisfaction This is nothing to the purpose Neither to take time for a matter so vrgent nor with so small interest or shew of feeling to goe about to establish an injurie They are indebted somewhat more And by how much more they pay incommodiously and chargeably so much the more just and meritorious is their satisfaction Penitence ought to charge yet doe they worse who reserve the revealing of some heinous conceit or affection towards their neighbour to their last will and affection having whilest they lived ever kept it secret And seeme to have little regard of their owne honour by provoking the partie offended against their owne memory and lesse of their conscience since they could never for the respect of death cancell their ill-grudging affection and in extending life beyond theirs Oh wicked and vngodly judges which referre the judgement of a cause to such time as they have no more knowledge of causes I will as neere as I can prevent that my death reveale or vtter any thing my life hath not first publikely spoken The eight Chapter Of Idlenesse AS we see some idle-fallow grounds if they be fat and fertile to bring foorth store sundrie roots of wilde and vnprofitable weedes and that to keepe them in vrewe must subject

would set an innocent face on the matter answered that for the love and respect of his Majestie the Duke his Master would have beene very loth that such an execution should have beene done by day Heere every man may guesse whether he were taken short or no having tripped before so goodly a 〈…〉 as was that of our King Francis the first Pope Iulius the second having sent an Ambassador to the King of England to animate him against our foresaid King the Ambassador having had audience touching his charge and the King in his answer vrging and insisting vpon the difficultie he found foresaw in levying such convenient forces as should be required to withstand so mightie and set vpon so puisant a King and alleaging certaine pe●●ment reasons The Ambassador fondly and vn●itly replied that him-selfe had long before maturely considered them and had told the Pope of them By which answer so farre from his proposition which was with all speed without more circumstances to vndertake and vngergoe a dangerous warre the King of England tooke hold of the first argument which in effect he afterward found true which was that the said Ambassador in his owne particular intent was more affected to the French side whereof advertising his master his goods were all con●iscate himselfe disgraced and he very hardly escaped with life The tenth Chapter Of readie or slowe speech One ne furent à tous toutes graces donnes All Gods good graces are not gone To all or of all any one So doe we see that in the gift of eloquence some have such a facility and promptitude and that which we call vtterance so easie and at command that at all assaies and vpon everie occasion they are ready and provided and others more slow never speake any thing except much laboured and premeditated As Ladies and daintie Dames are taught rules to take recreations and bodily exercises according to the advantage of what they have fairest about them If I were to give the like counsel in those two different advantages of eloquence whereof Preachers and pleading lawiers of our age seeme to make profession the slowe speaker in mine opinion should be the better preacher and the other the better lawier For somuch as charge of the first allowes-him as much leisure as he pleaseth to prepare him-selfe moreover his cariere continueth still in one kinde without interruption whereas the Lawyers occasions vrging him still vpon any accident to be ready to enter the lists and the vnexpected replies answers of his advers partie do often divert him from his purpose where he is enforced to take a new course Yet is-it that at the last enter-view which was at Marseilles betweene Pope Clemens the seventh and Francis the first our King it hapned cleane-contrarie where Monsieur Poyet a man of chiefe reputation all daies of his life brought vp to plead at the bar whose charge being to make an Oration before the Pope and having long time before premeditated and con'd the same by roat yea as some report brought it with him ready-penned from Paris the very same day it should have beene pronounced the Pope suspecting he might happily speake something might offend the other Princes Ambassadors that were about him sent the argument which he at that time and place thought fittest to be treated of to the king but by fortune cleane contrarie to that which Poyet had so much studied for So that his Oration was altogether frustrate and he must presently frame another But he perceiving himselfe vnable for-it the Cardinall Bellay was faineto supply his place and take that charge vpon him The Lawyers charge is much harder than the Preachers yet in mine opinion shall we find more passable Lawyers then commendable Preachers at least in France It seemeth to be more proper to the mind to have her operation ready sudden and more incident to the judgement to have it slow and considerate But who remaineth mute if he have no leisure to prepare himselfe and he likewise to whom leisure giveth no advantage to say better are both in one selfe degree of strangenesse It is reported that Seuerus Cassius spake better extempore and without premeditation That he was more beholding to fortune then to his diligence that to be interrupted in his speech redounded to his profit that his adversaries feared to vrge-him lest his sudden anger should redouble his eloquence I know this condition of nature by experience which can-not abide a vehement and laborious premeditation except it hold a free a voluntarie and selfe-pleasing course it can never come to a good end We commonly say of some compositions that they smell of the oile of the lampe by reason of a certaine harshnesse and rudenesse which long plodding labour imprints in them that be much elaborated But besides the care of well-doing and the contention of the minde over-stretched to her enterprise doth breake and impeach the-same even as it hapneth vnto water which being closely pent-in through it's owne violence and abundance can not finde issue at an open gullet In this condition of nature whereof I now speake this also is ioyned vnto it that it desireth not to be pricked forward by these strong passions as the anger of Cassius for that motion would be over-rude it ought not to be violently shaken but yeeldingly solicited it desireth to be rouzed and prickt forward by strange occasions both present and casuall If it goe all-alone it doth but languish and loyter behinde agitation is her life and grace I cannot well containe my selfe in mine owne possession and disposition chaunce hath more interest in it than my selfe occasion company yea the change of my voice drawes more from my minde than I can finde therein when by my selfe I second and endevor to employ the same My words likewise are better than my writings if choise may be had in so woorthlesse things This also hapneth vnto me that where I seeke my selfe I finde not my selfe and I finde my selfe more by chaunce than by the search of mine owne judgement I shall perhaps have cast-foorth some suttletie in writing happily dull and harsh for another but sinooth and curious for my selfe Let vs leave all these complements and quaintnesse That is spoken by everie man according to his owne strength I have so lost it that I wot not what I would have said and strangers have sometimes found it before me Had I alwaies a razor about me where that hapneth I should cleane raze my selfe out Fortune may at some other time make the light thereof appeare brighter vnto me than that of mid-day and will make mee woonder at mine owne faltring or sticking in the myre The eleuenth Chapter Of Prognostications As touching Oracles it is very certaine that long before the comming of our Sauiour Iesus Christ they had begun to loose their credit for we see that Cicero laboureth to finde the cause of their declination and these be his words

Boeotians which Xenophon who was there present saith To have beene the whottest and rudest that ever he had seene Agesilaus refused the advantage which fortune presented him to let the battalion of the Boeotians passe and to charge them behind what certaine victorie soever he saw likely to follow the same esteeming that it were rather skill then valour and to shew his prowesse and matchlesse-haughtie courage chose rather to charge them in the front of their forces But what followed He was well beaten and himselfe sore-hurt and in the end compelled to leave his enterprise and embrace the resolution which in the beginning he had refused causing his men to open themselves to give passage vnto that torrent of the Boeotians who when they were pastthrough perceiving them to march in disaray as they who perswaded themselves to be out of all danger he pursued them and charged them flank-wise All which notwithstanding he could never put to route or force them run-away for they orderly and faire and softly made their retreit ever shewing their face vntill such time as they got safely into their houlds and trenches The sixe and fortieth Chapter Of Names WHat diversitie soever there-be in hearbs all are shuffled-vp together vnder the name of a sallade Even so vpon the consideration of names I will heer huddlevpa gallymafrie of diverse articles Every severall nation hath some names which I wot not how are sometimes taken in ill part as with vs Iacke Hodge Tom Will Bat Benet and so forth Item it seemeth that in the genealogies of Princes there are certaine names fatally affected as Ptolomeus with the Aegyptians Henries in England Charles in France Baldwins in Flanders and Williams in our ancient Aqustanie whence some say came the name of Gui●nne which is but a cold invention As if in Plato himselfe there were not some as harsh and ill-founding Item it is an idle matter yet neverthelesse by reason of the strangenesse worthie the memorie and recorded by an oculare witnesse that Henrie Duke of Normandie sonne to Henrie the second King of England making a great feast in France the assemblie of the Nobilitie was so great that for pastimes sake being by the resemblance of their names divided into severall companies in the first were found a hundred and ten Kinghts sitting at one table and all called Williams besides private Gentlemen and servants It is as pleasant to distribute the tables by the names of the assistants as it was vnto Geta the Emperor who would have all his messes or dishes served-in at his table orderly according to the first letters of their names As for example those that began with P. as pig pie pike puddings pouts porke pancakes c. were all served in together and so of all the rest Item it is a common saying That it is good to have a good name As much to say good credit or good reputation Yet verely it is verie commodious to have a well-sounding and smooth name and which is easie to be pronounced and facile to be remembred For Kings Princes Lords and Magistrates know and remember vs the better by them and will not so soone forget-vs Marke but of those that serve and follow-vs whether we doe not more ordinarily commaund and sooner employ such whose names come readier to our tongue or memorie I have seene our King Henrie the second who could never ● it on the right name of a Gentleman of Gascoigne and did ever call a Ladie waiting on the Queene by the generall surname of hir house because that of hir father was so harsh and hard to be remembred And Socrates saith It ought to be a fathers speciall care to give his children good and easie-sounding names Item it is reported that the foundation of our Ladie the great at Poitiers had this beginning A licentious yoong man having his dwelling house where the Church now standeth had one night gotten a wench to lie with him who so soone as she came to bed he demaunded hir name who answered Marie The yong man hearing that name was sodainly so strucken with a motive of religion and an awefull respect vnto that sacred name of the virgin Marie the blessed mother of our Saviour and Redeemer that he did not only presently put hir away from him but reformed all the remainder of his succeeding life And that in consideration of this miracle there was first erected a Chappell in the place where this yong mans house stood consecrated vnto that holy name and afterward the faire great church which yet continueth This vocale and auricular correction and so full of devotion strucke right vnto his soule This other following of the same kind insinuated itselfe by the corporall sences Pythagoras being in companie with two yong men whom he heard complot and consult being somewhat heated with feasting and drinking to go and ravish a chast-house commaunded immediatly the minstrels to change their tune and so by a solemne grave severe and spondaicall kind of musicke did sweetly inchaunt allay and in-trance their rashviolent and lawlesse lust Item shall nor succeeding posteritie say that our moderne reformation hath been exact and delicate to have not onely oppugned and resisted errors and vices and filled the world with devotion humilitie obedience peace and every other kind of vertue but even to have combated their ancient names of baptisme Charles Lewis Francis to people the world with Methusalem Ezechiel Malachie much better feeling of a lively faith A Gentleman my neighbour esteeming the commodities of ancient times in regard of our daies forgot not to aledge the fiercenesse and magnificence of the names of the Nobilitie of those times as Don Grumedan Quedragan and Agesilan And that but to heare them sounded a man might easilie perceive they had been other manner of men then Peter Gui●●o● or Michell Item I commend and am much beholding to Iames Amiot in the course of a French oration of his to have still kept the full ancient Latin names without disguising or changing them to give them a new-French cadence At the first they seemed somewhat harsh vnto the Reader but now by reason of the credit which his Plutarke hath deservedly gotten amongst-vs custome hath removed all strangenesse from-vs I have often wished that those who write histories in Latin would leave-vs our names whole and such as they are For altering Va●demont to Vallemontanus and metamorphosing them by suring them to the Graecian or Latin tongue we know not what to make of them and are often at a non-plus To conclude my discourse It is an ill custome and of exceeding bad consequence in our countrie of France to call every man by the name of his Towne Mannor Hamlet or Lordship as the thing that doth most confound houses and bring sur-names out of knowledge A cadet or yonger-brother of a good house having had for his appanage a Lordship by whose name he hath beene knowne and honored cannot well forsake and leave the same ten yeares

than make him die Moreouer that the desire of revenge is thereby alayed and better contented for it aymeth at nothing so much as to give or shew a motion or feeling of reuenge onely of her selfe And that 's thereason reason we doe not chalenge a beast or fall vpon a stone when it hurts vs because they are incapable to feele our ren●nge And to kill a man is to shelter him from our offence And euen as Bias exclaimed vpon a wicked man I know that soone or late thou shalt be punished for thy lewdnes but I feare me I shall not see it And moaned the Orchomenians because the penance which Liciscus had for his treason committed against them came at such a time as none of them were living whome it had concerned and whom the pleasure of that punishment might most delight So ought revenge to be moaned when he on whom it is inflicted looseth the meanes to endure or feel it For even as the revenger will see the action of the revenge that so he may feele the pleasure of it so must he on whom he is revenged both see and feele that he may hereby receive both repentance and griefe He shall rew it say we And though he receive a stabbe or a blow with a pistoll on his head shall we thinke he will repent Contrariwise if we marke him well we shall perceive that in falling he makes a moe or bob at vs Hee is farre from repenting when hee rather seemes to be beholding to vs In asmuch as we affoord him the favourablest office of life which is to make him dye speedily and as it were insensibly We are left to shift vp and downe runne and trot and squat heere and there and all to avoy de the Officers or escape the Magistrates that pursue vs and he is at rest To kill a man is good to escape a future offonce and not revenge the wrougs past It is rather an action of feare than of bravery Of precaution than of courage Of defence than of an enterprise It is apparant that by it we quit both the true end of revenge and the respect of our reputation If he live we feare he will or may charge vs with the like It is not against him it is for thee thou riddest thy selfe of him In the Kingdome of Narsinga this expedient would be bootlesse There not onely Souldiers and such as professe armes but euery meane Artificer decide their quarels with the Swordes point The King neuer refuseth anie man the combate that is disposed to fight And if they be men of qualitie he will be by in person and reward the Victor with a chaine of Gold Which whosoeuer hath a mind vnto and will obtaine it may freely chalenge him that weareth the same and enter combate with him And hauing overcome one combate hath many following the same If we thought by vertue to be ever superiors vnto our enemy and at our pleasure gourmandize him it would much grieve vs he should escape vs as he doeth in dying We rather endevor to vanquish surely than honourably And in our quarrels we rather seeke for the end than for the glory Asinius Pollio for an honest man lesse excusable committed a like fault Who hauing written certaine invectives against Plancus staide vntill he were dead to publish them It was rather to flurt at a blind man and raile in a dead-mans eare and to offend a sencelesse man than incurre the danger of his revenge And men answered in this behalfe that it onely belonged to Hobgoblins to wrestle with the dead He who staieth till the Author be dead whose writings hee will combate what saith he but that he is weake and quarrellous It was told Aristotle that some body had spoken ill of him to whom he answered Let him also whippe me so my selfe be not by Our forefathers were contented to revenge an iniurie with a lie a lie with a blowe a blowe with bloud and so in order They were sufficiently valiant not to feare their adversary though he lived aud were wronged Whereas we quake for feare so long as we see him a foote And that it is so doth not our moderne practize pursue to death as well him who hath wronged vs as him whom we have offended It is also a kinde of dastardlinesse which hath brought this fashion into onr single combates to accompany vs into the field with seconds thirdes and fourths They were aunciently single combates but now they are skirmishes and battels To be alone feared the first that invented it Quum in se cuique minimum fiduciae esset When every man had least confidence in himselfe For what company soever it be it doth naturally bring some comfort ease in danger In ancient time they were wont to employ third persons as sticklers to see no trechery or disorder were vsed and to beare witnes of the combates successe But now this fashion is come vp let any man be engaged whosoever is envited cannot well containe himselfe to be a spectator lest it be imputed vnto him it is either for want of affection or lacke of courage Besides the injustice of such an action and villany for your honours protection to engage other valour and force then your owne I finde it a disadvantage in an honest and worthie man and who wholly trusts vnto himselfe to entermingle his fortune with a second man every one runneth sufficient hazard for himselfe and neede not also runne it for another And hath enough to doe to assure himselfe of his owne vertue for the defence of his life without committing so precious a thing into third menshandes For if the contrarie hath not expressely beene covenanted of all foure it is a combined party If your fellow chance to faile you have two vpon you and not without reason And to say it is a Superchiery as it is indeed as being wel armed to charge a man who hath but a piece of a sword or being sound and strong to set vpon a man fore hurt But if they bee advantages you have gotten fighting you may vse them without imputation Disparitie is not considered and inequality is not balanced but by the state wherein the fight is begunne As for the rest you must rely on fortune and if alone or single you chance to have three vpon you your other two companions being slaine you have no more wrong done you than I should offer in Wars in striking an enemie whom at such an advantage I should finde grapled with one of my Fellow Souldiers The nature of societie beareth where troupe is against troupe as where our Duke of Orleans chalenged Henry King of England one hundred against another hundred three hundred against as many as did the Argians against the Lacedemonians three to three as were the Horatij against the Curatij the pluralitie of either side is never respected for more than a single man Whersoever there is company the hazard is confused and disordered I have a

to kill not onely his dessigne but added more-over that in his campe there were a great many Romanes who had vndertaken and sworne the verie same enterprise and were confederates with him And to make shew of his dread lesse magnanimitie having caused a pan of burning coales to be brought he saw and suffred his right arme in penance that it had not effected his project to be par●hed and wel-nigh rosted off vntill such time as his enemie himselfe feeling a kind of remorce full horror commaunded the fire to be caried away What shall we say of him that would not vouchsafe to leave or so much as to interrupt the reading of his booke whil'st he had an incision made into him And of him who resolved to skoffe and laugh even in spight and contempt of the tortures which were inflicted vpon him so that the raging crueltie of the hangmen that held him and all the inventions of torments that could be devised being redoubled vpon him one in the necke of another gave him over But he was a Philosopher What of one of Caesars gladiators who with a cheerefull and smiling countenance endured his wounds to be slit and sounded Quis mediocris gladiator ingemuit Quis vultum mutavit vnquam Quis non modò stet●● verùm etiam decubuit turpiter Quis ●ùm decubuisset ferrum recipere ●●ssus collum contraxit What meane Fencer hath once gro●ed Which of them hath once changed his countenance Which of them not onely hath s●ood vp but even falne with shame Which of them when he was downe and was willed to take his death did once shrinke-in his necke But let vs joyne some women vnto them Who hath not heard of hir at Paris which onely to get a fresher hew of a new skin endured to have hir face flead all over There are some who being ●ound and in perfit health have had some teeth puld-out thereby to frame a daintier and more pleasing voyce or to set them in better order How many examples of contempt of paine or smart have we of that kind and sex What can they not doe What will they not doe What feare they to doe So they may but hope for some amendment of their beautie Vellere queis cura est albos à stirpe capillos Et faci●m dempta pelle r●ferre novam Who take great care to roote out their gray haire And skinne fleade off a new face to repaire I haue seene some swallow gravell ashes coles dust tallow candles and for the no●ce labour and toyle themselves to spoile their stomacke onely to get a pale bleake colour To become slender in wast and to have a straight spagnolized body what pinching what guirding what cingling will they not indure Yea sometimes with yron-plates with whale-bones and other such trash that their very skinne and quicke flesh is eaten-in and consumed to the bones Whereby they sometimes worke their owne death It is common to divers nations of our times to hurte and gash themselves in good earnest to give credit to their words And our king reporteth sundrie examples of what himselfe sawe in Poloni● and towards himselfe But besides what I know to have by some been imitated in France when I came from the famous Parliament of Blois I had a little before seene a wench in Picardi● to witnes the vehemencie of hir promises and also hir constancie with the bodkin she wore in hir haire to give hir-selfe foure or five thrusts in hir arme which made hir skinne to crack and gush out blood The Turkes are wont to wound and scarre themselves for their Ladies sakes and that the marke may the better appeare and continue the longer they wil presently lay fire vpon the cuttes and to stanch the blood and better to forme the cicatrice they will keepe-it on an incredible while Honest men that have seene it have written the same and sworne it vnto me And for ten Aspers you shall dayly finde some amongst them that will give themselves a deepe gash with a Scimitarie either in their armes or thighes I am very glad witnesses are so readie at hand where we have most need of them For Christendome affordeth many And after the example of our holy guide there have beene divers who for devotion would needes beare the crosse We learne by a worthy testimonie of relig●on that Saint Lewes the King wore a haire-shirt vntill such time as he was so aged that his confessor gave him a dispensation for-it and that every friday he caused his priests to beate his shoulders with five little yron chaines which to that purpose were ever caried with his night-geare William our last duke of Guienne father to that Eleonore who transferred that Dutchie vnto the houses of France and England the last ten or twelve yeares of his life for penancesake wore continually a cor●elet vnder a religious habit Foulkes Earle of A●●ou went to Ierusalem there with a rope about his necke to be whiped by two of his servants before our Saviours sepulchre Do we not vpon every good-friday in sundrie places see a great number of men and women scourge and beate themselves so long till they bruse and teare their flesh even to the bones I have often seene it my selfe and that without enchantment And some say for they are masked there were some amongst them who for monie would vndertake thereby to warrant other mens religion by a contempt of smart full paine so much the greater by how much the stings of devotion are of more force th● those of covetousnes Q. Maximus buried his son who had beene Consul Marcus Ca●o his being elected Pretor and L. Paulus both his within few daies with so cheerefull and setled a countenance and with out any shew of sorrowe I have sometimes by way of ●esting tolde one that he had confronted divine iustice For the violent death of three tall children of his comming vnto his cares all vpon one day and sent-him as it may be imagined as a great scourge he was so farre from mourning that he rather tooke it as a favour and singular gratification at Gods hande I doe not follow these monstrous humors Yet have I lost two or three my selfe whilst they were yong and at nurce if not without apprehension of sorrow yet without continuance of griefe And there is no accident woundeth men ac●p●r or goeth so neere the heart as the losse of children I see divers other common occasions of affliction which were I assailed by them I should scarcely feele And I have contemned and neglected some when it hath pleased God to visit me with them on which the world setteth so vglie and balefull a countenance that I hardly dare boast of them without blushing Ex quo intelligitur non in natura sed in opinione esse aegretudinem Whereby it is vnderstood that griefe consisteth not in nature but opinion Opinion is a power full boold and vnmeasurable party Who doth ever so greedily search after